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In concluding a work which has cost me many 
years of labour, it may not be out of place to state 
why I first undertook it and what I have tried to 
accomplish. Believing that the entrance of Chris- 
tianity into the world is the central fact of man’s 
history, the key to all that preceded and all that has 
followed it, | have always esteemed it to be the highest 
office of classical scholarship to throw light upon the 
state of thought and feeling in the two great nations 
of antiquity at the time of the birth of Christ. It 
is as a contribution to such an inquiry that the 
treatise on the Nature of the Gods seems to me to 
possess a unique interest and value; not because 
Cicero was himself the most original, the most earnest, 
or the most religious thinker of his time; but because 
he, more than any other, reflects for us the best tone 
of his time, because he represents to us most truly 
its highest level of intelligence and morality. To 
what extent then do we find in his writings any 


anticipation of the religion which was to establish 
itself, not in Judaea alone but in Greece and Italy also, 
within a hundred years of his death? We find in the 
first place the way prepared for Christianity by the 
abandonment of the old polytheism. The arguments 
used against the later Paganism by such men as 
Minucius, Tertullian, Arnobius, Lactantius and even 
Augustine himself are largely borrowed from this very 
dialogue. Nor is it only in the negative direction 
that Cicero exhibits to us philosophy preparing the 
way for Christianity. That God is perfect in wisdom, 
power, and goodness, that men are his children, par- 
takers of his Spirit, that his Providence overrules all 
things to the best end, that the only acceptable 
worship is that in spirit and in truth, that virtue is a 
Divine gift, that God is the animating Spirit of the 
universe and yet has his peculiar abode in the heart 
of the virtuous, who shall hereafter be partakers of 
eternal’ blessedness in heaven,—this is the teaching 
of Balbus, as modified by the criticisms of Cicero, and 
this is also the foundation of the teaching of the New 
Testament ; it is Bishop Butler’s ‘Natural Religion’ 
in its purest form. That Christians themselves re- 
cognized a positive element of Christianity in the 
writings of Cicero is strikingly shown by the passage 
given as the motto of this volume, in which St 
Augustine describes the impression produced upon 
his own mind by the study of the Hortensius’. 

PCL Nn Ow 1-02, vie. 2 Confess. 11 4. 


But Cicero’s treatise is not only interesting from a 
historical point of view. It gains a further practical 
interest when we see him contending on behalf of 
rational religion against superstition on the one side. 
and atheism on the other; when we find him uphold- 
ing the union of reason and religion, both against 
those who placed religion outside the bounds of reason, 
making it rest on authority alone, and against those 
‘who maintained that the belief in a Divine Governour 
of the world was contrary to reason and detrimental 
to virtue and happiness. And then when we look 
onward to the further development of this contest, 
and see how the agnosticism of Cicero’s time, after 
it had served its purpose in purifying the religious 
idea from its incrustations, itself disappeared before 
the vast influx of a religion which satisfied heart and 
mind alike, may not this suggest a similar issue for 
the struggle in which we ourselves are engaged, and 
may we not recognize, under the materialistic and 
agnostic tendencies of the present, the hand of God’s 
Providence clearing the way for a purer and more 
enlightened Christianity in the future ? 

While however my chief aim has been to illustrate 
and explain the general argument of Cicero, I have 
not knowingly passed over any minor difficulty with- 
out doing my best to clear it up. For this end I have 
carefully studied all that has been written by my 
predecessors in the same field, and I have incorporated 

in my own commentary whatever seemed of value in 


their writings. I hope that something has also been 
done for the improvement of the text in my critical 
notes, and something in the commentary and index 
to advance the knowledge of Ciceronian Latin. As 
regards the text I have always named the originator 
of any improvement; in the explanatory notes I have 
followed the example of Schémann, treating as common 
property all that had been collected up to the date of 
the last variorum edition (A.D. 1818), but naming my 
authority wherever I have borrowed from later writers, 
such as Allen or Sch6mann himself. 

In conclusion I have only to repeat my thanks to 
Mr Roby and to my brother, Prof. J. E. B. Mayor, 
for looking over the proofs of this as of my former 
volumes, and to the Syndicate of the Cambridge 
University Press for undertaking the expense of 



(1) On the Design and Execution of the Dialogue . ix—xxv 
(2) Was it published during the life-time of Cicero? xxv—xxvi 
(3) On the relations of Orelli’s MSS. to the Archetype 
and to each other . : . : ; XxXVli—xlili 
(4) The Merton Codex of Cicero’s De Natura Deorum  xliv—li 
(5) Collation of Merton Codex for Book I. ‘ : li—liv 
(6) Analysis of Book III. . : , ; ; : lv—lx 
(7) On the Sources of Book ITI. ; ; : .  Ix—tlxx 
(8) Editions and Illustrative Works . : . Ixx—lxxvi 
Addenda and Corrigenda . . : : : : . Ixxvii—lxxxvili 
Text . 1—40 
Collations of English MSS... : : : : : : 41—58 
Commentary . : ; : : ; : ; : . 59—199 
Appendix . 199—209 
Index. 210—247 

Usitato jam discendi ordine perveneram in librum quendam Ciceronis, 
cujus linguam fere omnes mirantur, pectus non ita. Sed liber alle rpsius 
exhortationem continet ad philosophiam et vocatur Hortensius. Ille vero 
liber mutavit affectum meum et ad te ipsum, Domine, mutavit preces meas, 
et vota ac desideria mea fecit alia. Viluit mihi repente omnis vana spes 
et immortalitatem saptentiae concupiscebam aestu cordis incredibili, et sur- 
gere coeperam ut ad te redirem. Ava. Confess. UI 4. 



CicERO’s object in writing the De Natura Deorum was partly to 
complete his systematic exposition of Greek philosophy for the benefit 
of his countrymen’; but, as theology was in his opinion the most 
important as well as the most difficult branch of philosophy, deter- 
mining the nature and even the possibility of religion, and thus involv- 
ing the very existence of morality itself’, this speculative motive 
was reinforced by practical considerations of the most momentous 
character. The greater part of mankind seemed to him to be crushed 
under the weight of a degrading superstition, from which they could 
only be delivered by the propagation of more rational views on the 
subject of religion*, A few had been driven into atheism by the 
recoil from superstition; but religious belief was natural to man, 
and the real question at issue among thinking men generally was the 
nature and manner of life of those Divine Beings whose existence 
they were compelled to acknowledge. The Epicureans boasted loudly 
of what they had done to set men free from the fetters of superstition, 
but so far as they had succeeded in doing this, it was only by aban- 
doning the belief in a providential government of the world and re- 
ducing religion to an empty form*. In fact their account of the 
Divine nature was so absurd that it was impossible to believe it 
could be seriously intended*. The Stoic doctrine was far more 

1 Div. 1 3, 4 ut nullum philosophiae locum esse pateremur qui non Latinis 
litteris illustratum pateret, cf. N. D. 19. 

2 N. D.11—4. 3 Div. 1 148—150. 

* iD. 28, 117, 121. 5 N. D. 1128, m1 3. 

M. C. III, b 


worthy of consideration. It rested on a large induction of facts and 
supplied a very noble theory of morals and religion’. Still the 
Stoics had laid themselves open to the criticism of the Academy, partly 
by their over-positiveness in doubtful matters, partly by their anxiety 
to find a justification for the popular belief in regard to divination 
and the multiplicity of gods. In his 3rd book Cicero states at 
length the Academic objections to the Stoic view, but concludes by 
avowing his own preference for the latter’. 

If we compare this treatise with one which had appeared about 
ten years before, as a posthumous work, edited by Cicero himself 
after the death of its author, I think we cannot doubt that the 
later treatise was written with distinct reference to the earlier. 
I allude to the poem of Lucretius, of which Cicero speaks in 
such high terms in a letter to his brother Quintus written in Feb. 
54 B.c., about four months after the poet’s death, Lucreti poemata, 
ut scribis, ita sunt, multis luminibus ingenii multae tamen artis, and 
to which we find several allusions in this and other writings of 
Cicero®, The avowed motive of both writers is the same, to deliver 

ND i ei, 

2 N. D. 11 94, cf. Divin. 19, 11 148. 

3 See Munro’s Lucretius Intr. p. 931 foll. and compare Lucr.1 74 with Fin. 
11 102, Luer. 11 1092 with Tusc. 1 48, Lucr. m1 983 with Fin. 1 60, Lucr. Iv 
1070 with Yusc. 1v 75, Lucr. vi 396 with Div. ur 44. The passage to 
Quintus (11 10) is thus explained by Munro p, 108, ‘‘There seems to have 
been almost a formal antithesis between the rude genius of Ennius and the 
modern art. It is not then impossible that Quintus may so have expressed 
himself on this head, that Cicero may mean to answer ‘yes, you are quite 
right in saying that Lucretius has not only much of the native genius of 
Ennius, but also much of that art which, to judge by most of the poets of the 
day, might seem incompatible with it’.”’ I should gather from the words which 
follow (sed, cum veneris, virum te putabo, si Sallustii Empedoclea legeris, hominem 
non putabo) that Quintus had announced his intention of reading the Hmpedoclea 
on his return to Rome: Cicero says ‘if you accomplish your purpose I shall 
admire your manhood (strength of will), but not think so highly of your humanity 
(feeling and taste)’. If we are to make any change in the reading, I very much 
prefer the emendation sed, si ad umbilicum veneris, virum te putabo (implying 
that Cicero, notwithstanding his admiration for the poet, shared the feeling 
of most moderns in regard to the technicalities of the Atomic System) to the 
emendation adopted by Mr G. A. Simcox in his History of Latin Literature 
(1p. 84) multae tamen artis si eum inveneris, virum te putabo; si Sallusti Empe- 
doclea leygeris, hominem non putabo, which he thus explains, ‘Cicero gives his 
brother credit for recognizing Lucretius’ genius in the many splendid passages 
of his poem, hopes he is man enough to recognize his skill as well, and tells 



mankind from the yoke of superstition. If Lucretius describes the 
state of the world, unenlightened by Epicurus, in the words hwmana 
ante oculos foede cum vita jaceret in terris oppressa gravi sub religione, 
quae caput a caeli regionibus ostendebat horribili super aspectu mor- 
talibus instans (1 63 foll.), and again faciwnt animos humiles formidine 
divom depressosque premunt ad terram (v1 52); we find Cicero (Div. 
11 148) deploring the evil in almost the same terms, nam, ut vere 
loquamur, superstitio fusa per gentes oppressit omnium fere animos 
atque hominum imbecillitatem occupavit...... Instat enim et urget et quo 
te cumque verteris persequitur, sive tu vatem, sive tu omen audieris, 
sive immolaris, sive avem aspexeris, si Chaldaeum, st haruspicem vide- 
. ris, si fulserit, si tonuerit, si tactum aliquid erit de caelo, st ostente 
simile natum factumve quippiam ; quorum necesse est plerumque alr- 
quid eveniat, ut numquam liceat quieta mente consistere. Perfugiwm 
videtur omnium laborum et sollicitudinum esse somnus. At ex eo ipso 
plurimae curae metusque nascuntur’, If Lucretius speaks of the 
everlasting punishments of Tartarus as the climax of those terrors 
which kept men all their lifetime ‘subject to bondage’, Cicero makes 
his Stoic repudiate this as a superstition which was at length felt 
even by the vulgar to be no longer endurable*. It is true that 
Cicero does not in our dialogue go so far as to speak of crimes per- 
petrated in the name of religion, as Lucretius speaks of the sacrifice of 
Iphigenia: he is content here to show the folly and misery of super- 
stition, and the inequity of the principles of action which it ascribes 
to the gods; but elsewhere he contrasts it with religion, as a spurious 

him he will sink below humanity if he can read Sallust’s Hmpedocles’. It 
is unnecessary to say more of this translation than that it loses the force of 
tamen and virum, as well as of the opposition between virum and hominem, 
I must caution my younger readers against trusting too implicitly to Mr Simcox 
where he touches on other points which concern our present treatise. The 
statement in 1 p. 80 that ‘Panaetius had adopted the orthodox doctrines of omens 
and oracles instead of the consistent and simple fatalism of the earlier Stoics’ is 
exactly the reverse of the truth, as may be seen from the passages cited in p, xxi 
of my 2nd volume and the notes on 11 162, 163, 111 93, 95; and Posidonius was 
not a Peripatetic (as is stated in vol. 11 389) but one of the most famous of the 
younger Stoics. 

1 For vates cf. N. D. 155 and Lucr. 1 102 tutemet a nobis jam quovis tempore 
vatum terriloquis victus dictis desciscere quaeres; for somnus Lucr, 1 182, tv 33; 
for quieta mens the tranquilla pax animi of Lucr. vr 78, the suave mari magno of 

2 Lucr. 1107 foll., N. D. 15,186 n. 



imitation, bearing to it the same relation as rashness to fortitude, 
craftiness to prudence, and tending to blind and stupefy the conscience. 
The same idea seems to be implied in the phrase used (1. D.1 1) 
that a knowledge of theology is necessary ad moderandam religionem’. 
Again, as the evil deplored by both writers is the same, so is the 
remedy proposed, which is in a word the scientific theory of nature, 
religio quae est juncta cum cognitione naturae (Div. 1 149), the 
physica constansque ratio, which is opposed to superstition in WV. D. 
ur 92, 11 63, Div. 1 126; in the words of Lucretius 1 146 hune igitur 
terrorem anime tenebrasque necessest non radit solis neque lucida tela 
diet discutiant, sed naturae species ratioque. Further we find both 
writers agreed as to the fact, that the Divine existence is not incon- 
sistent with the scientific theory of nature, and as to the origin of 
religious belief among mankind from the awe-inspiring phenomena 
of nature and the orderly movements of the heavenly bodies’. 

From this point however the two writers draw apart. Cicero 
accepts as valid the above-mentioned grounds of religious belief and 
adds to them the general consent of mankind, the traditional faith 
of Rome, the marks of intelligence and of benevolence visible in the 
universe ; while he ridicules the solitary evidence on which Lucre- 
tius appears to build his theology, that of dreams, and shows how 
arbitrary and inconsistent is the Epicurean idea of the ‘intermundian’ 
gods*. To the fortuitous concourse of atoms and the fortuna guber- 
nans of Lucretius he opposes the providentia gubernans of the Stoics*. 
Lastly, while it is ve/igio which is the curse of mankind according to 
Lucretius, with Cicero it is swperstitio; over and over again he dis- 
tinguishes the one from the other, as the lawful from the unlawful, 
the rational from the irrational, the holy from the unholy, and sums 
up in the words, ita /actum est in superstitioso et religioso alterum 
vit nomen, alterwm laudis, The way in which he introduces his 
distinction has the air of remonstrance against a misuse of the 
word religio (NV. D. 11 71), non enim philosophi solum (referring to 

' Luer. 1.80 foll., N. D.142, 11 70, Part. Or. 81 religionem superstitio imitatur, 
Cluent. 194 nocturna sacrificia sceleratasque ejus preces et nefaria vota cognovinus ; 
quibus illa etiam deos immortales de suo scelere testatur, neque intellegit pietate 
et religione et justis precibus deorum mentes, non contaminata superstitione neque 
ad scelus perjiciendum caesis hostiis posse placari. 

2 Lucr. v 1183—1240, N. D. 111 16, Div. 1 148. 

$ Tusc. 1 30, Leg. 1 24, Div. 1 148, N. D. m1 5, Leg. 1 25, Tusc. 1 68 foll., 
Luer. v 1161 foll., N. D.1 76 foll. 

Peels VoL O eNO. it 73, 0aF 


the Greek distinction between ebogBea and Sevordapovia already 
established in the time of Polybius, who however does not altogether 
condemn the latter in vi 56), verwm etiam majores nostri supersti- 
tionem a religione separaverunt , while at the same time the fact that 
he thinks it necessary to claim the authority of ancient usage for his 
own distinction, may perhaps be regarded as an indication that it was 
not yet fully recognized. It was apparently unknown to the author 
of the treatise ad Herennium, who couples religio with ambitio and 
other passions which impel to evil (11 34); but it seems to have been 
observed by all later writers. Thus, while Lucretius always uses religio 
in a bad sense and never uses swperstitio at all, his imitator Virgil 
reserves re/igio for what is laudable and speaks of vana superstitio vete- 
rumque ignara deorum (Aen. vit 187), and so Horace reckons tristis 
superstitio among the diseases of the mind (Sat. 11 3. 79). Perhaps 
it may be thought that the difference between Cicero and Lucretius 
is not a difference of meaning as to the word religio, but a difference 
of feeling and judgment as regards the facts denoted by the word. 
Such a view would be quite consistent with the supposition that 
Cicero’s dialogue is intended in part as a protest against the doctrine 
advocated by Lucretius; but Lucretius himself asserts more than 
once that his doctrine is not hostile to religion, as Cicero would under- 
stand that word’. In either case it seems to me clear that, while 
agreeing with Lucretius as to the evils wrought in the name of religion, 
Cicero wished to make it plain to all men that these evils did not 
flow from religion rightly understood, but from its corruption, which 
he distinguished by the name of swperstitio ; and that an indiscrimi- 
nate attack on all that went under the name of religion was even 
more injurious to society than superstition itself. 

Assuming then that Cicero had this double practical aim in 
writing his treatise, first to eradicate superstition, second, to show 
the importance of a rational religion ; and that he combines with 
this the speculative aim of completing his system and expounding to 
his countrymen the theological views of the leading Greek philo- 
sophers, we have next to consider how this design has been carried 
out? If we compare the impression produced upon us by reading the 

1 Luer. 1 80 illud in his rebus vereor ne forte rearis impia te rationis inire 
elementa...quod contra saepius illa religio peperit scelerosa atque impia facta, v 
1198 nec pietas ulla est velatum saepe videri vertier ad lapidem atque omnes ac- 
cedere ad aras,...sed mage pacata posse omnia mente tueri, vi 75 delubra deum 
placido cum pectore adibis, 


poem of Lucretius or the 10th book of Plato’s Laws with the 
impression produced by the Natura Deorwm, I think it cannot be 
denied that the latter is far less impressive than either of the former. 
Cicero is a man of extraordinary ability cultivated to the highest pitch 
by an excellent education, with the widest tastes and sympathies, and 
a mind open, as that of few Romans has been, to all impressions 
of beauty and sublimity. But, considered as a philosopher, he has 
the misfortune to be at the same time a lawyer, an orator and a man 
of the world: in his philosophical treatises we are too often conscious 
of the author holding a brief, appealing to the populace, writing 
against time and amidst countless distractions, far removed from the 
whole-hearted concentration of a Plato or a Lucretius. We must 
not wonder therefore if Cicero’s wide scheme contracts itself to the 
paraphrase or adaptation of two or three contemporary writings 
and the exposition and criticism of the Epicurean and Stoic theologies. 

Contenting ourselves with this lower aim we ask again, how it 
has been accomplished? Is the exposition clear, accurate and metho- 
dical, observing due proportion throughout? Are the arguments well 
set forth, the criticisms just and fair? Is the dialogue, as a whole, 
a finished work of art, like the dialogues of Plato? Before attempting 
to answer these questions I will quote the estimate given of Cicero’s 
physical or theological treatises by two writers of antiquity. The 
first is Velleius Paterculus, who says dum hoc vel forte vel providentia 
vel utcumque constitutum rerum naturae corpus, quod ule paene solus 
Romanorum animo vidit, ingenio complexus est, eloguentia uluminavit, 
manebit tncolume, comitem aevi sut laudem Crceronrs trahet (11 66); the 
second Macrobius, or rather the captious interlocutor in his Satwr- 
nalia (t 24, § 4), who is probably intended to be the spokesman of 
others, when he says Zullius, qui non minus professus est philo- 
sophandi studium quam loquendi, quotiens aut de natura deorum 
aut de fato aut de divinatione disputat, gloriam, quam oratione 
conflavit, incondita rerum relatione minuit. Modern readers will 
probably side with the latter view. While allowing that we 
have in this treatise a great deal of excellent sense admirably 
expressed, and that it is hardly possible to exaggerate its histo- 
rical importance as contributing to our knowledge of the religious 
philosophy of the ancients, yet, regarding it as a whole, it is 
impossible to call it a work of art, it 1s impossible to say that the 
due proportions of the subject have been observed. Each of the 
three books is disfigured by an insertion which is foreign to the 


argument and of singularly little interest in itself. The Ist is the 
historical sketch of previous philosophy from the Epicurean point of 
view, which is of much the same value, as if a historian of modern 
religious thought were to take his account of German philosophy 
from Mansel’s Bampton Lectures. The 2nd insertion is Cicero’s 
own translation of the Aratea; the 3rd and the most incompre- 
hensible of the three is the mythological section, in which he attempts 
to show that there were many separate deities confused under the 
same name. In speaking of these as insertions, I do not mean that 
the lst and 3rd are exclusively due to Cicero and had nothing 
corresponding to them in the Greek original, but that in all three 
cases a very subordinate point has been allowed to swell out beyond 
all proportion, and that in order to make room for them, matters 
of real interest and importance have been either omitted or curtailed 
to such an extent as to become themselves unintelligible. Thus, how 
willingly should we have exchanged the first insertion, either for an 
intelligent and impartial review of the growth of religious philosophy, 
or for a fuller account of the life of the ‘intermundian’ gods ; 
how willingly have dispensed with the Aratea in order to obtain 
more information as to the Stoic doctrine of the dealings of Provi- 
dence with the individual, so cruelly cut down in the concluding 
paragraphs of the Second Book; above all how gladly should we 
have escaped from the futility of the mythological section, if we 
might thereby have secured space for a reply from Balbus, or even 
for a fuller statement of the Academic argument on such a question 
as the consistency of moral virtue with the Divine nature ! 

Taking the book however as it stands with its faulty proportions, 
what are we to say of the manner in which each separate part is done? 
The introduction, which gives the key-note to the whole treatise, is 
of special importance as expressing Cicero’s own convictions in regard 
to the need of a true religious belief. ‘A mere pretence of religion’, 
he says (in reference to the Epicureans, but the same thing applies to 
an Academic like Cotta) ‘is inconsistent with any true piety, and 
without piety faith and justice cannot exist and all society is sub- 
verted.’ Piety is necessarily bound up with the belief in the pro- 
vidential government of the world; there can be no such thing as 
worship, unless we believe that the gods are interested in men and 
are able and willing to benefit them. But we must be able to give 
a reason for our faith, and not embrace an opinion without investi- 
gation, merely on the authority of others. While the Stoics have 


performed an important service in exhibiting the evidences of design 
in the outward universe, the Academy has not been without its use 
in forcing us to look at both sides of the question, and insisting on 
probability as the guide of life, since absolute certainty is unattainable 
owing to the limitation of the human faculties. 

The 2nd portion of Bk 1 contains the Epicurean polemic against 
the orthodox theology, Platonic and Stoic. It touches on many 
interesting points, but it does no more than touch on them; its 
criticism is addressed as usual to the gallery, very much in the style 
of the altercatio with Clodius, of which Cicero writes with such 
complacency to Atticus (d4é¢/. 1 3), and for the most part consists of 
a series of exclamatory questions, which are assumed to be unanswer- 
able, though the answer may be distinctly given in the words of the 
treatise criticized’. The more rational objections, such as those which 
turn on the possibility of Creation at a particular moment of time, 
on the motives which could be supposed to influence the Creator, on 
the imperfection visible in the work of Creation, are never directly 
met by succeeding speakers. No one seems to pay any attention to 
them. Just as it is afterwards with the Academic criticisms on the 
Epicurean and Stoic systems, there is no right of reply, no judicial 
weighing of opposing arguments, no honest endeavour to carry out 
even the principle of Carneades and ascertain precisely to which side 
the balance of probability inclines. 

The review of the history of religious opinions contained in the 
following sections (§§ 25—43) is, as I have already remarked, the great 
blot on this first book. It would be hardly going too far to say that, as 
regards the prae-Stoic philosophy, it does not contain a single strictly 
accurate statement or a single intelligent criticism. It may be said, 
this is the fault not of Cicero but of the Epicurean authority whom 
he follows; Cicero merely gives it as a specimen of Epicurean 
ignorance and prejudice. But if it was intended as an exposure 
of this sort, why is it that, so far from giving any hint to that 
effect, so far from correcting any of the blunders of Velleius, Cicero 
afterwards makes Cotta compliment Velleius on the accuracy of his 
sketch? The real fact is that Cicero himself was in all probability 
unconscious of the inaccuracies which fill the historical section, and 
that some at least of these inaccuracies (as may be proved by a 
comparison with the fragments of Philodemus) arose from his own 

' See nn, on 119 illae quinque formae, § 20 quod ortum sit, 


misunderstanding of his authority. See for instance my notes on 
the account of Thales § 25, of Anaximenes § 26, of Parmenides § 28, 
of Xenophon § 31. | 

The Epicurean exposition, contained in §§ 43—56, is far superior 
to the historical section, but it suffers from curtailment, just where 
full explanation was most needed. Unhappily Cicero had not time 
to think out a difficulty; so when he comes to one, he either omits, 
or satisfies himself with a rendering which is unintelligible to himself 
as well as to every one else ; see especially what is said of the divine 
images in § 49 compared with §§ 105 and 109. In fairness it 
must however be allowed that he is writing for Roman readers and 
has to select or reject with the thought of what will be most in 
accordance with their taste, just as the late Dr Whewell did in his 
Platonic Dialogues for English Readers. 

The Academic criticism which occupies the rest of the book 
contains much that is interesting, but, here too, flippant assertion 
not unfrequently takes the place of argument. Thus there is no 
pretence of arguing the question between a plenwm and a vacuum 
(§ 65 foll.); the speaker dogmatically asserts his preference for the 
former, therefore the latter is wrong. The objections to anthropo- 
morphism are well stated in §§ 76—102, but Cicero has either 
misunderstood or has confused the argument on the value of general 
experience, as a criterion of truth, and the possibility of a unique 
experience (see nn. on § 87). In §§ 103, 104 Cotta announces his 
intention to examine the Epicurean account of the habitation and 
manner of life of their gods, but in § 105 hurries on to a discussion 
of the theory of images. Possibly this change of plan may have 
arisen, as Schwencke suggests, from the discovery that the original 
treatise from which he is translating, travelled beyond the topics 
introduced in the speech of Velleius. In any case it is a fault 
in the construction of the dialogue, and deprives us of information, 
which would have been very welcome, as to the nature of existence 
in the intermundia. The question raised in §§ 105—110 relates to 
the possibility of distinguishing between objective and subjective 
images; what right have we to assume that the phantasms of 
divinities are more real than those of absent or non-existent persons 
or things? Even if we assume their reality, what right have we to 
~ attribute happiness to beings without virtue (since without action) 
and without the sensual pleasures which are allotted to man? Can 
they even be said to be free from pain, when they are in constant 


danger from the incoming and outgoing atoms? The remainder of 
the book is occupied in showing that the Epicurean notion of a 
deity, incapable of action and absorbed in his own pleasure, who 
has no feeling for men, and is altogether unconnected with them, is 
really atheistic and inconsistent with any kind of piety or holiness. 
It is to be noticed that the Epicurean defence (at eteam liber est Epicurt 
de sanctitate) meets a double rejoinder §§ 115, 123. Is this a sign that 
Cicero had before him two criticisms of Epicurus, one, say, by 
Philo (1 59), the other by Posidonius, or are they alternative sum- 
maries of the argument of the latter, which have both been inserted 
by mistake? We shall see other examples of the same sort of care- 
lessness in the following books. 

In the 2nd book we have perhaps the most important contribution 
to theological thought which has come down to us from classical 
antiquity. It wants the inspiration, the passionate earnestness of 
Plato, but it covers a wider range; it is a store-house in which 
are preserved the best achievements of Greek philosophy in this 
department from the time of Socrates to that of Cicero. The 
arrangement may be confused, many of the special theories advanced 
may be obsolete, many of the facts misunderstood or inaccurately 
stated, but the general proof here given of a rationally ordered 
universe, and of a providential care for man can never lose its interest 
or value. It holds good against all theories of evolution, whether 
ancient or modern, which would make mind posterior to matter. 
The main lines of the proof are that religious belief is natural to 
man; that it is confirmed by the signs of superhuman power, 
wisdom and goodness visible in the universe ; that man cannot be 
the highest thing in the universe, as he would be if the universe 
were irrational; rather that it is from it he derives his reason as 
well as the gross elements of which the body is composed ; that the 
common source of the reason of all men must far surpass the 
particles of reason dispersed in individual men; that the harmony 
and sympathy of all the parts of the universe proves it to be under 
the control of one guiding spirit; that mind or soul originates all 
motion. Then follows the argument from the Scale of Existence : 
we observe the gradual ascent from vegetable to animal, from animal 
to man, the last showing the potentiality of virtue and wisdom, 
hence we infer a higher stage, the divine, which is absolutely virtuous 
and wise. Nature strives after perfection in all its parts; this 
striving cannot be frustrated ; there may be partial hindrances, but 


there is no external power to check the progress of the whole; there- 
fore the universe as a whole must attain perfection. 

The larger portion of the 2nd book is occupied with the subject 
of Providence. Thisis argued lst from our idea of the Divine nature 
as active and benevolent, and 2nd from the skill manifested in 
the universe, which attests the wisdom of the great Artist, just in 
the same way as the orrery attests the wisdom of Archimedes. The 
skill of the Creator is then shown in detail, Ist as regards the earth 
and the heavenly bodies, 2nd as regards the adaptations visible in 
vegetable and animal life, 3rd and above all in the case of man. It 
is further shown that the universe exists for the sake of its rational 
inhabitants, and that all things tend to the good of man, that pro- 
vidential care extends even to individual men, that virtue and wisdom 
are divine gifts, that the philosopher is dear to God and can never. 
experience what is really harmful. 

So far I think we may be sure that Cicero would go along with 
Balbus. It is no more than he has repeatedly said in his own 
person elsewhere, except as to the Scale of Existence, to which we 
find resemblances, it is true, but no exact parallel in the passages 
quoted in my notes. There are other parts of his discourse which 
are less in harmony with what we know of Cicero’s opinions from 
other treatises. Such are the identification of heat with intelligence, 
the ascription of life, thought and volition to the material universe 
and the heavenly bodies, the sanction accorded by the Stoics to the 
popular mythology as representing either the varied activity of the 
Supreme Being, the personification of abstract qualities, or the 
divinity of the human soul; to which we may add the belief in 
divination ’. 

When we go on to inquire into the arrangement of the 2nd book, 
there is much to find fault with. The main divisions are by no means 
clear. As is pointed out in Vol. 11 p. xxii, much that is placed under 

‘1 Cicero, speaking in his own person, asserts the existence and the immateri- 
ality of God, and ascribes to him the origin of all motion and the fatherhood of 
the human soul Tusc. 1 66 (a quotation from his own Consolatio), animorum nulla 
in terris origo inveniri potest...quicquid est illud quod sentit, quod sapit, quod 
vivit, quod viget, caeleste et divinum ob eamque rem acternum sit necesse est. Nec 
vero deus ipse,..alio modo intellegi potest nisi mens soluta quaedam et libera, segre- 
gata ab omni concretione mortali, omnia sentiens et movens, ipsaque praedita motu 
sempiterno cf. ib. 1 30, 36, 60, 63 (the Creator is to the universe as Archimedes 
to his orrery), 68 foll., Leg. 1 21, 11 15 foll., Milo 83, 84, Harusp. Resp. 19, 


the Ist head, would have come more naturally under the 2nd, and 
much that is placed under the 3rd would have come better under the 
4th. In one place Cicero seems to have confused himself, and com- 
mences his 4th division out of its proper order in § 133, giving a se- 
cond commencement in § 155. Then we have the superfluous Aratean 
section (§§ 104—114), and the omission of much interesting matter at 
the end of the book, in reference to the calamities of the good and 
the difficulties alleged against the moral government of the world. 
For faults of detail see my notes on efenim 16, crassissima regione 
17, cum alio juncta 29, absoluti operis effectum 35, ex utraque re 49, 
aetherios cursus 54, swis seminibus 58, vis major, regi non potest 61, 
dentes et pubertatem 86, where particular arguments seem to be im- 
perfectly stated. For mistranslations of the Greek original see on 
obductus, cujus sub pedibus, 110, posteriore trahens 113. 

Tt is more difficult to take a general view of the 3rd book than 
of the preceding, as so large a portion, probably more than one 
third, has been lost. It will be seen from the analysis, as well as 
from the Essay which follows, upon the Sources of this book, that the 
arrangement of what remains is again unsatisfactory. Cicero is 
embarrassed throughout by having to meet a later Stoic argument 
out of an earlier Academic treatise, in which the topics are different 
and differently arranged. This explains why, after Cotta has an- 
nounced his intention to treat several of the arguments adduced for 
the Divine existence under the 3rd head, instead of under the Ist, 
as Balbus had done (11t 17, 18), he introduces them under the 2nd 
head without giving any reason for his change of purpose. We 
will take the different arguments in order with reference to the 
corresponding parts of the 2nd book. There is certainly some weight 
in the objections urged to the argument from universal consent, viz. 
that the object of popular belief is not the God of the Stoics, and 
that it is inconsistent in those who regard the majority as fools, to 
attach any importance to what the majority believe (§§ 10, 11); still 
these objections hardly apply to the arguments as stated in Bk 11. 
Consensus is cited there as a proof not of any special Stoic doctrine, 
but of the existence of a Divine Governor; and a careful distinction 
is made between temporary opinion and fixed belief, especially 
where the latter becomes stronger with the advance in civilization. 
The Stoic arguments derived from recorded epiphanies and the prac- 
tice of divination, are fairly met by denial of the facts and questioning 
the utility of a knowledge of the future; the self-devotion of Decius 


was prompted by policy, not by religion; to suppose otherwise would 
be to impute injustice to the Gods (§§ 11—15). This sets aside one 
of the grounds assigned for the prevalence of religious belief by 
Cleanthes; his 2nd ground, that of the terrible phenomena of nature, 
is allowed as a fact; the two others are deferred along with the 
arguments of Zeno and Chrysippus to the 3rd head. The 2nd branch 
of the discussion deals with the Divine nature. This begins in § 20 
with a distinct reference to the corresponding part of the argument 
of Balbus (11 45). In both the question is qualis eorum natura sit ; 
both refer to the stupefying influence of custom. Cotta then proceeds 
to challenge Balbus’ assertion mwndum animantem esse et deum, and 
the proof alleged for it nehil mundo esse melius. ‘It no more follows 
from this,’ he says, ‘that the world must be possessed of reason than 
that the city of Rome is a reasoning creature, or that, if it is not, 
it must be reckoned of less value than the ant which is possessed of 
reason.’ (Cf. 11 45, 16.) But the same proof had been quoted as 
from Zeno in 11 21, so Cotta recurs to that (111 22), in spite of his 
avowed intention of leaving it for the section on Providence, and 
replies that on the same principle we might argue that the world 
could read a book. In $23 he deals with another argument of Zeno’s 
given in 11 22, putting it in a more general form (apparently with a 
reference to the Socratic argument in 11 18) ‘everything which exists 
is derived from the world, and the world can produce nothing unlike 
itself, therefore the human reason is a product of the world and 
resembles it.’ ‘On the same principle,’ he says, ‘we might maintain 
that the world could play the flute.’ The next argument touched on 
by Cotta is that which deduces the divinity of the stars from their 
regular motions, apparently referring to m1 54 foll. ‘Similarly we 
might argue for the divinity of quartan fevers’ (111 24). For an 
examination of these objections see nn. on the particular passages. 
In § 25 Cotta goes back to Chrysippus (11 16, 17). His Ist argument 
is that ‘if there is anything in the world beyond man’s power to 
make, he who made it must be God’; the 2nd that ‘if there were no 
Gods, man would be the best thing in the universe, which it would 
be the extreme of arrogance to suppose’; the 3rd that ‘the world is 
too beautiful to have been built simply for the habitation of man,’ 
Cotta’s answer to the Ist is that it ignores the distinction between 
nature and reason (which of course has no force against the Stoics 
who identified nature with reason, and does not in the least degree 
affect the inference that there is a superhuman power at work in the 


universe); to the 2nd that it is not arrogant for man to recognize 
that he has reason and that the stars are without it (shirking the 
question and also assuming what the Stoics denied); to the 3rd that 
the world was not built but formed by nature (what nature forms 7s 
built, according to the Stoics; but this argument, hike the others, is 
equally true, put into its most general form: the beauty of the 
universe is only very partially explained by the pleasure or utility 
which it affords to man). In § 27 Cotta proceeds with the argument 
quoted from Xenophon (11 18), ‘whence did man obtain reason if it 
did not exist in the world?’ to which he makes the same frivolous 
answer as he had done to the similar questions of Zeno. Then comes 
(in § 28) an approving reference to the sympathy which unites all the 
parts of the universe, but it is denied that this affords any ground for 
believing that the universe is pervaded by a divine spirit or breath; 
it is all the unconscious operation of nature. Here again we have 
simple assertion on the part of the Academics. The vague term 
nature was explained by the Epicureans, from the analogy of material 
objects, to mean atoms moving in a vacuum according to the laws of 
gravitation modified by the individual clinamen, by the Stoics, from 
the analogy of the soul, to mean the reason and will embodied in 
the universe; the Academics, clinging to their unanalysed conception 
of nature, opposed their simple denial to both. 

There is more weight in the argument by which Carneades en- 
deavoured to show that if the world is an animal it must be liable to 
destruction and therefore not divine. As corporeal it is discerptible ; 
as a compound of contrary and perishable elements, it is liable to fly 
asunder and perish; as animated and therefore capable of feeling, it is 
liable to sensations of pain and susceptible of death ($§ 2934). It 
is partly met by the Stoic doctrine of the cyclic renovation, partly by 
denying that the capacity of pleasure involves the possibility of pain 
and that this latter involves the possibility of death. In $$ 3537 
Cotta has no difficulty in showing that fire is not more divine than 
the other elements. 

After this follows an interesting argument on the compatibility 
of the ideas of virtue and divinity (§ 38). As we may see by com- 
paring Sextus, this has been very much cut down by Cicero. The 
quotations in the notes will show with what limitations it holds good. 
The subordinate deities of the Stoics are subjected to a severe criticism 
in §§ 39—64, It is shown that Stoic allegorization is purely arbitrary, 
that it is impossible to draw the line between the human and divine 


in the popular theology, which they take under their protection, and 
that it is impossible to say what is believed about each deity. It is 
here that Cicero inflicts upon us the tedious mythological section, of 
which Sextus was satisfied to give one or two extracts as specimens. 
I have spoken sufficiently of this in the Essay on the Sources and in 
the Appendix. | 

After this, many chapters are lost till we come to the answer to 
the Stoic proof of Divine beneficence as shown in the gift of reason. 
In the speech of Balbus this was treated under the general head of 
Providence (11 147, 148), here it is treated as a part’ of the argument 
to prove a special providential care for man (11 66—78). Cotta 
shows by examples taken from the stage and the law-courts the ill 
_effects of reason, and argues that, if it is a divine gift, the Giver is 
responsible for effects, which he must have foreseen, and against which 
he ought to have secured man. There is a disarrangement in these 
paragraphs which was perhaps caused by the mistaken insertion of 
two alternative versions or abstracts of the Greek original. It is a 
defect in Cicero’s exposition of the Stoic argument in the previous 
book that the difficulties urged by the Academic under this last head 
are not touched on by Balbus. — In all probability they formed part of 
the cargo thrown overboard by Cicero (in §§ 164—167) in order to_ 
save his Aratea. Other arguments alleged against a providential 
ordering of human affairs are the universal lack of wisdom deplored 
by the Stoics, and the unrighteous distribution of prosperity and 
adversity. The Stoics have depreciated the importance of these 
gifts of fortune in comparison with the qualities of the soul, but 
Providence has nothing to do with the latter; each man must achieve 
them for himself. Besides, whether important or unimportant, 
nothing should be neglected under the rule of Providence. It‘has_ 
been attempted to eke out the case for providential government by 
pointing to the misfortunes which befall the descendants of the guilty, 
but what sort of justice is this? Is it even consistent with the Stoic 
idea of God, that he should exact punishment at all? The Stoics 
themselves allow that his care does not extend to individuals, 
what reason have we for supposing that it extends to mankind 9 
(111 79-—93). 

Speaking generally the Academic objections under this head 
are well and clearly stated by Cicero, but here and there ob- 
scurities arise from too great conciseness, -see note on § 91 (De. 9), 
§ 92 aut nescit quod possit. There are also several inaccuracies, 


arising apparently from over-haste in translating the original, see 
notes on fanum Proserpinae § 83, ad Peloponnesum ib., Epidaurt ib., 
mensas argenteas § 84, ne Delio quidem Apollini § 88. As to the 
manner in which these objections were met by the Stoics see my 
notes on each passage. In some instances they may be directly 
answered from the speech of Balbus, e.g., the assumption that virtue 
is allowed by all to be independent of Divine grace, is contradicted 
in 1 79; the assertion that, according to the Stoics, Providence does 
not extend to individuals, is contradicted in 11 165, In both these 
cases it is probable that the elder Stoics held the doctrines impugned, 
but this want of correspondence between the exposition and the 
criticism spoils the verisimilitude of the dialogue. 

As to Cicero’s own feeling with regard to the questions at issue, 
we find him dissenting from the Academic view in regard to the 
misfortunes of the good and the prosperity of the bad, in the passages 
cited in my notes on § 80 Reguli, § 84 percussit; on conscience as the 
voice of God § 85 sine ulla divina ratione; on virtue as the gift of 
God § 87 quis quod bonus vir esset. But none except the extremest 
partisans could pretend that the Academic difliculties were entirely 
cleared up by such considerations as were available on the other side. 
Then, as now, the Divine government was a matter of faith, not of 
certainty. Now, as then, in spite of the added light of Christianity, 
we must confess that, logically speaking, the religious view of the 
order of the world is only the more probable; that Cicero in fact is 
right, as against the Stoics, when he refuses to say more than that the 
argument of Balbus appeared to him to be ad veritatis similitudinem 

Lastly, provokingly inconsistent as is the Academic view which 
at one time professes to be guided by reason alone, irrespective of 
authority (1 10), and at other times, in the person of Cotta, accepts 
without inquiry whatever has come down to us on the authority of 
our ancestors (111 5, 9); which sneers at the sacred legends and the 
practice of divination, and does its best to show that the very idea of 
God is self-contradictory and impossible, and yet insists on retaining 
all the externals of religion as a duty obligatory on every Roman 
citizen ; still the Academic pontiff is a person of genuine historical 
interest. He is the Trajan who, allowing that there is no harm in 
Christianity and that Christians are not to be hunted out, yet ordains 
that if a man is accused of Christianity before a magistrate and 
refuses to abjure his faith, he is to be put to death. In later times 


he is the unbelieving statesman who fights against liberty of con- 
science and uses the arm of the secular power to prevent Church 
reform ; he is the Christian apologist who, insisting on the acceptance 
— of every letter of the creed, forbids all thought as to its meaning under 
the name of rationalism or dogmatism. 


In the preceding essay indications of hasty composition have been 
pointed out, and it has been remarked that some passages present the 
appearance of having been made up of two alternative versions of 
the same original, both of which have been inserted by mistake. If 
this is so, it would seem that the book must have been published 
without the author’s revision. Are there any facts which would 
confirm this suspicion? 

The conclusive proof that the book did not receive the finishing 
touches from the hand of its author, is to be found in the inconsistent 
allusions to the time occupied in the discussion. Thus, in 11 73 we 
find the conversation of the 1st book alluded to in the words a te ipso 
hesterno die dictum est, and in 111 18 the 2nd book is alluded to in 
the words omnia quae a te nudius tertius dicta sunt; from which we 
should infer that the whole discussion must have occupied four days, 
giving one day to each speech. But if we look back to the beginning 
of the 2nd and 3rd books (quae cum Cotta dixisset tum Velleius 11 1, 
quae cum Balbus dixisset tum arridens Cotta 111 1), we find no hint 
of any break in the conversation. The only reference to time is in 
11 94 quoniam advesperascit dabis nobis diem aliquem ut contra ista 
dicamus, which certainly implies that the conversation had occupied 
only one day. There is no difficulty of this kind in other dialogues. 
In the Zusculans (1 8) Cicero distinctly says dierwm quinque scholas 
in totidem libros contuli, and there is a formal notice of the close of 
one day and the beginning of another in 1 119, 1 9, 10, 1 67, 11 7, 
m1 84, 1v 7, v 1, 11, with a separate dedication or preface to each 
book. In the De Finibus the first two books are supposed to be 
spoken continuously at Cicero’s villa at Cumae, the 3rd and 4th on 
a different occasion at Lucullus’ Tusculan villa, the 5th in Plato’s 
Academia at Athens, 

M. (. II. Cc 


But does not Cicero himself speak of the De Natura Deorum as 
already published at the time of his writing the De Divinatione, and 
the De Fatot Compare Div. 1 8, where Quintus says perlegy tuum 
paulo ante tertium de natura deorum in quo disputatio Cottae, quam- 
quam labefactavit sententiam meam, non funditus tamen sustulit, to 
which Marcus replies Optime vero, etenim ipse Cotta sic disputat, ut 
Stoicorum magis argumenta confutet quam hominum deleat religionem. 
Quintus regards this protest as a matter of form dicitur quidem istuc 
ne communia jura migrare videatur; sed studio contra Storcos dis- 
serendi deos mihi videtur funditus tollere: ejus rationt non sane 
desidero quid respondeam, satis enim defensa religio est im secundo 
libro a Lucilio, cujus disputatio tibi ipsi, ut in extremo libro scribis, 
ad veritatem est visa propensior. Again in Div. 1 3 quibus rebus 
editis (i.e. the Mortensius, Academica, De Finibus, Tusculans), tres 
libri perfecti sunt de natura deorum ; to which he adds others after- 
wards. It may be thought that these quotations settle the question 
and that Cicero himself is responsible for the book in its present 
state whether finished or unfinished. But is it not permissible to 
draw a different conclusion from the opposition of the words editi 
and perfecti in the last passage? The fHortensius and other dialogues 
were published, the Vatura Deorum was what we should call ready 
for the press. So in fat. 1 1 we find a distinction made between 
quod in aliis libris fect qui sunt de natura deorum, and the books 
quos de divinatione edidi. We are not bound to take literally the 
statement that Quintus had read the book of which he is supposed to 
speak in Div. 1; evenif he had done so, it might have been from having 
access to the original Ms. We know that other works of Cicero were 
published after his death, such as the /pistles and probably some of 
the Orations by Tiro, and, among his philosophical works, the un- 
finished Leges. If the Natura Deorum was still unpublished at the 
time of Cicero’s murder, and if the Ms was as much altered and 
emended as that of the De Gloria, of which he says to Atticus (xvi 3) 
mist apxeturov ipsum crebris locis inculeatum et refectum, this would 
go far to explain the existing roughnesses and inconsistencies of the 



The archetype from which all the existing mss are derived must 
have been in a very bad condition, having lost considerable portions 
of the 3rd book, and having suffered much from dislocation in the 
2nd book and, as I believe, in the 3rd also. Of the four sections, 
into which the 3rd book is divided, the whole of C (dealing with the 
Stoic argument in proof of the Providential Government of the 
universe) and a considerable portion of D (dealing with the argu- 
ment in proof of a special Providence ordering the affairs of men) 
have been lost; and smaller losses occur in the same book at the end 
of §§ 13 and 64, and in 1 §§ 25, 65. The great instance of dislocation 
is in the 2nd book, where §§ 16—86 are placed after § 156, but in 
my note on 111 43 ut jam docebo, I have attempted to show 
that we have there also a transposition in the mss of S§ 53—60, 
which ought to come before § 43. For examples of what appears to 
me dislocation on a smaller scale, see the notes on 1 6 qua quidem in 
causa, 197 an quicquam—vidimus (which, following Bake, I have 
transferred to the end of § 88), 11 110 atque ita dimetata—appareat, 
transferred to § 104, also 11 167 magnis copiis, 111 29 cumque omne 
animal, § 34 etenim, § 70 n, on Da (3). The cause of the dislocation 
in Bk. 11 was doubtless that the archetype had come to pieces and 
was bound up again in wrong order, without any regard to sense. 
So B (Cod. Leid. 86) interposes part of the De Divinatione after 
NV. D. 1 64, giving the following §§ (64—91) after De ato § 4, see 
note on the latter passage in Orelli’s ed., and Bake’s ed. of the De 
Legibus p. 104 foll., where B is thus described “ constat quaternt- 
onibus XxIv. quorum singula octo folia habent. Ceterwm descriptus 
esse videtur e libro cujus quaterniones misere disjecti essent ; locis 
quippe plurimis, continuata scriptura, alienissima interponuntur, 
omnvumque ordo et series turbantur, quae tamen ne legenti fraudem 
Jaciant, vetus manus in margine subinde solet indicare.” In Bk. 111 
I have suggested that it may have been Cicero’s own intention to 
omit the mythological section, and that this was afterwards inserted 
by the original editor in a wrong place. As to the smaller transposi- 
tions they are probably owing to the wrong insertion of marginal notes 
or of additions written on slips of parchment which got fastened to the 



wrong leaves. As to actual losses, some have attempted to account 
for these by supposing that the Christians destroyed the argument 
against Providence as impious, others relying on the statement of 
Arnobius to the effect that some of the treatises of Cicero caused 
much scandal among the Pagans, have retorted the charge on the 
latter*; but there is no reason to have recourse to either supposition. 
The condition of the archetype, as proved by the transpositions in 
Bk. u, is quite sufficient to account for the loss of other portions, 
and we meet with similar phenomena in the Leges, the De Lato, the 
Respublica, and other treatises. 

These being the undoubted facts, as shown by all the mss, we 
have next to inquire which of the mss best represent the archetype 
and what are their individual characteristics and their relations 
to each other. The oldest of the mss of the WV. D. is the Vienna 
codex (V) of the 10th cent., but portions of the treatise have been 
preserved in a Ms of the 9th century described by Narducci, of which 
an account is given in the Jahresbericht wiber d. Fortschritte d. 
classischen Alterthumswissenschaft for 1883, vol. 35, p. 75. The chief 
fact of importance noted in regard to this ms is that in book II 
it exhibits the same dislocation as the other Mss. 

There is much resemblance between V and the Leyden codex (A) 
of the 11th century, which comes nearest to it in age. In both we 
find careless mistakes, but very rarely any signs of an attempt to 
alter the reading in order to make sense, such as we shall see reason to 
suspect in BCE. The Palatine codex (P), which is called per- 
antiquust, is I presume of about the same date as A. It is not only 

* See Olivet’s French translation of the Nature Deorum vol. m1 p. 87 n., 
citing Arnob. 117 ante omnes Tullius Romani disertissimus generis, nullam veritus 
imptetatis invidiam, ingenue constanter et libere, quid super tali opinionatione 
(the distinction of sex in deity) sentiret, pietate cum majore monstravit, a quo st 
res sumere judicii veritate conscriptas, non verborum luculentias pergeretis, pero- 
rata esset haec causa....Sed quid aucupia verborum splendoremque sermonis peti ab 
hoc dicam, cum sciam esse non paucos, qui aversentur et fugiant libros de hoc ejus... 
cumque alios audiam mussitare indignanter et dicere, oportere statui per senatum, 
aboleantur ut haec scripta quibus Christiana religio comprobetur et vetustatis 
opprimatur auctoritas? Quinimmo si fiditis exploratum vos dicere quidquam de dis 
vestris, erroris convincite Ciceronem,..Nam intercipere scripta et publicatam velle 
submergere lectionem, non est deos defendere, sed veritatis testificationem timere. 

+ Ebeling in Philologus xu11 4 p. 703, which has reached me since the above 
was put in type, assigns it to the 10th cent. . He also gives a short account of 
the Laurentian Cod. 257 at Florence, which he considers to be of the 11th cent. 
It agrees with B (against AC Oxf.) in making the dislocation of Bk 11 commence 


careless but capricious and for the most part quite indifferent to 
making sense. The first two I regard as honest but somewhat incom- 
petent witnesses, the writer of P has no intention to deceive, but his 
inaccuracy almost amounts to dishonesty, while the writer of B, a 
far more competent witness, as far as ability goes, is not satisfied 
merely to report, but deliberately sets himself to improve the read- 
ings of the archetype. It is perhaps unnecessary for me to adduce 
any evidence of the carelessness of APV, as that will be apparent to 
any one who will glance over the readings of a chapter or two in 
Orelli’s edition, but I shall endeavour to show (1) that A and V are 
independent of each other, but approach more nearly to one another 
than to any of the other ss, (2) that B is connected with the arche- 
type by a different line of descent from the others, and has frequently 
preserved the true reading which has been lost by them, but that it 
also alters the mistaken readings of the archetype so as to make 
sense. The varying disarrangements in BPV seem to show that 
these are mutually independent and are not copied either from A or 
from the immediate ancestor of A; and this conclusion is confirmed 
by the subjoined comparison of particular readings. I have compared 
the readings for the 3rd book, as the mss are less imperfect for 
this than for the earlier books. I give first those readings in which 
the unaltered A and V agree against BC and P, taking no account 
of Orelli’s 6th codex E, belonging to the 15th century. In making 
this comparison it must be remembered that it is only of APV 
that we have the complete readings in Orelli’s edition. Where the 
true reading is not that of AV it is given first in round brackets. 
Readings conjectured ex silentio in Orelli’s apparatus criticus are put 
in square brackets, as in the critical notes. 

§ 4. (parum) parvam A’V". 
§ 5. (religionesque) religionisque AV". 
(C. Laelium) clelium AV’. 
(auspicia) ospicia AV". 
harum ego AV (al. harum ergo). 
§ 8. (quod esset perspicuum) quod est p. AV’. 
§ 10. (candens) cadens A'V. 
§1l. (grave) gravem AV’. 
§ 15. (at) ad A'V’. 

with § 15 after vicissitudines, instead of 8 16 after quam deum, and in reading 
requiro after rationes at the end of 11 13. 


$15. (placari) placert AV’. 
(equo) aequo AV. 
$18. (omniaque quae a te) omnia quae ad te A'V’. 
(nudius) nudus A'V’. 
§ 21. (velis) vellis AV’. 
§ 22. (dilatavit) dilata lavit V" (and by corr. fr. dilatavit) A, 
see n. in loc. 
§ 23. (philosophus) philoso A’, philosoph. V". 
§ 24. (sictliensi) sitlicenst AV’. 
(fervore) ferbore A'V’. 

(Britannict) brittannict AV. 

§ 25. (aram) arama A, aranam V". 
§ 29. (alla) illam A'V. 

§ 34. umida A’V, al. humida. 

§ 35. wmore AV, al. humore. 

(hoc) ho A'V’, 

(solstitialt) solistitialt AV’. 

(inscitiam) inscitam p Nags 

maritumae AV, maritunt hae P, marittmae BCE. 
lucus [AV], lucis B', locus C, lucos P. 

(filir) fli AV". 

(Penelopa) poenelopa AV. (nefas) nefans A'V". 
(Aegyptiis) Aegyptis A'V'. 

(confict) confect A'V'. 

(lide delubrum ?) elidelubrum AV. 

(Apollinis) Apollonis AV". 


Cr CO> Crm GL? CO CL 
OU Ott HCO Co 
oT HO 




§ 62. (qui) quiqur ATV’. 

§ 65. (istac ibit) ista ibit AV’. 

§ 68. (coinquinari) quoinquimart AV’. 

§ 69. scaena AV, al. scena. 

§71. (st his) siis AV’. 

§ 73. (cedo) caedo AV. 

S74.  (conducto) conduto AV. 

§ 76. -quom V' and probably A’. 

S78. (reprehendenda) repraendenda A, reprendenda V. 
§ 80. (Reguli) requilis V', regiulis A* probably. 

S81. (supplicioque Q. Varius) supplicio quae que Varius AV’. 

st AV (al. sic &c.) 
§ 82. (soleo Platonem legens) soleo 1. platonem legens AV (pro- 
bably beginning legens out of order. B. has / superscr.) 


§ 83. (Syracusas) seracusas AV’. 

§ 84. (fulmine) fumine AV’. 

§ 85. (ratione) rationem A*V’, 

$86. (fructuum) fructum A'V’. 

§ 91. (Critolaus) critolauus AV". 

(Corinthum) corhintum AV. 

$94. (cingitis) cincitis A'V’. 

This gives 55 instances in which AV agree against the other mss, 
while the agreements between either of them and any other single 
MS do not amount to more than 13, as may be seen from the fol- 
lowing lists (1) of agreements between V and one other ms, (2) 
between A and one other Ms. 

(1) Agreements between V and any other single ms. 

§ 1. factu [BV] (al. factum). 
§ 4. (sin me) st me BY. 
§ 11. cotidie CV (cottidie AB). 
albis PV, aluis A, alius CE, ab his B, where A has the not 
uncommon misreading v (2) for 6, and CB are evident emendations. 
§ 14. secuntur BV’. 
§ 15. nihil BY, al. nil. 
§ 21. (id quoque) ut quoque PV’ and perhaps A. 
animum [PV], antemam ABCE. 
§ 38. (dilectw) delectu CV. 
§ 39. Leucotheam BV’, al. leuchotheam. 
§ 42. (Karthaginem) cartaginem CV. 
§ 46. honores [CV], al. honoris. 
§ 47. (faelis) felis BV’. 
§ 50. (filiaeque) ilhaeque CV, eiaeque A. 
§ 51. (fluctibus) fructibus PV. 
§ 54, (appellatum) appellatus BY. 
§ 56. (is) his VB. (Theuth ?) theyr CV. 
§ 61. (aut enim) autem enim PV". 
§ 67. (Medea) media VB’. 
§ 72. (comicae) comice CV. 
§74. (de fidemalatutelae) de fide malaat utile PV,see further below. 
§ 75. (sementim) sementem PV. | 
§ 76. (st ista) sed ista V'B. 
§ 78. (illam quam) aliam quam PV. 
§ 84. (auferri) auferi BY’. (impietatem) impletatem B'V . 


§ 86. (Rutile ?) rutdi BY. 

$88. (immolavisse ?) immolasse PV. 

§ 91. (judico) judicio PV". 

§ 93. (gentis) sentis PV. (contemmet) contempnet PV. 

This gives 13 agreements between V and B, 12 between V and 
P, 7 between V and C. 

(2) Agreements between A and any other single Ms. 
§ 3. (par ratio) paratio A'B'. 
S11. (tu) tu quae AC. 
§ 19. (tacitae) tacite AC. 
§ 32. (omittamus) ommittamus AC. 
§ 37. - (cur) quur AC. 
§ 41. Accius AB, al. actius, ke. 
§ 45. (olwwae) olive AC, 
S47. (omniaque quae) omnia quaeque AC. 
(accipitres) accipitros AP and perhaps V’. 
§ 49. (Hrechtheus) erectheus AB. 
§ 54. (Heliopolis) eliopolis AC, 
§ 64. (comprehendere) comprendere AP 
$68. (cepit) caepit AC. 
S74. (it praetor), ite praecor AC. (Plaetoria) letoria AC, 
§ 76. (etst ht) et sibi AC, 
S78. (meracius sumpturum) meratius sumturum AC. 
§ 83. (manubiis) manubtis is AP. (Aesculapii?) Aesculapt AB. 
§ 85. dissignata AB, al. designata. 
$86. (questus) quaestus AB. 
§ 89. (neglegere), neclegere AB. multi [AB], multis CPV’. 

This gives 8 agreements between A and B, 12 between A and 
C, 3 between A and P as contrasted with 55 agreements between 
A and V. 

I proceed now to examine the readings in which the accepted 
text rests on the authority of a single codex. 

True text preserved by V alone. 

§1l. credits esse, where A has credidisese, B credissesse corr. in 
eredidisses, CP credidisse, credisse E. Here the variety of readings 
suggests a fault in the archetype: if it had credidsesse, this might 
easily be corrupted into the other readings and corrected in V. 


§ 20. a consuetudine enim, where enim is omitted by the other 
Mss and given in contraction by V. In this case there can be little 
doubt that V represents the archetype. 

§ 35. quem ipsum non omnes interpretantur uno modo, qui 
quoniam quid diceret intellegi noluit, omittamus, where the other Mss 
omit gui and even V seems uncertain. Baiter thinks non omnes—modo 
to be a gloss, which would naturally suggest a connecting qui before 
quoniam.: on the other hand gut would easily be lost before 

§ 62. talis a philosophia pellatur error, where the final a of 
philosophia (which probaby commenced a new line in the archetype) 
is written separately in V’. From this the readings of the other 
Mss would easily spring, viz. ¢ a@ philosophiappellatur error A, 
t. a philosophi appellatur e. B'C, t. philosophia appellatur e. B? 
(evidently altered to make sense), and so ¢. a philosophis appellatur 
e. PE and V® (only that the last has apellatur). 

§ 70. quisquamne istuc negat by corr. in V, where A has quis- 
quam iuste (tuste being ‘in ras.’ by a late hand), C qguisquam istue, 
BP quisquas istue (quas cancelled in B), guid istud E. I am inclined 
tu think the archetype had qwisqua stuc (for exx. of stwe in Cicero’s 
Mss see my n. and Lachmann’s Lucr. p. 197), so that here the 
unaltered B and P are its best representatives. . 

§ 73. neque ut mde auferam (see n. in loc.) which, written 
continuously in the archetype, is nearly the same as V' neque tinde 
auferam ; the other readings are easily explicable from V, viz. neque 
unde auf. ACEP, and ne quid inde auf. B, which may be compared 
with the superscription of gwid over neque in V’. 

§ 84. pecunia ediaisse V, where B’ has pecuniae dixisse, and 
AB*’CP pecunia dixisse. Here it would seem that B must be either 
taken directly from a ms in which the words were not separated, or 
(as I think more probable), from a Ms wrongly copied from such an 

To these some would add § 66, where V has permiciem see in loc. 

True text preserved by A alone. 

§ 67. posqwam (so Baiter), others postquam. 

§ 68. quem clam Thyestem, see nn. Phas quem cleanthyestem, 
Cand by corr. B have quendam thyestem, V quem dant hyestem, 
(corr. fr. hyestum), E quam dant thiestem. Here there can be no 


doubt that A represents the archetype, that in CB and V cl have 
been mistaken for d and that in V the letters were wrongly grouped. 
This seems to show that A is independent of V. 

§ 11. Sagram A, all others are allured by the easier sacram. 

§ 22. inanimarum AB’V?, inanimatarum B'V'E, animarum C. 
There can be little doubt that the archetype (a) is represented by A 
and that the commoner form is written by error in B’V'. 

§ 48. duces A', right as shown by the following respondebis, 
B'CEV’ have by carelessness ducts, PA’ V’ dicts, B? dices. 

$71. commemorabantur A, commemorabatur others. 

$89. qudam A (so Baiter), quidam amicus the other mss, 
except that B°’ has quidem. It seems more likely that A should 
have overlooked amicus than that it should have been inserted 
by the rest. 

True text preserved by B alone. 

S$ 4. parum, parvam AV'E, parva CV*. Probably a had para, 
which being followed by accept would suggest parva or parvam : or, 
if Madvig is right in reading cepi, accept may have arisen from 
parud cep in a, in which case B’s reading would be an emendation. 

§ 8. quod esset perspicuum BV", where AV* have gq. est p., and 
CE q. et p. probably by mere carelessness. 

S1l. eos tu cantherwis: here V has tug., P tuque, AC tw quae, 
E que tu. Iam inclined to think that the g. of V (and probably of 
a) was intended to be the first letter of cantherits, spelt with qu for e, 
like quotta for Cotta, quoinquinari for coinquinari, quohaerere for 
cohaerere, quorum canum for Coruncanium. We have a similar 
instance of a word just begun in § 82 /. Platonem legens noticed 

S13. rationes requro BV’. Baiter with the other mss omits 
requiro and it was no doubt a natural word to supply, but A’s 
reading of the following word, vecuntwr for the secuntur of BV, seems 
to have arisen from requiro sequuntur, the eye of the scribe passing 
from the Ist to the 2nd gu. If so we must suppose an intermediate 
link between a and AV on the one side, as between a and B on the 
other side, the former link having recuntur, changed by V’ into 
secuntur, the latter preserving the reading of a. 

$18. omniaque quae a te BV’, omnia quae a te APV’ (d erased 
after ain AV), omnia quaeque a te C, omnia que ate. Here APV 


must either represent the archetype, emended by V* and B, or else 
the former are derived from the same incorrect copy of a. 

§ 24. fiert non possunt B*, all others nonne. There can be little 
doubt that non is what Cicero wrote, but the reading nonne is not so 
objectionable as to call for emendation. It would seem therefore 
that B here represents the archetype, and that the others are con- 
nected with it by a medium which in this instance proves to be less 

§ 26. Orionem B, orationem ACEPYV. Here in all probability a 
had a contraction wrongly interpreted by all but B*. 

§ 27. cientis [B], scientts ACEPV. This is another evidence 
showing that B is connected with the archetype by a different line of 
descent from that of the others. 

§ 42. (Lysithoe est), Lysitho est B (perhaps Lysithoest in a), 
Lysito est ACPV, lisito est E. 

§ 43. (capedunculis ws), cap. his B, om. ws ACEPV. The 
demonstrative seems necessary, but was of course easily lost after -/is. 

§ 47. ibis B, bt AEV’, ibz C, cbes V’, nothing said of P. Here 
C appears to represent a, while AV have neglected to mark the 
abbreviated s and B has written it out in full. 

§ 49. st sunt hi di BE, si sunt di A’, st suntid V’, st sunt vi dit 
C, st hi sunt di P, st sunt hui di A’, st sunt hi dw V*. Probably a 
omitted the demonstrative, as in § 43 sz di sunt, where I have added 
astt. If Cicero wrote si he di sunt, it would be easy for hi to drop 
out, and the variety of readings suggests that each scribe reinserted 
it, where he thought best. 

§52. jam B, tam CEV, and probably A’, ¢wm A’, nothing said 
of P. Here B either follows a separate tradition or has emended the 
common archetype. 

mare B, mater ACEPV. An abbreviated mater might 
easily be mistaken for mare and y.v. The readings may be most 
easily explained by supposing two recensions of a, one followed by 
ACPYV (f), the other by B (y). 

§ 54. Mnemosyne [BP], nemosine E, nemo sine ACV (nemo 
‘in ras.’ A) f. 

$57. Cynosuris[BP], gynosuris ACE, ginosuris V". 

§ 66. exitiwm BE, eaitwum ACPV. It seems more probable that 

* Deiter (Rh. Mus. 1882 p. 314) states that B has orationem like the rest. 
+ Deiter gives mnemosine as B’s reading. 


the Ist recension (8) should have gone wrong than that B should 
have corrected exitum. 

§ 75. (abiegnae) abiegne by corr. in B, abigne all others. 

—§ 82. Anaxarchum | BP] anxarcum A'CE, anwarchum V. 

§ 83. praedo felix habebatur B, p. filia h. ACEPYV, the inferior 
mss have fulia, filica, summus, in Pamphylia &. I have sometimes 
thought that felix and jilia might both be corruptions of yaopvAag, 
that being the office held by Harpalus at the court of Alexander, but 
if so, several words must have been lost. It does not seem possible 
that feliz should have been an emendation of jilia, so that we must 
in any case recognize here again two recensions of a. 

manubiis, BEC’, manubiis is AP, manubits tis V, manibiis C’. 
Here I should think the reading of AP is that of the Ist recension 
of a, arising from dittographia of -cs, V’s reading would be a natural 
correction of this. 

§ 84. quod quisque sacri haberet B (so Ba.), gq. g. a sacris h. 
ACEPV. Here it hardly seems possible for the one reading to have 
grown out of the other by inadvertence, and as there was more to 
tempt an intelligent scribe to alter the latter than the former reading, 
I am inclined to consider sacri an emendation. 

in tyrannidis rogum B, in typanidis rogum AEPV, in 
timpanidis rogum C. If my view of the passage is right (see n. in 
loc.), several words are omitted owing to homeeoteleuton ; B has pre- 
served tyrannidis, but altered wt into i with all the other mss. 

True Text preserved by C alone. 
§ 23. saepe dixti C, divi ABEPV. It is easy to understand an 

ignorant or careless scribe writing diai for dixti, but how are we 
to account for C? Is it directly copied from a, or is it a correction, 
not needing very much acuteness, of a wrong traditional reading ? 

$41. in monte Ocetaeo C, in monte moetaco AEPV, in monte 
metaco B. I have suggested that the prevalent reading may have 
eriginated in in montem oetaewm wrongly divided. If so, C’s reading 
is an emendation. 

§ 42. accepimus CEV’, accipimus others. An easy emendation. 

§ 52. nihil horum CEV?’, nihil honorum ABV’, n. bonorum P. 
The abbreviations of honorum, bonorwm and horwm are easily con- 
fused, the only question is how C got the right reading. I think by 
emendation or by copying from V’. 


§ 54. Pierias OC, plerias ABE, proelias P, pleridas V. Here it 
would seem that a must have had plerias, variously corrupted in PV; 
C is an easy emendation. 

$65. consulantne di rebus humanis C, for di the other mss have de, 
which is a very natural corruption of original di, and was probably 
the reading of a, corrected by C. 

§ 72. quod sumas, quanto dissipes libentius CE; for dissipes 
ABPY' have dissipis, V’ disstpas. Here too I think it is easiest to 
regard C’s reading as a correction of dissipis. 

§ 74. de fide mala tutele (for -lae) C, de fide fidem alatat utile A, 
de fide allata tutelae B, de fide mala at utile PV, de fide mala 
tot utiles E. Here A must have arisen from a wrong division of 
words (de fidem alat utele) and a double dittographia of fide and at: 
perhaps in a the line ended with at. I think it probable that here too 
C’s reading is an emendation, as B’s certainly is. 

§ 83. grave C, gravem all others. Probably amiculum was mis- 
taken for the diminutive of amicus and so made masculine. C’s read- 
ing I take to be an emendation. 

§ 86. cwipiam nocuit C, quipiam n. AB, quippiam n. A*V 
(nothing said of E and P). Here I think the original reading was 
probably quoipiam, corrupted to gwipram in a, and variously emended 
by V and C. 

$94. in eam CEH, ineram (with r erased) A, in eram BP'V’, in 
istam P*, in meram V*. Here a must have had eram, CE are no 
doubt corrected after A. 

True text preserved by P alone. 

§ 26. conformatum |P], confirmatum others. 

§ 66. <istuc istac ibit PE (perhaps B'), istue is tacebit C, istuc 
ista ibit AV B’, isthaec marg. V same hand. There can be no doubt 
that P here represents a, and that the form istac being not very 
common, got corrupted in ABV; the marginal reading of V is pro- 
bably an attempt to explain istac. 

§ 92. hance PV’, haec others. 

I go on to give some crucial instances illustrating the character 
of the different Mss. 

§ 13. de Sagra. All the mss have gone wrong here, ACEPV 
having sacra by inadvertence, but B changes this into sacris to suit 
the context. 


§ 14. commemorabas BPV’, commorabas ACEV’. Here I think 
ACV represent a corrected in BP. 

$15. audivi,; tibi st ACV, audivit quam si (quam in ras.) B, 
audivit. tu st P, audivi Bis se E. The origin of the wrong readings 
is misdivision (awdivit 2bi st), which is corrected with intelligence by 
B and P, and without sense by E. 

§ 16. wnus is modus est ACEPV’, for is V’ has by a common 
mistake his, which B alters into ex his to make sense. 

§ 18. quoniam esset aliquid in rerum natura...esse aliquid 
homine melius ACPV, gq. esset aliquit hominem aliquid in rerum Ke. 
(st superscr. before esset) B, the eye of the copyist passing from the 
Ist to the 2nd aliquid, and then st being inserted to give a construc- 
tion; HE has sz esset aliquod. 

$19. ab hac ea questione...separantur ABPV, ea om CE (nis- 
taking it for a superfluous abl. sing.). 

§ 25, aram BCH, arama A, aranam V', arenam V*, aram aut P. 
The varieties here can be best explained by supposing a dittographia 
in a, altered in V and P to get some approach to sense. The correct 
reading was an easy emendation. 

§ 26. aedificatum ACEPV, aedificatum esse B Mu. Sch. The 
ae of esse is an easy emendation, which to my mind rather spoils 
the rhythm of the sentence. 

S27. naturae ista CEPV, naturae ste A, natura istaue B. Pro- 
bably B is a correction of a, represented by A, ste being carelessly 
written for sta*. 

$31. mollis est CEV’, mo V', mollest A’, molest B', molle est 
A*B’P. Here a probably had the abbreviated moll-est, written as 
one word by A, omitted as a monstrosity by V, and altered to the 
more familiar molest by B. 

§ 43. melora me didicisse...capedunculis...quam rationibus: 
this is the reading of all the Mss, but C adds refersit to find a govern- 
ment for guam, which it takes for the relative. 

Paniscti ABPV, Panes CE. 

§ 45. sanctisswme colunt (with one letter erased before colunt) 
V, sanctissemi ecolunt A, sanctissimum colunt E, sanctissimae colunt 
P, sanctissime colunt BC. Here probably V (and a) had sanctisswme 
ecolunt by dittographia of e, this was variously understood by A and 
P and emended by BCE. 

* Deiter (th. Mus. 1882 p. 314) gives naturae istae as the true reading of B. 


§ 46. fanum est BPV’, fanus est ACV' (in A s erased), Sannus 
E. Probably a had fand st, corrected in BP. 

§ 47. lucus AEVB®, lucos P making it the object of interpretor, 
lucis B' perhaps to suit Athens, locus C. 

$51. Arqui A'PV’, arcui B, arcus A’V*, arci CE. Arqui is 
plainly the reading of a, of which the others are corruptions. 

§ 56. Argum dicitur interemisse [A°BCE], argentum d. 2. A'PY. 
Probably a had an abbreviation, misread by the first recension (8), 
but rightly interpreted by B and emended by C, 

Aegyptum profugisse [CE],. aegyptum profuisse AB'V’, 
aegypto praefuisse BPPV*. I think a must have agreed with ABV, 
and that C and P are emendations. 

§ 64. dicamus indigna naturis Mady. conj., dicaliusu ignais 
ACPY, dic alio usu igneis V*, dicamus dignais de dys K., dicamus 
digna dis B. As m,n, wand li are frequently interchanged in the 
mss, there is no difficulty about the first word, but how are we to 
explain the change from indigna naturis into u ignais? The last 
syllable is an abbreviation for naturis, so the problem is how to 
change indignanais into wu ignais. The disappearance of the repeated 
na explains itself and we are left with w followed by hiatus to repre- 
sent ind. If this is a correct account of the readings in ACPV it is 
plain that B and E are merely conjectural. 

per mare BPV and (with re on erasure of four letters) A, 
permanere CE and probably A’. 

§ 65 fin. niob rem (see my n.), nt orbem V, niobem AC*E, niobe 
B; in jovem C', an iobem P, om. edd. with some inferior mss. No 
one has attempted to offer any explanation of the oldest readings; it 
has been assumed that Vzobe in B was a gloss giving the name of the 
speaker, but why in the world should Niobe have been selected ? 
If ni obrem were the reading of a, this would naturally be changed 
into the more familiar nz orbem or Niobem, and B would naturally try 
to make sense by dropping the m. 

$69. pestifera est multis admodum paucis salutaris. Instead of 
est A'BEPV’ have sint, CA’V® sit, in place of the original sé; B 
retaining the plural mends the grammar by reading salutaria. 

§ 70. nocere Deianira voluit ACEPV, n. Dianae ira voluit B by 
an ingenious emendation. 

§ 72. nec amet BPA’V’, necart et A'V'CE. I should suppose 
that B represents a, misread by 8 and corrected by P. 

§ 74. haec cotidiana, sicae, venena ACEPV, h. c. sica v. B 
(altering the number to make it agree with cotidiana). 


§ 75. (dedisses), dedisse E and before erasure of one letter B. 

§ 79. locum conficit cur di ABEP, locum conficitur di V by 
carelessness, corrected in V’* into conjicit utrum, in C into con- 
ficit ut. 

§ 81. septimum consul ABV", septimus c. CE, septies c. PV’, 
both corrections of a less common construction. 

§ 83. qui cum ad by corr. in BV, qui quod ad ABCPYV, qui 
quod cum ad K. The original reading was probably qzom. 

§ 86. quasi fundo...P. Rutilii sim questus ABPV, in- 
stead of the last four words CE ingeniously emend protzlissem 

I add a few examples from the earlier books. 

r 5. wt earum C, et earum AE, uetearum B. Probably a had 
etearum with w superscript over Ist letter. 

117. qaecum <A (and perhaps a), aeqi B, fretum (to govern 
following judicio) CE. 

124, whinam C, ubinan A, ubinon B', ubi B’E. Probably A 
represents a, corrected in B and C. 

1 36. (vi divina esse), ut divina esse A, ut divinam esse B Oxf., 
ut divina sit EK. Itis plain that A is a misreading of a and that B 
and E are corrections to make some kind of construction. 

137. (sententia st qui a), sententias qui ABE, sentias qui C (to 
make a government for the following qv). 

143. quoius ABE, cujus C. 

144. fere constat BE, fiert constat ACP. Probably B preserves 
the original, altered into a more common phrase by the others. 

149. widerit CE, viderat AP Oxf., videat B. Both C and B 
seem to me conjectural emendations of viderat. 

158. LZ. Crasso interpolated by BE, omitted by ACP Oxf. and 
no doubt by a. 

163. mnonne aperte B by corr. from non ea parte, nonne a parte 
AC, none aperte KE. Perhapsin a one line may have ended with none 
a and the next begun with perte. If so, it would seem that B was 
corrected from the original. 

165. doce P, doces ABCE Oxf. I suppose we must assume that 
P is a correction from doces in a. 

166. veri tamen similiora A, veri simili tamen similiora PB? 
and (reading simile for simili) B'E, veri simile tamen st meliora ©. 
I think P represents a, the scribe of which began to write similiora 


out of its place and then corrected it as A. B' and O would then be 

167. otio A, octo OC, optio BEP Oxf. I think a must have had 
optio corrected in A and O, 

punctis B Oxf., cunctis ACEP. 

168. ex atomis id natum ACE, ex atomi sit natum B*, ex atomis 
sit natum B’, ex atomis renatum P. 

170. dicere turpius BC, diceretur pius P Oxf., diceretur plus AK. | 
‘Here £, i.e. AP (and V represented by Oxf.), seems to have misread 
the undivided text of a, rightly read by B and corrected by CO. 

(nimis callide), nisi callide CE, nisi valde ABP Oxf. 
I suppose a must have had an abbreviation of callide, misunderstood 
by the best mss, but rightly rendered by C. 

171. quid sit quasi corpus aut quasi sanguis B, quid sit quasi 
sanguis ACEP Oxf. Another proof that B is descended from a by a 
distinct line. 

1 72. crederem A*B*E, credem A’B* and probably a, credam 
P Oxf., credemus C. 

olet B, floree ACEP. Forchhammer thinks B an emenda- 
tion, perhaps a may have had ololet or Joet. 

174. consulto dicis CH, consulta dicis ABP Oxf. Probably C is 
an emendation. 

176. nulla alia figura ACEP, nulla in alia f. B by emen- 

177. considera BE, consideras ACP Oxf. and probably a, 
B being here an emendation. 

180. ecquos A, etquos BCE. 

182. Apim illum BCE, apud nullum C. 

195. bipes BCE, impes O. 

1107. Cercopis, Cerconis AE and (by corr. fr. Cratonis) C. B 
gives the more familiar cerdonis. 

1114, ne intereat B with a, om. all others. 

119. peremnia B with a, perennia ACE. 

1110. crearet B’, recrearet AB°CE Oxf. Perhaps there may have 
been a dittographia of cre in a. 

1111. consules B, quos AC, om. E, vos Oxf. No doubt a had 
the abbreviated coss. 

1126. liquor aquae declarat C*, l. a. d. effusio APV, 1. a. d. 
efusae B, 1. a. d. effusioque E, 1. a. dederat effusio C’. Here effusio 
was probably a gloss on /iquor, altered by B and E to make sense. 

1 Baro leay 88 G d 


u 37. cui nihil absit B, quo nihil absit ACEPV. The original 
must have had quot altered by B and misunderstood by the others. 

161. ipsa B, ipsa vis ACEV’, ipsa vi V’. It would seem that 
the vis of the previous line had got wrongly inserted here, B alone 
representing a. 

65. planius quam B, planius quem AV’, planiusque V*E, 
pleniusque C. Quam was no doubt abbreviated in a and misread by 
all but B. 

caelo B, melo A'CEPYV, celo A’. Is Ban emendation or 
the correct reading of a misread by the others ? 

169. deflagravisse |CEP|V’, deagravisse A, deam nuigravisse V", 
demigravisse B (mt by corr.). Here I should suppose that A comes 
closest to the original, the letters 2 being lost or obscured ina: V 
would then be a bold emendation, and the true reading conjecturally 
restored in P. 

11112, cujus propter laevum genu CV, c. p. lacwm genum A, 
at propter laevum genus omni ex parte locaias parvas B', with cujus 
for at B*, with cajus and geny E. It is plain that E follows B and 
that B is taken from the Avratea, see n. in loc. 

11114. Chelis B (probably corrected from Aratea), cetis AC. 

1117. sublimis sed B, sublimi sed ACPV. 

11 126. alvos bes [P] V*, alvos ibis CE with a, alvo sibis A, 
alvo sibi B, alvos hibis V’. Here B is evidently an emendation. 

131. varia et tam V’, variae tam AV", varie tam B, varia tam 
CEP. Probably AV represent a altered by B and the others. 

11134. moltur B with a, mollitur ACEPV*. 

11145. omnesque sensus—antecellit [APC], omnesque s.—ante- 
cellit EV", omnesque s.—antecellunt B, perhaps right. 

147. ex quo videlicet quid | ACPV], ew quo videmus quid BE, 
no doubt an emendation to explain construction. 

11159. fabricarier ensem et AK (er in ras. A) V’, fabricari ferens 
emet C, fabricarvferensem et B (with re superscr. after fer), fabricari 
ferro ensem et V'. Here it would seem that A’B’C all had substan- 
tially the same reading which must have been that of a. B’and V’ 
are attempts to improve on this. 

It appears from the above examination of the readings that we 
might arrange the Mss in a scheme as follows. 

* Deiter 1. c. says the true reading of B is mollitur. 



This agrees fairly with Forchhammer’s view (Nordisk Tidskrift 
for 1880, p. 23 foll.), except that he does not recognize any connexion 
between E and the Ist line of descent (8), whereas many instances 
will be found above in which E agrees with A and C against B. 
I think also he is wrong in speaking of the group (y) as a familia 
deterior. Almost all the inferior codices may I think be affiliated 
to P. Again, where B alone has the true reading, Forchhammer will 
not allow that this is due to its being itself copied from the arche- 
type or even to its belonging to a better tradition: in all such 
cases he holds that the true reading is an emendation. I do not 
think any one who has taken the trouble to look through the 
readings given above will accept this view of B. On the other hand 
I cannot agree with Miiller (Wewe Jahrbiicher 1864 pp. 127—147, 
261—281, 605—631) and Vahlen (in the introduction to his edition 
of the De Legibus) in ranking B higher than A*. It is undoubtedly 
less trustworthy, and though it is more often the sole represen- 
tative of the archetype, this may be only because, A being closely 
allied with CPV, where A is right, these are usually right with it. 

It may be worth while to add that the texts used by Priscian 
and Probus seem to have been in some respects better than our 
archetype, cf. 11 117, 118 and 91 for Prob. 106, for Priscian. 

* See notes in my vol. 1. p. Ixx, - 




[Reprinted from the Journal of Philology, Vol. x11. pp. 248—255.] 

As I have had occasion to spend a good deal of time upon this 
Codex, which was kindly lent to me by the authorities of Merton 
College with a view to my edition of the De Natura Deorwm, I think 
it may be useful that I should put on record what I have learnt as 
to its history and character. 

We are told in the fly-leaf that it was given to the Merton 
Library by William Reade, a Fellow of the College, who was Bishop 
of Chichester from 1368 to 1385. He purchased it from Thomas 
Trilleck, who was Bishop of Rochester between the years 1364 and 
1372. It is curious that the British Museum contains a ms volume 
of Latin Sermons (Royal mss 10 A x1) similarly purchased from 
Trilleck by Reade, and presented by him to the College ‘de Sancta 
Trinitate,’ founded by Richard Earl of Arundel at Chichester. 
Both volumes have Bp Reade’s library mark, and the fly-leaf in both 
shows the same handwriting, probably Reade’s own. 

The Merton Codex, which I have denoted as Oxf. in my 2nd 
and 3rd volumes, is a neatly written parchment volume consisting of 
134 leaves or 268 pages. There are two columns in the page, each 
column containing 37 lines, and each line containing on the average 
8 words. The words and sentences are divided. Abbreviations are 
frequent. It contains the three books of the De Offciis in 68 pages, 
two pages of Epitaphia Ciceronis edita olim a duodecim sapientibus, 
the three books of the De Natura Deorwm in 64 pages, the 1st book 
of the De Divinatione (here called the 4th De Natura Deorum) as 
far as § 106 duros ulta labores in 21 pages, and the first four Philip- 
pics as far as IV $15 quem habebat amisit. The 3rd Philippic is 
made to end at 11 27 victwrum neminem, the latter half (from § 28 
hodierno die to censuerint) appearing as the 4th, and our 4th as the 
5th. This completes the original codex ending at p. 200. The last 
68 pages, which are ‘occupied with Palladius De Re Rustica in 13 
books, are written in a different hand belonging to the 13th century. 


Mr E. M. Thompson of the British Museum has kindly examined 
the volume for me and informs me that the original Codex was 
written in England towards the end of the 12th century. As there 
are only three mss which are definitely stated to be of an earlier 
date, viz. the Vienna Codex V of the 10th century, the imperfect 
Harleian K, and the Leyden Vossianus A of the 11th, to which we 
may perhaps add the Palatine (P), called perantiquus in Baiter’s ed., 
it is evidently deserving of a full collation*. The only other mss 
which can rival it in age are two others in the Leyden collection, 
Orelli’s B and C (Baiter’s H) both of the 12th century, and two 
French mss which seem never to have been collated, one in the 
National Library at Paris no. 15085, said to be written at the end 
of the 12th century, and one in the Library at Tours no. 688, said to 
belong to the same century. I mention these last in the hopes that 
I may be able to learn further particulars about them from some 
of my readers, and also that I may perhaps hear of other mss of 
equal antiquity which have escaped my notice. Halm in his pre- 
face to the Orellian edition of the philosophical treatises of Cicero 
mentions a Codex of the 11th century contained in the Munich 
Library (Ms 528), but I am informed by Mr Reid that he can learn 
nothing further about this from the present Librarian. 

Notwithstanding his neat writing, the scribe is undoubtedly very 
careless (1) in the division of words and sentences, (2) in mistaking 
uncommon for familiar words, (3) in repeating words or clauses, 
(4) in omissions arising from the recurrence of similar words or 
syllables. As examples of (1) I may cite guid jus for quidvis 1 39, 
in situ for nist tu 1 57, video for in deo 1 67, feres for se res 111 66, 
hoc diceretur pius esse for hoc diceret turpius esse 1 70, invidia for in 
India 111 42, quid doceam for quid Oceant 111 24, tam uteles for 
tutelae 111 74. Examples of (2) are carnales for Carneades 111 29, 
triformis for Trophonius 111 49, celsos for caesios 1 83, teximus eo ede 
for Thelainoe Aoede 111 54, et amet for Aeetam et 11155. Examples 
of (3) are 111 17, where, instead of plurima a te Balbe dicta sunt, we 
read plurima cum pulchritudine mundi B. d. s., the words cum— 
mundi being taken from a few lines below, where they followed 
pulchra, which the copyist probably confounded for the moment with 
plurvma, and never corrected his mistake, if indeed he ever became 

’* For P and the Laurentian Codex 257 see the preceding Essay on Orelli’s 


aware of it. In the same way in 11 33, instead of nullum igitur 
animal aeternum est, we read n. 2. a. appetit quaedam aeternum est, 
without any attempt at sense, the words appetit quaedam being 
inserted from below, where they followed another animal; but the 
copyist writes on, apparently quite unconscious of his mistake. So 
in 111 34, instead of qguin id intereat, etenim ea ipsa, the copyist 
looking back a few lines sees another intereat followed by necesse est, 
and accordingly writes necesse est for etenim here: in 111 71 (inita 
subductaque ratione nefaria scelera meditantes), the copyist on coming 
to ratione allows his eye to stray to another ratione some lines below 
and goes on there qwi i amore summo summaque inopra, returning 
then to nefaria. 

The last kind of carelessness specified was the omission of clauses 
owing to the recurrence of similar words or syllables. The following 
may be quoted as examples. 

11 21 after non utitur om. nihil autem—utitur. 

after esse mundum om, similiter—esse mundum. 

32 after pluris esse om. necesse est—pluris esse. 

36 after non sit deterior om. mundi—homine deterior. 

43 after praestantem intellegentiam om. in sideribus—intelle- 

46 after nihil sit melius om. mundo—id sit melius. 

47 after absit extremum quantum, om. idem a summo—eruditum. 

64 after vacare voluerunt om. ea parte—voluerunt. 

119 after facerem wm om. causis—facerem in, which is however 
superscribed in the same hand. 

18 after esset aliquid om. in rerwm—esse aliquid. 

29 after omne animal om. tale est—omne animal. 

35 after corpora intereant om. non—cum intereant. 

79 after valere sic om. non—nemo sit. 

90 after penis om. lwendis—poetis. 

170 after alterum utrum om. esse verum—concessit before esset, 

So int 95 we read nist nunquamne vidisti, instead of nisi nwm- 
quam vidi solem aut mundum beatum. Quid! mundum praeter 
hune umquamne vidiste ? 

In the great majority of the above quotations, if not in all, and 
in many similar cases the Merton Codex stands alone. While they 
show the carelessness of the copyist, they also show that he does 
not go wrong of malice prepense, like the writer of the Cambridge 
Codex, with the idea of improving on his original. He does not try 


to make sense, and therefore his blunders are all of a mechanical 
nature. If we set aside these idiosyncrasies, the question arises, 
with which of the other mss is this most closely connected. I think 
the instances given below, which might be multiplied to any extent, 
show conclusively that it is very nearly allied to the oldest known 
codex, Orelli’s V, written in the 10th century, and to the Harleian 
Codex 5114 M, written in the latter half of the 15th century. To 
the same group belong the Roman and Venetian editions of 1471. 
The relation in which it stands to Orelli’s V is curious. Where 
there is a second reading in V, this is usually followed in the Merton 
Codex (Oxf.), but not by any means universally, not in general 
where it is specified that the correction or marginal reading in V is 
written secunda manu, as in 11 69, where V* has the correct deflagra- 
visse, while Oxf. agrees with V’ in the reading deam migravisse. 
Sometimes an older reading is preserved in Oxf., which has been cor- 
rected in V, thus in 11 18 Oxf. has appareat and ne cogitari, where 
V has by correction apparet and nec cogitari; in 11 56 V has emen- 
tita by correction, while Oxf. with MCR retains, what was probably 
the original reading of V, ea mentita. Sometimes both readings are 
combined, as in 11 27 where V' has eis fervescunt, V’ effervescunt, Oxf. 
eis effervescunt ; 11127 where V" has cursu, V’ morsu, Oxf. incursu 
morsu. Sometimes we observe a general resemblance combined with 
slight and probably accidental variation, as in 11 123 where AB'V’ 
have data elephantos (doubtless representing an original elephantost), 
corrected to d. elephanto in B’, to d. elephantis in PV*HMIR, and to 
d. elephanti in Oxf. ; in 11146, where ABEP read et parte tangendi, 
V by corr. e¢ arte tangendi, and Oxf. arte et tangendi; in 1 42, 
where BC rightly give id et, and A'PV* id est, V* has id est que, 
E idem, and Oxf. MRCV idemque. The conclusion to which these 
things point, seems to be that Oxf. was copied from V at a time 
when some, but not all the corrections, which are now found there, 
had been made. One would like to know whether Orelli’s ‘ secwnda 
manus’ always denotes the same handwriting and, if so, what is its 
date*. At the same time there are occasional difficulties in the way 
of this hypothesis: for twenty cases, say, in which Oxf. agrees with 
V against the rest of Orelli’s mss, we find one, it may be, in which 
Oxf. approaches more nearly to some of them than to V. Thus in 
11 86, where Baiter reads ecferant, AC have et ferant, B haec ferant, 

* On this point see Detlefsen in the Vienna Sitz. Ber. for 1856, p. 117. 


E hec ferant, V eo ferant, while Oxf. and M have nec ferant. Per- 
haps here the true reading of V may have been ec, misread eo by the 
collator, and then ec may have been changed to the more familiar 
nec by Oxf. In 11:73 V has locus, the other mss locus est, Oxf. 
locutus est; in 1 64 BCV have caelestem, Oxf. BIE caelestium, 
AECR caelestum ; in 1150 V with HMR has tum australis, while 
Oxf. has aut aust. with ABCEPB. 

As V wants the whole of Book 1, my examples are necessarily 
confined to the 2nd and 3rd books. 

u 27 subditis V? Oxf. M <Asc., swbitis ABCEPV'B. 

29 in quoque genere A’B Asc., in quoquo g. CB, in quo g. A’PV 

31 cum homines A°B’V Oxf. Asc. HLMO, quin h. CEPB. 

33 prima ABEV Oxf. BMV Asc., primo CPHLO. 

34 in ulla V’ Oxf. LM, in nulla mss generally, in illa V Ase. 

38 id quod ACEGBH, quod BPV Oxf. M. 

in equo quam in eculeo V* (sec, m.) and Mss generally, neguaquam 
in eculeo V", nequaquam (contracted) in eque Oxf. 

id in perfecto CPBM Oxf. (zd cory. fr. is) AV, is in p. BE. 

41 omnium V* (sec. m.) and mss generally, om. Oxf. V". 

45 restat Mss generally, sane (repeated from sanae above) restat 
V Oxf. MCV. 

47 extremum quantum V* Oxf. Red. Asc., extremum Mss gene- 

48 potest indoctius ACEPV'BH, potest esse indoctius BV? Oxf. 
Asc. LMO. 

49 quot CEPV’GH Oxf., quod AB'V'BO, quid BM. 

conficiat B by corr., confeciat A by corr., confectat CEPBL, 
confecta V Oxf. MRV. 

51 Saturnt by corr. BV also Oxf. HM, Saturnis A, Saturnia 

56 versantur CBH, versatur ABEPV Oxf. MC, 

59 modum AEV Oxf., mundum B'CB. 

vens et Oxf. B*V’MO, venisset BB, venis sed ACE, venis 
mec V'. | 

61 ea ipsa B, ea ipsa vis ACEV? Oxf. Mus.*, ea ipsa vi V". 
vides—vides V* Oxf. MO, vides—vide AV'B, vide—vide 
CEB. | 

* «Mus.’ denotes the consensus of the mss in the British Museum. 


62 Semela V Oxf., semele A* BCE, semel A’. 

mysteriis ABCEBO, ministeriits V Oxf., LMR. 

65 planius quam BO, planius quem AV* Oxf., planiusque 
EV’BLMRYV, pleniusque C. | 

66 altert A’®, alterum A’BCEV’B, altero PV’ Oxf. HM +. 

69 deflagravisse CEPV® (sec. m.) BH, deagravisse A, denugra- 
visse B by corr., deam migravisse V* Oxf. 

abfuisset A?V*, adfuisset Oxf., afuisse A’BC'V", affuisse E. 

70 ut cum gigantibus ABEV’ Oxf. M, id est gigantibus V* 
(sec. m.). 

71 quos deos ABCEV'’, hos deos V* Oxf. 

76 sit necesse est melius ABCV’ Oxf., sit necesse est esse me- 
lius V*. 

80 nihil autem ABCEV’, nihil autem est V*ML +, nihil autem 
esse Oxf. CR. 

83 quacumque movemur BV Oxf. M, qua movemur ACE +. 

100 saxa nativis CEV Oxf. M, saxasanativis AB', saxosana- 
tivis B®. 

101 spiritu BV’ Oxf. M, spiritus ACEV’. 

111 Andromeda aufugiens V Oxf. by corr. in A and B, Andro- 
meda haud fugiens CP, Andromeda haut fugiens E. 

114 infernis e BOP, inferni se V'M, inferni de V’ Oxf., mfernis 
de E. 

122 ea est BCH, eas ee APV Oxf. ML. 

humilitas BCEV’ Oxf., humilatas AP, humiliatas V*. 

123 alu generis bestiis P, aliis generis escis ABO’, aliis gen. estis 
V', alius generis escis V’ Oxf. . 

126 purgantes O, purgante ABCV’, purgatione P, purgare V° 
Oxf. M, purgantur E. 

127 morsu PV’M, cursu ABCEV' +, incursu morsu Oxf. 

129 aiwnt Oxf. V by corr., alunt ABCEPV. 

excuderunt ABCPV, excuderint EV’, excluserint V marg. Oxf. 

131 varia et tam V? Oxf. Asc., variae tam AV", varie tam B, 
varia tam CEP. 

134 constrictis V Oxf. MCR, constructis ABCEP. 

136 ducant ABC, adducant PV Oxf. M, abducant E. 

138 contagione ABCEP +, coagitatione V Oxf. M. 

143 conwentibus PV Oxf. M, conluentibus ABCEBH, confluen- 
tibus LINO. 

150 ad tibiarum ABCEV’, ac tibtarwm PV? Oxf. ML. 


admotione B*°CPV? Oxf., ad motionem AEV", admonitione B’. 

151 consectione V? Oxf. ML, confectione B, confectionem ACEPV'. 

153 accipit ad cogiitionem A*’BCEPYV', acc. ab tis cogn. V*, ace. 
ab his cogn. Oxf. MRV. 

162 providentia (by corr. fr. prudentia) V Oxf. M, prudentia 

167 prosperae semper ACP +, prospere semper BEV’, prospere 
eveniunt semper V? Oxf. RV. 

168 vobis ABCEPV’, quovis V* Oxf. 

ut 8 posses Oxf. V’, possis ABCEPV’. . 

9 coniveres edd., contuereris EV’? Oxf. HMRV, contueres 

11 praesentis ABCE, praesertis V Oxf., praesentes V marg. 

credis esse V Oxf., credidisese A, credidisses B, credidisse CP, 
credisse EK. 

13 rationes ACEV'’B, rationes requiro BV” Oxf. 

14 commemorabas BP V® Oxf., commorabas ACEV'B. 

20 velles BPV’ Oxf., velis ACEV'BH. 

21 quid dicis melius ABCEPV? (sec. m.), om. Oxf. VMNCRV. 

23 erit mundus V marg. (ead. m.) Oxf. MINCRV, om. 

24 habent ABCEP, om. V", habent vel servant V marg. (sec. m.) 
Oxf. MCV. 

28 quasi consensus Oxf. and Mss generally (quidam superscr. sec. 
m. V), quasi quidam cons. FH. 

29 ferundam edd., fruendam A’BCEPV’BL, jerendam A’*V* 
Oxf. MCRV. 

35 diceret intellegi Oxf. V*, diceret quod intellegi ABCEPV'B. 

omnem vim ABCEPV marg., omniwm V by corr. Oxf., omnia 
unum WICR. 

38 nos ABCEP, non V Oxf. HMNR. 

nihil est nec esse ABCEP, nihil esse nec esse V, nihil esse necesse 

41 sermonis ABCEP, sermones V", sermone V* Oxf. MCV. 

reddes ABCEPV'’BHL, redde V’? Oxf. M+. 

44 wiebat (2nd) ABCEPV’, agebat V’ Oxf. BML. 

morbus edd., modus ABCEPV’BHL, motus V’ Oxf. M, metus 

45 Rhesus BEP, Hesus ACV'B, Theseus V? Oxf. MNCRV. 

48 duces A’, dices B, ducis CEV’B, dicis A°PV’® Oxf. M+. 


49 Erechtheus OP, erectheus AB, eritheus E, eratheus V Oxf. MP, 
aratheus Yi’. 

60 aliaque edd., atque V Oxf. MRCV, ct B’, om. AB'CEP. 

79 conficit cur ABEP, conficit ut CB, conficitur V', conficit 
utrum V* Oxf. 


[The readings of the Merton ms are in italics. Where it seemed desirable 
I have added the received text in brackets. ] 

1 multae res in philosophia om. sint. agnitionem. quod tam 
variae sint. hominum sententiae tamque discrepantes. ut id om. esse 
debeat—sententias § 2, om. 

2 (quod) quid. nihil agant om. (iis) his. primisque. dijudi- 

3 (ab iis) ab his. (a dis) ab eis. (juvare) adjuvare. (ab iis) 
ab his. possit om, (item) ita. 

4 (ratione) oratione. (maturata) natura. (que quae) que. (ita) in. 

6 (autem) quoque. effunderet. relicto. (studio) stwdii. 

7 (ea) eam. (otio) oratione. 

8 (minus) minimus. ; 

9 pertractandam by corr. fr. perpetrandam. aliae ex aliis nexae. 

10 auctores. (soleo id quod) sollempnia. 

11 disciplinam om. ercesila. sit om, (iis) his. 

12 me non profiteor secutum esse in marg. judicandi om. existit. 
(iis) isl, his?. 

13 videntur by cory. fr. dicuntur, ut in sinefebis, omnium once. 

15 c. cottam, (est) sit. epicuri. peroportune. (mihi magna 
de re) de re magna. 

16 atqui. oportune. M enim (contracted) Piso, (peripateticis) 
hypatheticis twice. ille om. 

17 vero inquit om. 

18 solent om. intermundi is. ; 

19 (a deo atque aedificari) adeo aedificarique. efficiendum. 

20 palmaris. (physiologiam) philosophiam philiologiam. (aliquod) 
aliquid. pronoe vero si vestra est Lucili eadem requiro. 

21 (autem) enim. (conversione) convenientia. metiebantur, 
non potest. 

22 (at iste) ad ista. (potest esse oblect.) potest obl. esse. 

23 (mereretur) meretur. venientia corr. fr. lent. naturam intelle- 

24 nec cogitari. (si minima) swmma. est pars pars est etiam corr. 
fr. est pars etiam etiam. (pars obr.) parsque obr. 

25 (vero sint) vero? est ut, si sine sensu di possunt esse. (eosque) eos, 


26 sed post axiaximenes. deus sine ulla forma (superscr. fortuna). 
ac ratione ac vt. sensu. in infinito om. in. quo non ipsa. 
(animal aliquod voluit esse erit aliquid) an. esse vol. aliquod erit. (aliquid 
interius) int. al. 

27 (quod) quid. (Alemaeo) alcineo by corr. fr. alcimeo. 

28 (item) ita. reprehenditur. conventicium quiddam corone simile. 
stephanem. continentem ardorem lucis orbem. cingit. revocat. 
(hoc omittantur) hoc comitantur. 

29 (sensu omni) sens. (habere quod liqueat) gu. lig. scire. nonne 
deum—faciat in marg. aer qui. deo utitur. 

30 (anquiri) an quaeri. (aowpuarov) asamathon. (careat etiam) c. 
enim. et celum repeated. 

32 wnum om. (dicens tollit) dicens qua omnia regantur t. (from below). 

33. magistro uno. (dicit) dixit. designaret, demum. esse 
repeated after beatus. 

34 (de) in. (fabulis) famulis, tamen modo. vult corr. from tulit. 

36 (vi divina esse affectam) ut divinam esse ac perfectam. appellatur. 

37 (censeat) deceat. (deus animans) ne deus amans. deum mun- 
dum. (tum totius) cum t. qui aether. (delirans) deliberans. 
voluntatem. (tum nihil) cum n. divinius esse, 

38 (volumus) voluminis. (dicit).dicunt. in deos om, 

39 veterrimus. (quidvis) quid jus. ea quae by corr, fr. eam quae. 

40 persequimur. : 

41 fabulas. (poetae) posse poetae. (haec ne) nec. sint, 
partum Jovis ortumque. 

42 in deos. (praeterea) praeterita. omni tempore intemperantia. 

43 (ignoratione) ignorantiae (so K). (venerari) vulnerare (so M and vul- 
nerart H), (et) wt. (habere debeat) haberi debeatur. enim est. 
quod om. prolemsim. 

44 esse before deos. (esse igitur deos confitendum est) est ig. conf. d. 
esse, fatemur. nomina om. prolemsim. 

45 (quod quae) quod quaeque. (nullos...impendere) nullus...impediret. 
vitam et actionem meniis atque agitationem video. 

46 (ac) hac. (humanam) hwmanorum. 

48 (quoniamque) quoniam quia (so M). in om. 

49 causam. viderat. tractet ut manu doceat. (eam) tamen. 
ad deos. 

50 (infinitatis) infirmitatis. 
51 tum...tum. 
52 sive in ipso. 

53 vacatione numerum. fabrica tamque eam. facilem. negetis. 
natura om. 

54 (oram) horam. (insistere) existere. invisibilium athomorum 
volitat. choerescunt. vestris, 

55 himarmanem. estimanda sit. 

56 libertate vindicati. metuimus. habenda mihi. 

57 atque. (nisi tu) insitu. (ducam) dicam. vidert mihi. 


58 L. Crasso om. id uberius. difficillima. . 

59 (solebat) accepissem from below. _(illa bene refellerentur) ille refel- 
lerentur. (venit) evenit. ineptes. acciderat. 

60 (quale) quare. mihi res. cetera qua. (quid eorum) qui 

61 (necne sint) necne. in consensu. 

62 deorum nulla suspitio sit. 

63 aperte. nam et. (quidem) qui et. neque ut non sint neque 
ut sint. (habeo) ho. aut Neptuni. fuisset om. 

64 (vultis) multis (so HN). 

65 doces. nihil inesse individuum. 

66 veri similia tamen similiora. partim autem angulata piramata quae- 
dam et quasi adunca. 

67 (ne in deo quidem) ne video, (otio) optio (so BEPL). punetis, 
an in. 

68 (quod enim) quia enim. (id natum aliquando est) sit n. a. sit. in 

69 velud. (suopte) suo te. directa. 

70 (hoc dicere turpius est) hoc diceretur pius esse. devinctionibus. 
utrum esset ejus modi (omitting esse verum—concessit). (aut etiam 2nd) aut 
negavit. (Arcesilas) Artophilas. nisi valde. 

71 mirabilius quam vos. corpus aut quasi om. 

72 (equidem) quidam. credam, ne ex leutico. putent. neodes, 

73 (metuit) metivit. naust fane. (si haec) si lew, inanes, 

74 quasi corpus—intellego om. (nec consulto) consulta. liqueat. 

75 (in Venere) invenere. (sanguis est) s. non est. -Epicuro. (fac 
id) facis. deorum om. 

76 anticipatum. (quod) wt. debet. possit before quod. 

77 quicquid. consideras. (omnino—caecus) omnium—cetus. 
in deo. imperatorum. se om. (tu) in. quam sui. (aqui- 
lam) aliquam. 

78 enim dicam. vexat. corpori. naturae tanta. homini. 
difficili after similis esse by repetition from above. 

79 (cujus) culus. (formosus est) om. est. nevus in hasticulo delectat 
puert. quintus Catulus. exorientem. (vestra) vera. visus. 
aderat. sicutt. falsum. 

80 et quos thrice.. ac petulos. (nihil inter) om. nihil, 

81 (quid) quod. iste—defendens. si. apparuisse. reliquos. 

82 et spoliata simulacra. nefando, egipto, cocodrillum. 

83 (physicum) fuscum. ventilatoremque. (caesios) celsos, esse 
Athenis. ; 

84 nescicris. istam effutientem (so M). at tu. (tui) tu. 
aut lunam om. 

85 humano quo docui. ergo. sigillatim numerantes. fecerit. 

86 iste. id esse immortale. ante te. (his ille) his ita 



87 natura ponere. (in ulla) nulla. illustrationem, 

88 attingimus. nonne. mediterranet. vulpeculas lepues 

89 quae. quod autem. 

90 factum est vultis. 

91 semina. (liberet) juberet. 

92 decreverunt. supervacaneum. loqueretur. quam interiora om. 

93 hermacus. (etiam Leontium) om. etiam (so HN). ausa fuit 
superscer, sit. ortus. contumeliose. phedro. concideret. 
sillum. cristppam. 

94 neulla. impetraretis. (curatio) oratio. 

95 bipes. dicenda sunt. 

96 numquam—praeter hune om. numquamne. (sescenta) sententia. 
(docebit) videbit. beata et aeterna quae om. divinae naturae sunt. 

97 elephante. 

98 in homine (so A). loquare. 

99 hoc om. supervacaneum. ad—ad om. membra om. 
quid ipsa—pertinet om. 

100 (et) ad. haec fecisset. talis esse. 

101 vivae noceant nec odore noceant. possunt. cochodrillorum. 

102) Epicurus—evistimant. 

103 oportet et, om. et. (sunt suus est cuique) sunt swus cuique est. 
inundat. supremum aether. hora. (terrenae sunt) terrae ne sint. 

104 attigerit est ulcus. 

105 (nec esse) necesse. (eandem permanere) tandem—permanare. 

106 wt igitur titum. inanem tum. octavi. tum pervenerint. 

107 nunc etiam. quam omnium. incidere om. nec ex. 
(id est) quidem. incurrere. 

108 fuwerunt—potuerunt. 

109 (at) ad. continenter quoquo modo. inquit. facient. 
eqilibram. (etiam esse) esse etiam. (sane) ea. 

110 quae nulla sunt om. (agitari) attigart. animare non, om. non. 

111 earundem. Epicuri. ne—quidem. 

113 (at) ad. quibus quasi—delicatas voluptates om. sapientior. 
(vestros) nostros (so H). 

114 (at) a. pulchro. quomodo videatur iste deus beatus. 

115 (P. Scaevolam) scevolanum (so ABE). ut Xerxes. 

116 elicere. voluptate. et scientia est. colendi sunt, 
accepto om. 

117 laberare. libuerit. 

118 prodigus chius. 
119 horarum. 

120 (fontibus) frontibus. ortulos. (in universitate) wniversitati. 
mentesque quae sunt. solent. (animantes imagines) an. virgines. 
(omnia) annua. 

121 dignos. is idem. 

122 inbeciilitatem. nulla est, om. est. ductum. in nulla 




Introduction. Cotta regards the Stoic doctrine as deserving of 
more serious attention than the Epicurean ; but is himself content to 
believe as his fathers did. If the Stoics profess to base their religion 
on grounds of reason, they must be prepared for criticism, ch, 1 § 1— 

ch. 11 § 6. 
Criticism distributed under four heads. 
A. The Divine Existence, ch. 111 § 7—ch. vitt § 19. 
B. The Divine Nature, ch. vit § 20—ch. xxv § 64. 

C. Providential Government of the Universe, § 65. (All but a 
few lines lost.) 

D. Providential Care for Man (beginning lost), ch. xxv1 § 66— 
ch, xxx1x § 93. 

Conclusion. Cicero gives his vote in favour of the Stoic, as 
opposed to the Academic view. 

A. The Divine Existence, ch. 11 § 7—ch. vit § 19. 

Aa. If the belief in the Divine Existence is necessary and uni- 
versal, as the Stoics allege, it is worse than useless to attempt to rest 
it on argument, which simply raises doubts as to the validity of the 
belief. §§ 7—10. 

Ab. It is not true that the sight of the heavens leads to a belief 
in the Stoic God of Nature. §§ 10, 11. 

Ac. , General belief is a strange ground to allege for a philo- 
sophical conviction, especially on the part of those who hold the vow 
popult to be the vox stultorum. § 11. 

Ad. The ‘epiphanies’ to which the Stoics appeal are mere 
rumour unconfirmed by evidence. §§ 11—13. 

Ae. Divination is utterly fallacious, and would be of no bene- 

fit, if true. It cannot therefore prove the Divine Existence. 
§§ 14, 15. 


Af. Of the other arguments adduced by Cleanthes, the two 
which deal with the blessings of life and the order of the heavenly 
bodies will be treated of under C: the awe-inspiring phenomena of 
nature, though they helped to produce the belief in God, yet are far 
from proving the validity of that belief. §§ 16, 17. 

Ag. The arguments of Chrysippus as to the power, beauty and 
harmony exhibited in the universe, the syllogisms of Zeno, and 
the physical proof of the divinity of the universe are reserved for 
the same section (C). §§ 18, 19. (They are really treated of in 
section B.) 

B. The Divine Nature, ch. viii § 20—ch. xxv § 64. 

Ba. Criticism of particular arguments of Zeno, Chrysippus and 
Xenophon. §§ 20—28. 

(1) When it is said ‘the universe is best and therefore divine’, 
there is an ambiguity in ‘best’. Granted that it is most beautiful 
and admirably adapted to our wants, but how is it most wise? If, 
as Zeno says, because what is wise is better than what is not wise, 
why not, on the same principle, make the universe to be a mathe- 
matician or musician’? §§ 20—23. 

(2) Again, as to the argument that the regular movements of 
the stars prove them to be divine, this is simply the regularity of 
nature: on the same principle we should call the tides divine. 
§§ 23, 24. 

(3) Chrysippus uses ‘better’ in the same vague way as Zeno, 
and does not distinguish between nature and reason. It is no pre- 
sumption in man to believe that he is himsel? rational and that the 
stars are made of brute matter. The comparison of the universe to 
a house begs the question. {§ 25, 26. 

(4) Nor is there more weight in the assumption of the Xeno- 
phontic Socrates, that the rational soul of man must have proceeded 
from a rational soul in the universe; or in that (of Chrysippus) 
that the harmony of nature can only be explained on the suppo- 
sition of one divine Governour. Both the harmony of nature and 
the soul of man are spontaneous products of nature acting according 
to her own laws. §§ 27, 28. 

Sb, The argument of Carneades showing that no animal can 
be eternal (and therefore that the God of the Stoics is a figment). 
S$ 29—34. 


(1) Whatever is corporeal is discerptible. § 29. 

(2) Whatever is animated is capable of feeling, and whatever is 
capable of feeling is liable to impressions from without, and therefore 
to destruction. § 29. 

(3) Whatever is composed of changing elements is itself liable 
to change and therefore perishable ; but the four elements, of which 
all animals are composed, are changeable and perishable; therefore 
all animals are mortal. §§ 30, 31. 

(4) Every animal is susceptible of pleasure and pain, but that 
which is susceptible of pain is susceptible of death. §§ 32, 33. 

(5) Every animal has instinctive likes and dislikes for that 
which is in accordance with, and that which is contrary to its 
nature; but that which is contrary to nature is destructive to life ; 
therefore every animal is liable to destruction. § 33. 

(6) Sensation, whether pleasurable or painful, when it reaches a 
certain point is destructive to life. § 34. 

(7) All things must be either simple, or compounded of different 
elements. A simple animal is inconceivable: in a compound each 

element has a tendency to fly apart to its proper sphere, so that de- 
composition is inevitable. § 34. 

Be. There is no reason to suppose that fire is more akin to 
Divinity than the other elements. §§ 35—37. 

(1) It is not more essential to life than they are. §§ 35, 36. 

(2) If it is the cause of feeling in man, it must itself be 
endued with feeling and therefore (by Lb. 4) liable to destruction. 
§ 36. 

(3) Moreover fire is not self-existent, but needs fuel for its 
support. § 37. 

Bd. Virtue, as we understand it, is incompatible with our idea 
of the divine nature. Yet it is impossible to believe in a Deity 
without virtue. The incompatibility of virtue with our idea of God 
is shown in the case of each particular virtue, prudence (1), justice (2), 
temperance (3), fortitude (4). § 38. 

Be, Even if we grant the divinity of the universe, what ground 

is there for admitting a host of other gods? ch. xv § 39—ch. xxv 
§ 64. 

mC. Ii, 


(1) The vulgar mythology is not more irrational than that of 
the Stoics, who make gods of the stars, and of food, and of dead men. 
ss 39—41. 

(2) Admitting the principle of apotheosis, how are we to pick 
out the true claimant from among the many pretenders to each 
divine name? (For details see the Appendix on the mythological 
section.) §§ 42, 53—60. 

(3) The sorites of Carneades shows that it is impossible to draw 
the line between what is divine and what is human or natural. 
S$ 43—92. 

(4) No less absurd are the deified abstractions of the Stoics, and 
their whole system of allegorization with its strained etymologies. 

ss 61—64. 

C. Providential Government of the Universe. § 65. [This sec- 
tion is almost entirely lost. | 

D. Providential Care for Man, ch. xxvi § 66—ch. xxxix § 93. 
[A considerable portion of this section is lost, comprising probably 
(1) the argument founded on the endowments of man exclusive of 
his reason, which latter is considered below under Da; (2) that 
founded on the subordination of the animate and inanimate creation 
to man’s good. Compare 11 §§ 133—146, 148—153, 154—162. | 

Da. The gift of reason is an injury rather than a benefit. 
S$ 66—78. 

) This shown by examples from tragedy, $$ 66—68 ; 
(2) by examples from comedy, §§ 72, 73; 
(3) by examples from the law-courts, § 74. 

(4) It is only right reason which is beneficial, and this is so rare 
that it cannot be derived from God, as he would never have been guilty 
of partiality in his dealings with men.  §§ 69, 70. 

(5) The objection is not met by the rejoinder that these evils 
are owing to man’s abuse of reason; for the Deity must have fore- 
seen that these evils would flow from the bare gift of reason, and 

was therefore bound to prevent them by guarding it from error. 
S§ 70, 71, 76—78. 


Db. Tf it be true that lack of wisdom is the greatest of evils, 
and that all men lack wisdom, how can it be said that man is the 
special favorite of Heaven? § 79. 

De. If God really cared for men, he ought to have made all men 
good, or at least to have rewarded the good and punished the bad. 
§$ 79—93. 

(1) Instances of suffering virtue. § 80. 

(2) Instances of triumphant vice. §§ 81—84. 

(3) Such a state of things is inconsistent with any moral govern- 
ment. § 85. 

(4) It is no answer to say that de minimis non curat lex. Life 
and liberty cannot be called minima. § 86. 

(5) [If it be alleged that all external goods are minima in com- 
parison with virtue], it is just these external goods which are at the 
disposal of Heaven. Virtue is what each man must win for himself, 
and is therefore never made the subject of prayer. Men have deified 
Virtue in the abstract, but in reality it is only a quality of their own 
nature. §§ 86—88. 

(6) It is only by shutting our eyes to the negative instances, 
that we can maintain that piety is regularly rewarded and impiety 
punished. § 89. 

(7) Intentional neglect is a great fault in a ruler, and in a 
Divine Ruler there can be no such thing as unintentional neglect. 

§ 90. 

(8) It is argued that vice is punished in the descendants of the 
guilty person: what should we say to such justice in a human ruler ? 
§ 90. 

(9) We need not have recourse to the Deity to explain such 

moral government as actually exists in the world. It is the natural 
result of human agency. § 91. 

(10) Moreover how can God punish, if, as the Stoics assert, he 
is incapable of anger?’ He might however exert the power, of which 
you have given such elaborate proof, in helping the good. If he does 
not do this, it must be because either the will or the knowledge is 
wanting. § 92. 

(11) You allow that his care does not extend to individuals : 

why should it extend -to nations, or even to humanity at large? 
§ 93. 



(12) Yet you are inconsistent enough to believe in divination 
and to encourage the offering of vows. § 93. 

(13) With so many unemployed deities as you acknowledge, 
there seems no reason why supervision might not have been extended 
to the minutest detail of individual life. § 93. 

Conclusion. Cicero avows his personal preference for the Stoic, 
as opposed to the Academic view of theology. §§ 94, 95. 


There can be no doubt that for the materials of this book Cicero 
was mainly indebted to the Carthaginian Hasdrubal, better known 
by his Greek name Clitomachus, who was born about 180 B.c. and 
went to reside at Athens about ‘155. He was for many years a 
disciple of Carneades and eventually became the head of the New 
Academy. Carneades himself having left no written remains (Diog. 
Iv 65, Plut. Jor. p. 828), it was through the voluminous writings of 
his scholar, extending to more than 400 volumes, that his teaching 
was perpetuated, cf. Diog. Iv 67 duedéEaro tov Kapveadny Kat ta 
airov padiora dia THV ovyypappatov eéeputicey, Cic. Acad. 11 104 
explicavi paulo ante Clitomacho auctore quo modo ista Carneades 
diceret, ib. 11 98 a Clitomacho sumam (totam Carneadi sententiam) 
qui usque ad senectutem cum Carneade fuit, Sext. Emp. 1x 182 
npwotnvTa. S€ vrd Tod Kapveddov kal cwpeitixds tives (Adyot), ovs 6 
yVopyLos auto KrXerropayos Ws CTOVOGLOTATOUS Kal QVUTLKWTATOUS ave- 
ypawev (referring to the arguments which Cicero has inserted below 
§§ 43—52). We are told (dc. 1 102) that Clitomachus addressed 
two of his philosophical treatises to Romans, one to the satirist 
Lucilius, the other to Censorinus, consul in 149 B.c.; and that he 
was lecturing at Athens during the quaestorship of the orator Crassus 
110 B.c. (Orat. 1 45). Cicero mentions a treatise wept éroxis in 
four books (de. 1 98) and a consolatio written to his countrymen 
after the fall of Carthage (Z'usc. 11 54). Schwencke (Jahrb. f. 
class. Philol. 1879, 2 p. 141) conjectures that the title of the treatise 
employed here by Cicero was wept mpovotas. 


That Carneades was the great source of all criticism of Stoic 
doctrines and especially of Stoic theology is evident from Cicero’s 
own words V. D. 1 162 Carneades libenter in Stoicos invehebatur, 
Tusc. V 83 contra Stoicos, quos studiosissime semper refellebat et 
contra quorum disciplinam ingenium ejus exarserat, N. D. 1 4 sunt 
autem alii philosophi qui deorum mente omnem mundum admimn- 
strart censeant...contra quos Carneades ita multa disseruit, ut ex- 
citaret homines non socordes ad veri wmvestigandi cupiditatem. We 
might therefore assume a priort that the argument of the Third 
Book was taken from him, even if it were not distinctly stated 
in regard to the proof that no animal can be eternal (111 29), 
and in regard to the sorites showing the impossibility of drawing 
any line between the divine and human in the traditional my- 
thology (111 44). The same thing appears from the 9th book of 
Sextus Empiricus Adv. Math. where we meet with many of the 
arguments used by Cicero, Thus, at the commencement of the 
discussion on natural causes, Sextus declares his intention not to 
dwell too much on points of detail or run to the immoderate 
length of Clitomachus in refuting the dogmatists, but to sum up 
the most important arguments on both sides and allow them to 
balance one another (1x 1). As the whole discussion is of inte- 
rest for this as well as for the earlier books of our treatise, it may 
be worth while to give a short analysis, referring to the parallel 
passages in the WV. D. The positive argument is probably taken 
in part at least from Posidonius, see Introduction on the Sources 
of the First Book, vol. 1 p, lii foll. ., and Schwencke Jahrb. f. cl. 
Philol. 1879, 1 p. 57 foll. 

The discussion in Sextus may be divided as follows: (A) The 
origin of religious belief, (1) positive argument S§ 13—28, (2) negative 
argument §§ 29—47. (B) The fact of the divine existence, (1) 
positive argument §§ 48—136, (2) negative argument §§ 137—194. I 
give them in order below. 

(A) The origin of religion has been ascribed to the earliest legislators 
who desired to establish a check upon unrighteousness of thought as well 
as of deed §§ 14—16 (V. D. 1118). Euhemerus thought that the first rulers 
of mankind declared themselves divine in order to increase their own power 
§ 17 (VY. D. 1119); Prodicus that the ancients deified all that was useful 
_ to life, as the Sun, the rivers § 18 (V. D. 1 118); Democritus that images of 
vast size appeared to men and forewarned them of the future § 19 (WV. D. 
I 120); Aristotle derived the belief from the soul’s prophetic faculty and 



from the order of the heavenly bodies §§ 20—22 (¥. D. 11 95); others bya 
process of amplification rose from the finite intelligence in man to the 
conception of a divine intelligence in nature § 23 CV. D. 11 33—8); 
others, among whom is also Democritus, from the terrible phenomena of 
nature § 24 (V. D. u 14); Epicurus from visions of anthropomorphic 
deities § 25 (V. D. 1 46); others from the orderly movements of the 
heavenly bodies, which suggest a creative and guiding intelligence no less 
than the movements of an army or a ship to the distant spectator §§ 26, 
27 (N. D. 11 85, 87); some of the younger Stoics say that it is a tradi- 
tion handed down from the sages of the golden age § 28 (WV. D. 11 148, 159). 

On the negative side it is maintained that these opposing views are 
mutually destructive § 29 (LY. D. 11,5); but dealing with them separately 
we may ask, where did these early legislators get their own idea of deity ? 
§§ 30, 31. How did the differences of religious belief arise? How were the 
various nations brought together to be instructed in religion? If it be 
said ‘each nation was independently taught’, how did all agree in the same 
general idea of God? §§ 32, 33. Religion cannot have been an invention 
for the purpose of giving additional authority to living or dead rulers, for 
where did the idea itself come from? and how could a mere imposture 
have taken such firm root? $$ 34—38 (V. D. u 5). The deification of 
utility is even more absurd. How can it be supposed that men would 
make gods of what they ate and drank? There might be some reason 
for ascribing divinity to the power which holds together the earth and 
makes it fruitful, but, sooner than call rivers divine, we should deify 
philosophers, or even all animals that are of use to man §§ 39—41 (WV. D. 
1 60, 11 41). Democritus and Epicurus explain the easier by the more 
difficult §§ 42, 43 (VY. D. 1 121); they utterly fail to account for the 
attributes of immortality and perfection § 44. Those who fill up the 
conception of divinity obtained from visions and the celestial movements 
by amplifying their experience of human blessedness, are really guilty of 
arguing ina circle. They base their conception of divinity on blessedness 
(evdarpovia), but this in its turn involves the conception of deity (daiper) 
§§ 45-—47. 

(B) The fact of the existence of the Gods is accepted as a matter of be- 
lief and of practice, not of science, by the Sceptics §§ 48, 49 (V. D. 1 62, 
11 5, 43). It is denied virtually or in terms by the so-called atheists, 
Euhemerus, Diagoras, Prodicus, Critias, Theodorus, and, as some hold, by 
Epicurus $§ 50—58 (¥, D. 1 2, 63, 117—119, mr 89). The Sceptics on 
the contrary hold that the opposing arguments balance each other § 59. 
Thus, on the positive side, four methods of proof are employed, (a) the 
general voice of mankind, (b) the order of the universe, (c) the absurdities 
which follow from the opposite view, (@) the refutation of objections § 60. 
As to (q) it is affirmed that religious belief and worship are common to all, 
both Greeks and barbarians; that, if this belief were false, it must have 
died out like other unfounded beliefs, whereas it has existed and will exist 

* . 


for ever; that it is not confined to the vulgar, but accepted by the greatest 
poets and philosophers, and distinctly asserted even by Epicurus himself 
§§ 61—65 (WV. D. 1 43, 1 5, 12, m1 7, 11, 1. 85, 86). If it be said that there 
is a similar consensus on the part of poets and the vulgar in regard to 
the belief in Tartarus, yet that belief is self-contradictory, as may be 
seen in the case of Tityus and Tantalus ; for agony and immortality are 
contradictory ideas. But there is no such inconsistency in the belief in 
spiritual powers. We recognize that the spirit of man, which holds 
together the body during life, is not dissipated at death, but ascends 
upwards owing to its ethereal nature, and dwells in the lunar region, 
nourished by vapours from the earth; if aur spirit thus passes into the 
condition of a daizev, why should we doubt the existence of those 
spiritual powers whom we know under the name of gods? §§ 66—74 
(WV. D. 11 5 on Tartarus). (6) The material universe is evidently a work 
of art modelled and set in motion by a power which pervades it, as the 
soul pervades the body. Is this power self-moving?- If not, we go back 
ad infinitum. It is therefore self-moving and has been so from eternity, 
therefore it is God §§ 75, 76. That which produces what is rational 
must itself be rational; man is a product of the power which pervades 
the universe, therefore that power is rational §§ 77 (WV. D. 11 22). The 
world is one, either in virtue of its original unity or from being composed 
of distinct parts, which may either have been compacted together as a 
ship, or remain separate, as an army. It cannot be the latter, for 
whatever happens in one part is felt in another part, e.g. the moon’s 
influence in growth and in the tides (WV. D. 1119, 50, 119), and sympathy 
of this kind belongs only to bodies originally united. Such an original 
union may be either that of cohesion, as in wood or stone, or of growth 
(pvo.s, nature), as in a plant, passing in its highest stage into a unity 
of life, as in animals. Things united by cohesion are scarcely liable to 
change, but the universe undergoes constant and violent changes, as from 
cold and heat. It has therefore a unity of nature, and that of the best 
nature, since it includes all natures in it. Hence, since the whole 
cannot be inferior to its part, it must be rational as including what 
is rational, and being best of all things it must be immortal, and there- 
fore divine §§ 78—85 (JV. D. 11 32, 33, 82). If even the gross earth can 
foster animals capable of perception, how much more should the finer 
elements of air and ether, from which we men derive our thinking 
power, be inhabited by a divine order of beings? $$ 86, 87 (M. D. 
i 17, 18, 42). Argument of Cleanthes: if one animal is better than 
another, there must be some one which is best of all ; man is best of all 
animals on earth, but, as we see, he is full of defects; the true best is an 
animal with none of these defects and unapproachable by evil; and such 
is God §§ 88—91 (NV. D. 1 16, 383—87). Argument of Socrates in 
Xenophon: man is a work of art testifying to the existence of an artist ; 
his nature is derived from elements without, flesh from earth, breath from 


air, and therefore reason from the great source of reason, i.e. from God 
(V. D. 1118). It is objected that we might similarly argue ‘man has bile, 
therefore the universe must be bilious’, but the argument applies only 
to pure elements, not to secondary compounds such as bile. Putting it 
in another way we might say ‘if there were nothing earthy in the 
universe, there could have been nothing earthy in man; so, if there were 
nothing rational in the universe, there could have been no reason in man’ 
§§ 92—98 (V. D. 111 27). On seeing a statue we admire the skill of the 
sculptor, shall we not do the same when we think of the mind of man, 
which is so far more marvellous than any statue? §$ 99,100 (WY. D. 11 87). 
Argument of Zeno: that from which the seeds of reason proceed must 
itself be rational, for all subordinate faculties testify to the character of the 
nyepovixoy from which they are derived ; since then the universe contains 
the seeds of all rational creatures, the nyeporkov of the universe must 
be rational, and therefore divine §§ 101—103 (W. D. 11 22, 29, 30). Argu- 
ment of Zeno after Plato: since that which is animate and rational is 
superior to that which is inanimate and irrational, the universe, being 
supreme, must be a rational animal. The objection of Alexinus, that on 
the same ground the universe might be proved to be a poet and gramma- 
rian, confounds the absolute and the relative best; Archilochus was a 
poet, but he was not therefore superior to Socrates who was no poet 
§§ 104—110 (WY. D. 11 18, 21). The Stoics prove the divinity of the world 
from its motion, which must proceed from nature or volition or necessity. 
It is certainly not the last, in the sense of an irrational vortex, such as 
Democritus held, for it is orderly, unchanging and harmonious. It is not 
caused by an unconscious nature, since this would be inferior to the 
rational natures included in the universe. It must therefore be caused by a 
rational nature. Further, voluntary movements are always more admirable 
than those which are involuntary. When we admire the sphere of 
Archimedes, it is not the moving frame we wonder at, but the rational 
volition of the astronomer. Again, the more wonderful the thing moved, 
by so much more wonderful is the moving force. Hence the force which 
moves the entire universe is the most admirable of all things, and being 
such it must be a rational and voluntary agent, ie. God §§ 111—118 
(WV. D. 11 43, 44, 88). In every organism there is a centre of motion, the 
heart or the brain or, in plants, the root; the yyeyovixey or centre of motion 
of the universe is in God §§ 119—122 (VW. D. 11 29, 30). Absurdities 
arising from atheism (c). If there are no gods, there is no such thing as 
piety, which is defined as éemiornpn Oedv Oepameias, for there can be no 
science of the non-existent § 123; nor as holiness, for this is defined as 
Suxatoovyn mpos Oeovs § 124 (N. D.1 3, 4, 1 153); nor as wisdom, defined 
aS éemoTnun Oelwv te Kat dvOpwrelov § 125; nor as justice, which springs 
from the fellowship existing between men and God § 126 (WV. D. 1 4). 
Pythagoras and others erroneously extended this fellowship to irrational 
creatures, with which it is true we are connected by common participation 


in the all-pervading spirit of the universe, but so we are with plants 
and stones, yet no one has ever imagined that there could be any tie 
of justice between us and them §§ 127—130; the reason why there is 
justice between men and gods is because both participate in reason § 131. 
Again, there can be no divination if there are no gods, since it is the science 
of signs given by the gods to man § 132 (WV. D. 11 12). 

Sextus, having discussed objections as they occurred, has not reserved 
a separate section for their refutation (d@), but goes on, after another 
insignificant verbal quibble by Zeno, to state the negative argument in 
§ 137, It is from this point that the comparison with WV. D. 11 becomes 
important. If there are gods, they are animals, since animal nature is 
superior to all other nature ; but animals are defined by the property of 
sensation, and the gods, as the most perfect animals, will experience the 
greatest variety of sensations (as Carneades says); they will therefore 
have sensations of taste, such as bitter and sweet, pleasant and unpleasant ; 
but an unpleasant sensation implies possibility of change for the worse, 
ie. implies mortality, and mortal gods are no gods §§ 137—141 (cited 
as from Carneades in WV. D. 111 32). So, in regard to every sense, animals 
are liable to be affected in a manner which is either according to their 
nature or contrary to their nature; but that which is contrary to nature 
is destructive to life, therefore again all animals are mortal. This shown 
in regard to eye-sight in particular §§ 142—145 (V. D. ur 33). Every 
sensation is an alteration; a deity who undergoes alteration is liable to 
change, therefore to death §§ 146, 147. The deity must be either finite or 
infinite ; if infinite, it would be lifeless and motionless, for motion must 
be from place to place, which is impossible for that which fills all space ; 
again if held together by soul, this must be by means of centripetal 
and centrifugal movements, but the infinite has no centre §§ 148, 149 
(VW. D. 1115 n.). Nor on the other hand can the deity be finite, for the 
finite is contained in the infinite, as the part within the whole, so that 
there would be something greater and better than the deity § 150. The 
deity is either bodied or bodiless; if the latter, it can neither feel nor 
act; if the former, it is liable to corruption § 151. If there be a God, 
he must have all happiness and all virtue, but he is without éyxpdreca and 
kaprepia, for there is nothing which he finds it hard to bear or to abstain 
from §§ 152—155 (V. D. m1 38). Further, if he has not got these 
virtues, he must have the opposite vices, since there is nothing in- 
termediate § 156. If there were anything hard for him to bear, it 
is evident that he would be liable to distress and therefore to destruction 
§ 157. In like manner he is devoid of fortitude, which is defined as the 
knowledge of what is, and what is not, dangerous. For if there is some- 
thing dangerous to him, he is liable to destruction §§ 158—160 (NV. D. 
lt 38). Similarly for magnanimity, which consists in rising above the 
accidents of life, for, if he is exposed to such accidents, he is liable to 
destruction § 161. So for prudence, the knowledge of good and evil and 


of things indifferent, among which things trouble is included. But the 
knowledge of trouble can only be gained by experience of trouble itself, 
not, as some say, from the experience of pleasure by imagination of the 
opposite. For pleasure, being only the removal of pain, is unknown to one 
who is ignorant of pain; not to mention that being itself (as the Stoics 
say) a kind of dissolution it implies mortality §§ 162—166 (V. D. 11 38). 
So for evBovAia, since all deliberation is of the uncertain, and if there are 
things uncertain to the deity, why may it not be uncertain to him whether 
the infinite may not conceal some power capable of destroying him? Such 
uncertainty would naturally give rise to fear, which implies mortality 
§§ 167—170. On the other hand, if nothing is uncertain to him, he must 
know everything by instinct without art; therefore he must be without 
the art of life, which is virtue, and being without virtue he must have 
its opposite, vice §§ 171—173. As to temperance (cedpoavrn), this 
cannot exist without prudence (@pdvyers), as is shown by its name, and it 
has been proved that this virtue is inconsistent with deity. Again, tempe- 
rance involves the existence of appetites to be resisted, which is contrary 
to our idea of deity §§ 174, 175 (VW. D. 11 38). If God is without virtue 
he is miserable, if he has virtue there is something superior to him (the 
perfection or virtue of a thing being superior to the thing itself); if neither 
of these contradictories is true, he must be non-existent §§ 176, 177. 
Once more, God has either the faculty of speech or he has not; the latter 
is absurd and contrary to universal belief; but if he has speech, he must 
also possess all those parts of the body which conduce to speech, which is 
an idea only worthy of the Epicureans ; he must also speak in some 
particular dialect, and if so how will he express himself to those who 
use another tongue? Therefore, as before, he must be non-existent $$ 178, 
179. So, if God has a body, it must be either simple or compound : the 
compound is lable to dissolution, the simple is inanimate and irrational 
§§ 180, 181 (WV. D. 111 34). 

We have also on this point the following sorites of Carneades preserved 
by Clitomachus. If Zeus is a god, so is his brother Poseidon; if Poseidon, 
then Achelous and Nilus, and every river and torrent. But these are not 
gods, therefore neither is Zeus §§ 182, 183 CV. D. m1 43, 44). If the sun is 
a god, so is the day (which is only a name for the sun above the horizon); 
if the day, then the month, the year, the morning and evening § 184 
(VY, D. wr 51). If Artemis, so is Enodia, &c.; if Aphrodite, so Eros 
and other feelings of the mind, such as Pity and Fear §§ 185—188 
(cf. V. D. 111 47). If Demeter (= y7 pyrnp), then the earth, the hills, the 
promontories, every stone § 189 (VW. 2D. 111 52). Carneades adds many 
other examples, but the above will suffice to show the nature of the 
argument § 190. 

Such being the variety of opinions among philosophers as to the divine 
existence, and such the grounds assigned on either side, the Sceptics have 
preferred to suspend their judgment, and they have felt themselves con- 


firmed in this course by the contradictions and impieties of the vulgar 
belief and of the mythological traditions collected by the poets and theo- 
logians $§ 191—194 (cf. V. D. 1 42, 53—60). 

It is evident from the above analysis that Cicero and Sextus 
must have had the same book of Clitomachus before them, but that 
both must have used much freedom in omitting and abbreviating, as 
indeed Sextus avows §§1, 190. Even in the paragraphs distinctly 
cited by both as taken from Carneades, viz. that on the necessary 
mortality of all animal nature (V. D. 111 29—34, Sext. §§ 137—147) 
and the Carneadean sorites (V. D. 111 43—52, Sext. §§ 182—190), 
there are great divergences ; e.g. as to the sorites respecting Jupiter 
and his brothers, Cicero gives us his reductio ad absurdum through 
Orcus, Sextus his through Poseidon, both no doubt included in the 
original. A comparison of the argument, in Cicero and Sextus 
respectively, proving that virtue is incompatible with the divine 
nature, shows what liberty the former allowed himself in cutting down 
his original. The difficulty is to understand on what principle he 
acted: sometimes, as here and at the end of the second book, he 
omits what is interesting and important, or gives it in such a con- 
densed form as to make it barely intelligible, while at another time 
he wearies out the patience of the reader with the futility of the 
mythological section. 

It is worthy of note that the two arguments for which alone 
Cicero cites the name Carneades are just the two for which he is also 
named by Sextus. At first sight this would suggest that the 
remaining arguments in both must have been taken from some 
other source than Clitomachus ; but it seems more probable that the 
latter, and perhaps Carneades himself in his lectures, brought 
together sceptical arguments from all quarters, assigning each to its 
original author, as for instance Alexinus is cited by Sextus § 108; 
so that all I should infer from the above coincidence is that Car- 
neades claimed these two arguments as his own special property. 

There is another treatise, besides that of Sextus, which in certain 
points strongly resembles this book of Cicero’s, and that is his 
own treatise De Divinatione written immediately after it. From my 
notes on § 14 it will be seen that the argument on the groundlessness 
and uselessness of divination is almost exactly the same in both 
treatises, but the name of Carneades is prefixed to the corresponding 
portion of the latter treatise (Div. 11 9, cf. ib. 15—25). Clitomachus 
is further cited by name Div. 11 87, and Hartfelder detects his pen in 


the reference to Punic soothsayers, Div. 11 28, with which may be 
compared the references to Carthage in our treatise 111 42, 91. 

May we then assume that the whole of our treatise is taken from 
Clitomachus? Schwencke notices a difference in the mode of referring 
to the Stoic doctrines, which he would use as a clue to distinguish 
between what is taken without alteration from Clitomachus and what 
is added or modified by Cicero. In $$ 6-—28 we have the Imperfects 
dicebas, commemorabas, videbatur, with evident reference to the 

former book ; in §§ 29—38 we have dicitis, dicere soletis, vobis videtur, 
placet, referring to the doctrines of the Stoics generally. But I 
think we can only gather from this, that Cicero began his 3rd book 
with the idea of meeting the Posidonian argument of the 2nd book 
with detailed criticism borrowed from Cltomachus and supplemented 
by himself; that, on finding this to be irksome or impracticable, 
inasmuch as the work of Clitomachus was written in reference to the 
elder Stoicism and was not adapted to the exposition of Stoical 
doctrine subsequently put forward by Posidonius, he in $$ 17 and 18 
abandons the intention announced in §§ 6, 7, 10, of following the 
exact order of the previous book, and proposes to defer the chief 
part of the discussion on the divine existence to the section on Pro- 
vidence. As he thus breaks loose from the order of the second book, 
adopting instead the independent arrangement of his authority, it 
is natural that he should gradually discontinue the Imperfect of refer- 
ence, especially where the argument borrowed from Clitomachus 1s 
altogether irrespective of anything urged by Posidonius, e.g. in 
§§ 29 —34, 70 foll. Towards the end of the book the 2nd person plural 
of the present is used indifferently, whether the argument discussed 
had or had not been employed by Posidonius, see notes on sic enim 
dicitis § 86, and haec tecuin $ 93. At times the Academic criticism 
is obscure as being directed against arguments or illustrations which 
do not appear in the second book, cf. notes on Hipponax and Cri- 
tolaus § 91; at times doctrines are attributed to the Stoics which are 
in flat contradiction with the doctrine put forward in that book, cf. 
§ 93. , 

Turning now to the earlier part of the book, there can be little 
doubt that §§ 1—13 with their hight bantering tone and illustra- 
tions from Roman history are purely Ciceronian. The argument 
against divination in § 14 we have seen to be probably taken from 
Carneades, and the illustration from medicine and the use of the 
word otpatyynwa suggest a Greek original for the following para- 


graph. It is strange that, after announcing his intention of postponing 
the arguments of Cleanthes, Chrysippus and Zeno to the 3rd head of 
his discussion, Cicero in §§ 20, 21 merely commences his reply to the 
Qnd head (11 45, 46) and then falls back on the arguments of Zeno 
and Chrysippus, dealing with the same point. Schwencke proposes 
an ingenious explanation of Cicero’s change of plan. He thinks that 
the title of Clitomachus’ treatise was mepl mpovoias ; and that, when 
Cicero, feeling himself unable to carry out his original intention of 
answering each argument of Posidonius in its proper order, spoke of 
deferring certain arguments to the section on Providence, his real 
meaning was to set aside altogether the Posidonian order and follow 
that of Clitomachus instead. Further he supposes Clitomachus to 
have commenced his treatise with a preliminary argument on the 
divine existence, just as Posidonius commences his own defence of 
the belief in Providence (11 75) by showing that it follows necessarily 
from our conception of God. Hence it might well include the 
Carneadean argument for the mortality of all animal nature (111 29— 
34) as well as the criticism of the above-mentioned arguinents of 
Zeno and Chrysippus. There can be little doubt that Cicero has 
borrowed the criticism of these in §§ 21-—26 from his Greek original ; 
the argument in § 23 is, as we have seen, cited by Sextus as from 
Alexinus. It may be asked why the argument of the Xenophontic 
Socrates is discussed out of chronological order in §§ 27, 28, though 
it was not mentioned along with the others in § 18. But soit is also 
in 11 18. In both it comes in as an appendage to the argument from 
Chrysippus: it is probable therefore that it was cited by Chrysippus 
and criticized as a part of his argument by Clitomachus. Schwencke 
finds a confirmation of his surmise as to the title of Clitomachus’ 
work in 1 65, where Cicero, at the commencement of the section on 
Providential Government, uses the words de quibus accuratius dis- 
serendum puto. So far I am disposed to agree with him, but I see no 
reason for doubting the Carneadean origin of §§ 39—65 because of 
occasional allusions to the former book. It is not pretended that any 
of the topics treated of are unsuited to Carneades, and however 
careless Cicero may have been, he was surely capable of remembering 
whether the same topic had been touched on in the previous book, 
and, if so, of adding to the verisimilitude of the dialogue by making 
a reference to it. Nor can I agree with Schwencke when he says that 
it would be hazardous to assume the pure Carneadean origin of any 
portion which is not supported by a parallel in Sextus. Sextus being 


2 professed philosoplier was far less likely than Cicero to be tied to 
one authority ; and we have already seen that, where Sextus and 
Cicero are both copying Carneades, Cicero occasionally supplies 
details which are wanting in Sextus. I have myself little doubt that 
the whole argumentation of the 3rd book is taken from Clito- 

A further question may be asked as to the original author of the 
mythological section, which I presume to have been included in the 
treatise of Clitomachus. In the Appendix on that section it is 
suggested that it may have come from Mnaseas. Clemens Alex- 
andrinus, quoted under Apollo, names Aristotle as his authority, 
but this is supposed by Rose (Arist. Pseudepigraphus p. 615 foll.) to 
be a mistake for Aristocles, a contemporary of Strabo. One can 
scarcely imagine that any philosopher would take the trouble to 
make out such a catalogue of mythological inanities, but it would be 
an appropriate work for an erudite Alexandrian Euhemerist, such as 
Mnaseas, and might then be seized upon for polemical purposes by the 
Academics, whom Timon condemns for tAatupnmootvyv avaducrov 
‘their saltless prolixity’ (Diog. 1v 67). ‘Supposing this to be so, are we 
to assume that Cicero himself translated it? We might rather gather 
from what he tells us in his letters, as to his method of composition, 
that in subordinate details of this kind he was accustomed to make 
use of the services of others. Thus for the 3rd book of his De officiis 
he writes to Athenodorus Calvus to send him an abstract of the 
treatise of Posidonius on the same subject (Att. xvi 11), and he tells 
us of Tiro that he was most useful to him in his studies; see my 
notes on V.D. 111 40 sane multi videntur, and 42 ut yam docebo. 


As regards the text, the Orelli-Baiter edition of 1862 renders 
all that precedes obsolete; but an editor is bound to remember 
with gratitude the names of those who contributed most to raise 
the text from the state in which it was left by Ascensius in 1511 
to that in which it now appears. If we take the Ist edition of 
Davies (Camb. 1718) as our dividing line, Victorius, Paulus Manu- 
tius, Lambinus, Ursinus and Gulielmius (the last in Gruter’s ed. of 
1619) may be named, among the earlier editors, as those who did 


most to clear away the corruptions of the first printed text. The 
earliest edition known to me, in which the dislocation of Bk 1 is 
rectified, is that of Hervagius (Basil 1534), but Marsus in the 
collection of ‘Annotations on the Philosophical Treatises of Cicero’, 
published at Basil in 1544, claims to have done the same in his 
edition of 1508, which I have been unable to meet with. There 
were also commentaries by Marsus and Betuleius (Basil 1550) chiefly 
confined to historical and mythological allusions, and in 1660 Lescalo- 
perius brought out his Humanitas Theologica, a commentary filling 
737 folio pages. This being written for the edification of the Jesuit 
students, more than one half of it is occupied with panegyrics of the 
Virgin and other extraneous matters, but it has the virtue of being 
a labour of love and may be reckoned among the few editions which 
show real research and an intelligent interest in the argument. 
Davies and Olivet speak contemptuously of Lescaloperius, the latter 
especially in the words ‘si ce qui lui vient de ses prédécesseurs étoit 
revendiqué, et quen méme temps on ne laissat, dans ce qui est 
de lui, rien de superflu ni de puérile, son in-folio seroit réduit, ce me 
semble, & un volume tres portatif’. (Hntretiens de Cicero sur la 
nature des dieux p. xvi, ed. 1721.) Bouhier gives a fairer judgment 
(ib. vol. 111 p. 212), ‘quoique je sois bien éloigné d’approuver en tout 
Vénorme et monstrueux commentaire du P. Lescalopier, il faut 
néanmoins convenir qu'il a assez bien discuté et medité ce que ces 
Entretiens contiennent de philosophique... Cela méritoit done bien 
qu’on ett quelque égard pour lui et qu’on ne le traitét pas a tout 
propos avec tant d’indignité’, The advance made by Davies, president 
of Queens’ College, Cambridge (edd. 1718, -23, -33, -44, reprinted Oxf. 
1807, and by Rath and Schuetz, Halle 1819), consisted, beyond the 
collection of the notes of earlier editors, in three points, chiefly 
in the illustrations supplied from his wide classical reading, 2ndly in 
the collations of his six mss, none of which however seem to have 
been of any great value, and 3rdly in the emendations, partly by 
himself and still more by John Walker, Fellow of Trinity College, 
Cambridge, many of which have been incorporated into the accepted 
text. Shortly after followed the French translation by Joseph Olivet 
with notes by himself and the President Bouhier (1721, -32, -49 
&c.). Both were men of sense, and some of. the emendations of the 
latter have found their way into the accepted text. Editions of 
Cicero cum notis variorum were also brought out by Olivet 1746 
(notes reprinted separately Lond, 1819, Oxf. 1824) and Verburgius, 


Amsterdam 1724, both adding considerably to the collection of 

In 1777 some slight improvements in the text were made in 
Ernesti’s edition, but the first edition of importance after Davies is 
that by Heindorf 1817. He was a sound scholar with an open eye 
and independent judgment and, though he relied too much on inferior 
codices, especially on his Codex Glogavianus, and was too much 
disposed to alter, yet, if I am not mistaken, an examination of my 
critical notes will show that a larger number of accepted emendations 
have proceeded from him than from almost any other single editor. 
The edition of Moser and Creuzer cwm notis variorum Leipzig 1818, 
and the smaller edition by Moser 1821, are both very disappointing. 
Moser is laborious, but he appears to me to have been the least 
intelligent of the editors whom JI have consulted, and Creuzer had 
no critical judgment. Their Apparatus Criticus, which professes to 
contain the collations of twenty new ss, is very confused and care- 
less, as may be seen by comparing it with Baiter’s collations. The 
notes of F. A. Wolf and Wyttenbach given at the end are mostly of 
an elementary character. The great improvement in the text was 
commenced by Orelli in his first edition 1826—1830. Allen (Alanus) 
brought out an edition with Latin notes, London 1836. These are 
chiefly grammatical and critical, containing some good emendations 
e.g. nimis callide 1 70, venantis 11 126. The edition with German 
notes by G. F. Schémann 1850 (4th and last in 1876), is deservedly 
the most popular up to the present time. He is a sensible scholar, 
who had shown his interest in the theology of the Ancients by a 
variety of essays and commentaries, and he has made good use of the 
notes of Davies. He was also the first to notice many of the 
difficulties of the text, but he complains that it was impossible for 
him to give full explanations within the limits allowed him, and it 
would certainly be too much to say that he had succeeded in clearing 
up all difficulties. Some of his emendations have been generally 
accepted, e.g. afficiendum for efficiendum in 1 19, of which he was the 
first to offer a rational explanation, as he was also of 1 9 by changing 
the reading of the mss nulli virti into nulla cum viri. With his 
edition should be consulted his papers on the text contained in 
his Opuscula vol. 11 pp. 274—384, Iv pp. 336—359 (de Epicuri theo- 
logia) and NV. Jahrb. for 1875 pp. 685—695. It is scarcely worth 
while to mention the text of Ast 1829, and the elementary German 
editions by Seibt 1834, and Freund in his Schiiler-Bibliothek. The 


latter is the more recent and much the fuller of the two, but neither 
has contributed anything of his own to the elucidation of the book. 
Reinhold Klotz did a good deal to improve the text in his edition 
1869, and his Adnotationes Criticae ad M. Tullii Ciceronis librum de 
NV. D. primum in 4 parts, Leipzig 1867—1869. He is the author of 
the excellent emendation a parvis enim for apparuisse in 1 80. But 
no scholar has done so much as Madvig in his Opuscula and his 
edition of the De Finibus to improve both the text and the interpre- 
tation of Cicero. We may perhaps be of opinion that only a small 
proportion of his conjectures are likely to find a place in the final 
text, but the arguments by which they are supported are always 
full of instruction. The best existing texts are those of Baiter 1864 
and C. F. W. Miller 1878, on which more is said in the Introduction 
to my first volume. 

Besides Olivet’s French translation already noticed, may be men- 
tioned the German translations by Meyer (with useful notes) ed. 2, 
1832, by Schroder 1841, by R. Kiihner 1863, with analysis and notes, 
which are perhaps less original than might have been expected from 
so distinguished an editor and grammarian, but which do not seem 
to me to deserve the contempt with which die neueste Uebersetzung 
is constantly alluded to by Schémann. A still later translation by 
J. H. Kirchmann (Leipzig 1875) is a very ignorant and unscholarly 
performance. Two English translations may be named, as fairly idiom- 
atic ; both are anonymous, but the latter (London 1741) is understood 
to be by Thomas Francklin, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. 
It is what the Germans call a ‘Tendenz-schrift’ by a follower of 
Shaftesbury (see the notes on pp. 4, 87, 263). The older translation 
appeared in 1683, It is written from the ordinary point of view 
and contains copious explanatory notes of an elementary kind. 

I proceed to give a list of illustrative works. 

Fabricatio hominis a Cicerone libro secundo de Natura Deorum 
descripta cum annotationibus Alberti Novicampiani 1551 Cracoviae. 
(In the British Museum. The writer compares Cicero with Galen, but 
makes no attempt to explain the obscurities of the former.) 

Uranologion of Petavius. Paris 1630. (Contains the ancient 
astronomers referred to in my notes on the Aratean section of the 
Second Book.) 

F. Gedike. M. Tullit Ciceronis Historia philosophiae antiquae. 
Berlin 1782. pp. 364. 

M. Cc. UL ne 


Kindervater. Anmerkungen und Abhandlungen philosophischen und 
philologischen Inhalts tiber C.’s Biicher von der Natur der Gotter. 
1796. (Not of much value.) 

The publications of this century are arranged in alphabetical 
order, the more important being marked with an asterisk. 

A. Becker. Comm. Crit. ad Cic.1 N. D. Budingen 1865. 

Ernst Behr. Der Octavius des Minucius Felix in seinem Verhdltniss 
zu Oicero’s Biichern de N. D. Gera 1870, See on the same 
subject Ebert below. : 

©. M. Bernhardt. De Cicerone Graecae philosophiae interprete. 
Berlin 1865. 

Birkholtz. Cicero Medicus 1806. (Merely a Chrestomathia Crcero- 
NiaNM. ) 

*A, Brieger. Bettrdge zur Kritik einiger philosophischen Schriften 
des Cicero. Posen 1873. | | 

*Bywater. Aristotle's Dialogue on Philosophy in J. of Philology vit 
p. 64—87. Cambridge 1876. 

Victor Clavel. De Cicerone Graecorum interprete. Paris 1869. (Of 
very little value.) 

Cobet. Variae Lectiones pp. 460—463. Leyden 1873. 

*Deiter. In Rhein. Mus. 1882 pp. 314—317 Zum codex Vossianus 86. 
(Contains corrections and additions to Baiter’s collation of B.) 

De Ciceronis codice Leidenst 118 denuo collato. Emdae 1882. 

De Ciceronis codicibus Vossianis 84 et 86 denuo excussis. Auricae 
1885, (I only know of these two from Deiter’s review of my 
edition in the Berliner philologischer Wochenschrift 30 May 

*Detlefsen. In the Wiener Sitzungs-Berichte vol. 21 (1856) p. 117. 
(Describes codex V.) 

Dietrich. Commentationes criticae de locis quibusdam Ciceronis 1850. 
(Not seen.) 

*H. Ebeling. Handschriftliches zu Cicero de divinatione in Philo- 
logus xu. 4, pp. 702—707. 

*A. Ebert. (Cicero and Minucius Felix.) In Abhandl. d. séichs. 
Gesellschaft d. Wiss. (phil. hist. KU.) for 1868 pp. 328 foll., 354 
foll., 367 foll. 

P. J. Elvenich. Adumbratio legum artis criticae ewm var. crit. in Cre. 
de N. D. Bonn 1821. 


*J. Forchhammer. <Annotationes Criticae ad Ciceronis de Natura 
Deorum libros in the Nordisk Tidskrift for Filologt. Copen- 
hagen 1880 pp. 23—53. 

©. Fortsch. Quaestiones Tullianae. Naumburg 1837. (Contains a 
careful examination of V. D. 111, 25, 111 84.) 

G. 8S. Francke. (Geist und Gehalt der Cic. Biicher von der Natur der 
Gotter. Altona 1806. (A discussion as to Cicero’s own sentiments 
on theology.) 

J. A. Froude. Divus Caesar in vol. 3 of Short Studies 1884. 

Halm. Zur Handschriftenkunde der Ciceronischen Schriften. Munich 

N. Jahrb. for 1859 pp. 759—778. (On the mss of the Leges. A is 
described as full of erasures, B as utterly disordered, one page 
sometimes made up of four unconnected fragments. ) 

Heidtmann. Zur Kritik und Interpretation der Schrift Cicero's de 
Natura Deorum. Neustettin 1858, (Learned and intelligent 
but rather too bold.) 

*R, Hirzel. Untersuchungen zu Cicero’s philosophischen Schriften. 
1 Theil. De Natura Deorum. Leipzig 1877. (An excellent 
book on the Sources of the Dialogue.) 

Hofig. C.’s Ansicht v. d. Staatsreligion. Krotoschin pp. 75. (I have 
not seen this.) 

Horstig. Die Gottheit: was sagt Cicero in seine Schrift dariiber als 
Heide und Philosoph? Leipzig 1823. 

*Krahner. Grundlinien zur Geschichte des Verfalls der réimischen 
Staatsreligion. Halle 1837. 

*A, B. Krische. Die theologischen Lehren d. griechischen Denker. 
Gottingen 1840. (A very learned and able examination of 
the Epicurean sketch of early philosophy contained in JW. D. 
1 §§ 25—41.) 

R. Kiihner, UM. Tullui Ciceronis in philosophiam ejusque partes 
merita. Hamburg 1825. (A book which might very easily be, 
but has not yet been, superseded.) 

Lengnick. Ad emendandos explicandosque Oic. 1. de N. D. quid ex 
Philodemi repi ciceBeias redundet. Halle 1872. 

A. Matthiae. Observatt. de nonnullis locis libri 1 de natura deorum 
in his Vermischte Schriften. Altenburg 1833. 

Meniére. Cicéron Médecin. 1862. (Very slight.) 

*C. F. W. Miller in Pleckeisen’s J. B. 1864 pp. 127—147, 261-— 
281, 605—631. (Important for the text.) 



O. M. Miller. Ciceronis libris de N. D. non extremam manum 
accessisse. Bromberg 1839. 

Peter. Comm. de Ciceronis VN. D.119. 1861. 

Philodemus. For the literature see vol. 1 p. xli foll. and Lengnick 

E. Reinhold. De Interpretatione tris tpoAnwews Hpicureae in Cicero- 
nis ibroide N. D. Jena 1840. 

Schultze. Specomen variarum lectionum e codd. Lagomarsiiuianis 
hbrorum Ciceronis de N. D. descriptarum. 1847. 

*Schwencke in Jahrb. f. class. Philol. 1879 pp. 49—66, 129—142. 
(On the sources of V. D. criticising Hirzel.) 

*Schwencke in NV. Jahrb. f. Philol. u. Padag. 1882. pp. 613—633. 
(On WV. D. 149. Both articles deserve careful attention.) 

W. Scott in Journal of Philology vol. x11 pp. 212—247 on ‘The phy- 
sical constitution of the Epicurean Gods.’ (An able defence of 
Lachelier’s view mentioned in my vol. 1 p. 147 n.) 

Stamm. De Ciceronis libro de N. D. interpolationibus. Breslau 

Thiaucourt. ssai sur les Traités Philosophiques de Cicéron et leurs 
sources grecques. Paris 1885. (A convenient summary of the 
latest investigations. ) | 

*Vahlen. Zu Cicero’s philosophische Schriften in Zeitschrift f. d. 
Osterr. Gymn. 1873 pp. 241—247. (On WV. D. 1 6, 147, 11 35. 
Among other things proves the correctness of the title De 
Natura Deorum as opposed to Baiter’s Deorum Natura.) 

Vaucher. In Ciceronis libros philosophicos curae criticae.  Lau- 
sanne 1865. 

Wessele-Scholten. Dussertatio de philosophiae Ciceronianae loco qui 
est de diwina natura. Amsterdam 1783. (Not seen.) 

*Wopkens. Lectiones Tullianae, ed. Hand, 1829. 

*Zeller. Religion u. Philosophie bei den Rémern. Berlin 1867. 

(For otker books on the religious philosophy of the Ancients see my 
Guide to the Choice of Classical Books under the head of JMytho- 
logy and Religion.) 



LIB. I. 

p. xlii On Balbus, see Digest 1 2 1. 2 § 41, where it is stated that he 
studied under the pontifex Scaevola. He was the instructor of Sulpicius (Brut. 
42, Digest 121.2 §43). See also Brut. 154. 

In 1, 21 omit ‘as in the De Republica and De Oratore’. 

p. li, last line but six. Forchhammer (p. 33) agrees in thinking that Philo- 
demus and Cicero both copied from Zeno. 

p. 21. 7, actione vitae. According to Deiter (Rh. Mus. 1882 p. 314) the true 
reading of B is de actione v., which is certainly more natural. 

p- 11 1. 9 continente ardore. According to D. 1. c. the true reading of B 
is continentem ardorum ‘einen zusammenhingenden Kreis von Lichtstrahlen’. 
I doubt ardorum being so used. 

p. 49. Mr Swainson’s Collations on §2. I find from inspection of the mss 
_ that BK omit from esse debeat § 1 to sententias § 2, so that they are erroneously 

cited in favour of the reading vehimur. 

In Commentary on 1 1, ad agnitionem animi. Cf. Hippol. Ref. Haer. x 36 
TouTéoTt TO yvOO. ceauTdv, émiyvovs Tov memoinkéta Oedv. Calvin Instit. 1 1 
hominem in puram sui notitiam numquam pervenire nisi prius Dei faciem sit 

ib. tam variae—inscientiam. Add Acad. 1 41 inscientiam ex qua exsisteret 
opinio, and Ac, 11 116—148, 

§ 2 sunt in varietate. Cf. Madv. on Fin. 11. 47. 

§ 4 onita. For ‘ Plato 1 241’ read ‘ P. 1 239’. 

§ 5 plus una vera sit. Plus or plusquam is used to qualify a numeral without 
affecting case number or gender, cf. plus pars dimidia caesa est Liv. xxxv1 40, 
apes numquam plus unum regem patiuntur Sen. Clem. 1 19, Roby § 1273, Madv. 
§ 305. In the parallel passage Ac. 1 147 we find the less idiomatic construction 
cum plus uno verum esse non possit. 

§ 6 quid certi. Cf. Div. 1 8, and Halm on Rose. Am. 83 id erit signi. 

difiderent. Atticus seems to have been one of these, see Fin. v 96 quoted by 
Reid Acad. 1 14. 

necopinatum to be taken predicatively with susceptum. 

invidos vituperatores [add Brut. 254, J.E.B.M.] 

ib. floruit. Cf. Rose. Am. 15 hospitiis florens hominum nobilissimorum. 

requirunt. Cf. below § 20, Leg. 11 62, Div. 11 126 illud autem requiro cur. 

§ 9 animi aegritudo. Add to exx. of hypallage Cic. Leg. Man. 22 (membrorum) 
collectio dispersa. 

§ 11 orbam. Cf. Acad. 1111 ea quae nunc prope dimissa revocatur. All the 
younger Academics followed Antiochus, see Zeller rv 608 and quotation from 
Aenesidemus in p. 610. 

$12 omnino. [followed by tamen Plin. Ep. 11 19, § 6, J. E.B. M.] 

§ 13 in civitate. In 2nd 1. of quotation read nevolt for non vult, and cf. Naev. 
90 Ribb. numquam quisquam amico amanti amica nimis fiet fidelis. 


§ 15 in Stoicis, cf. Brut. 114. On progressus cf. Reid Acad. 1 20. 

§ 16 missus est. The treatise was perhaps that entitled Sosus after a Stoic 
compatriot, see dcad. 11 12 and Zeller 1v 597 foll. 

magnitudine et quasi gradibus non genere differrent (r@ waddov Kal Arror, 
ovk elder Siadépe). Cf. Verr. 111 203 quasi ea res—et ea...inter se genere injuriae, 
non magnitudine pecuniae differat. 

§ 17 me intuens. [see Wyttenb. on Eunap. p. 227, J. E. B. M.] 

quae res agatur. [ef. Fin. 11 3 omnis autem in quaerendo, quae via quadam et 
ratione habetur, oratio, praescribere primum debet, ut quibusdam in formulis, ‘ea res 
agetur’, J.E.B.M.] 

nisi molestum est. See Reid on Ac. 1 14. 

nihil scire. Cf. Sen. Ep. 88 § 4 Academicit novam induxerunt scientiam, nihil 

aequum. Fin. 11119 ejuro iniquum hac quidem de re: tu enim ista lenius, hic 
Stoicorum more nos vexat. , 

§ 18 ex deorum concilio. Cf. Div.149, Euseb. Pr, Ev. xtv 27, Justin M. Coh. 
ad Gent. p. 6 B, Luc. Jup. Trag. 45. 

aedificatorem mundi. [cf. Wetst. on Hebr. x1 10, J.E. B. M.] 

de Timaeo. Aristotle (de Anima 1 3) refers to the dialogue as though it were 
written by Timaeus. 

§ 19 quibus oculis. Justin M. Cohort. 5 B. 

apte cadere. In 4th 1. of note for ‘just below’ read ‘below § 23’. 

optata. Add Arist. Pol. tv 11 moNirelav rHv Kar’ edxnyv ywomévny Ir 1, 1v 1 
wotep evxouevoe [and cf. Dobree Advers, 1 254, J. EH. B. M.]. 

§ 20 physiologiam. For the clause beginning id est, cf. Reid Acad. 1 5, 8, 82. 

§ 21 exstiterint. [For the arg. cf. Acad. 11 119 from Aristotle, Diels Doxog. 
p. 800, Zeller Vortriige (Ser. 2), p. 546, August. Conf. x1 10 foll., C. D. x1 4 foll., 
Jourdain Thomas Aquinas 11 p. 267, J. E.B. M.] 

spatio tamen. Iam now inclined toagree with Wyttenbach and Vaucher (Cur, 
Crit. Lausanne 1865) in transposing the words which are treated in the note as 
agloss. For the language cf. Off. 1 9 in deliberationem cadere; in rationem 
utilitatis c.; Off. 111 17 in nostram intellegentiam c. 

§ 22 signis. We have the same comparison of stars to statues in the Aris- 
totelian quotation 11 95. The quotation from the Orator in n. is from § 184, 
not § 131. 

quae si esset. On the reason for Creation see Theodoret Provid. p. 507 Sch. 

§ 24 hactenus. Cf. Att. v1 2 de isto hactenus dixerim, me vel plura vincla 
optare, and passages cited in L. and 8. s. v. 11 B. 

celeritate. Of. Ac. 11 82. 

inhabitabiles, Panaetius doubted this (Zeller 1v 568) and Posidonius (Bake 
p. 91 foll.) blamed Aristotle for speaking of the torrid zone as uninhabitable, 
cf. Bunbury Anc. Geog. 1 p. 625, Strabo 11 5 § 13, Cleom. 1 6 § 32. 

§ 25 text. et mente, mentem cur aquae adjunxit? menti autem cur aquam 
adjunxit, si Or. Ba., et mente, cur aquae mentem, menti autem cur aquam ad- 
junzit, si Sch. Mu. 

vacans corpore. See below § 30 on dowuaror [and cf. Tusc. 1 50, J. HE, B. M.]). 

§ 27 aperta simplexque. ‘pure unbodied spirit’. 

quod plerisque contingeret. The depreciatory view of mankind in general here 


attributed to Pythagoras (this is implied by the subjunctive) is witnessed to in 
the lines cited by Iamblichus (V. P. 259) rods wey éralpous 7yev toov pwaxdperor 
Beoiar* Trovs & ddXous nyelr ob? év Néyw ob?’ év apLOug. 

§ 28 Xenophanes. Cf. Nicolaus Dam, ap. Diels, p. 481; and for the phrase 
omne quod esset, Div. 11 33 physici omne quod esset unum dixerunt; for the 
Epicurean polemic, Sext, Emp. 1x 149 ed daeipov éore 7d Oetov, odre Kiwetrat 
otre Eupuxdv éorw. 

§ 29 in deorum numero. Correct this n. by that on 11 54. 

§ 30 in Timaeo. Philemon frag. inc. 26 and 86 Mein. ri éorw 6 Oeds ov 
Oéder ce wavOdvew* doeBeis Tov ob OédovTa pavOdvew Oé\wv. Forchhammer makes 
the same transposition as I have done, only placing a comma after censeat. 

dowpmarov. In Acad. 1 39 Cic. translates this by non corpus. [cf. Le Nourry 
on Tertull. Apoc. c. 7 art. 4, J. H. B. M.] 

§ 82 vim quandam. For ‘ predicate’ read ‘ subject’, and for 28 read 27. 

§ 34 refert in deos. See on 11 54. 

§ 35 signis. Read ‘ sidus as contrasted with stella’. 

§ 36 naturalem legem. Cf, 11 79 [Fin. 1v 11, J. E. B. M.]. 

‘Oeoyovlay. Many Stoic annotations are contained in the existing Scholia 
to the Theogony. See Flack Gloss. u. Schol. p. 29 foll. 

§ 37 mundum deum. See the Stoic proof in Bk 1 §§ 19—47 [and ef. Tertull. 
Apol, 24, Tatian c. 3, Lact. 1v 9, J.H.B. M.]. 

quasi delirans. Cf. Reid on Acad. 11 14 quasi mente incitati, ib. m1 74 quasi 

§ 38 honore afficere. For § 33 read § 36. 

quorum esset futurus. Cf, 111 49, and Firmicus 6 in istis profanis religionibus 
sciatis esse mortes hominum consecratas ; ib. 7 miscetis terrena caelestibus ; dolores 
hominum divinis honoribus consecrantur; ib. 8 st di sunt quos colitis, cur eos 
lugetis ? si lacrimis digni sunt, cur eos divino honore cumulatis ? 

§ 40 Neptunum. So Xenocrates in Stob, Hel. 1 3, 5, Flack Gloss. p. 78. 

§ 42 vincula. Tertull. Apol. 14, 

§ 43 quae est gens. Arist. Eth. x 2,48 yap waco Soke? rov7 elvar pduev. 

§ 44 maneat—consensio. [same word in Minuce. § 8, J. E.B.M.] 

insitas. See howeyer 11 12 n. on innatum est. 

de quo—necesse est, [cf. Tusc.1 35, J. E.B. M.] 

rebus novis nova nomina. [Fin, 111 3, J. HE. B.M.] 

§ 45 quod beatum. Add Diog. L. vir 123 od ydp &\douvs BAdmrev ob8’ avTous 
(of the Stoic sage), [Tertull. adv. Marc. 1 25 si aliquem de Epicuri schola deum 
affectavit Christi nomine titulare, ut quod beatum et incorruptibile sit neque sibi 
neque aliis molestias praestet, &c., J.E.B.M.] Just the opposite was said of 
Alexander (Arrian vir 1, 8) mpdyuara éywv Te kal mapéxwv. dddos. For the 
Kvpiae ddac the ref, should be to Diog. x 27, 138, Luc. Pseudon. c. 47. 

§ 48 ratio—figura. Cf. Max. Tyr. Diss. viru. 

§ 49 quasi. Sen. Ira 12 non est ira sed quasi ira. 

non sensu sed mente. The ref. to Lucr. in n, should be to the quotation given 
under occurrit § 46. 

p. 1461.7. For 714 read 774. 

mentem intentam. Cf. Ac. 11 30 mens naturalem vim habet quam intendit ad 
ea quibus movetur, ib. 46 defigunt animos et intendunt in ea quae perspicua sunt. 


cum infinita—afluat. Gell. v 16 (Epicurus holds) afluere semper ex omnibus 
corporibus simulacra quaedam. 

p. 1481.4 ‘nothing more’. So Sext. Emp. 1x 19 wndevds ddXov rapa Tatra 
bvros TOD dpOaprov prow ExovTos. 

§ 50 aequabilem. Arist. Meteorol. 1 3 mond yap dv brepBdddoe Thy icdryra Tijs 
Kow7s avadoylas mpos Ta otarorxa odpara (the other three elements); Philo 
Incorr. Mund. 21 rhv vmapxoveay icovouiayv Te Kdcpuw, and below, ris avtoxparots 
icovoulas Tavrns del pvdarrouéyys; also Plato’s doctrine of dvramddoo.s (Phaedo 
70 foll.). 

§ 51 nihil agit. [cf. Of. 14, Aesch. Pers. 606 Blomf., J. E. B. M.] 

§ 52 dixerimus. [No example of this potential force in the plural is found in 
writers before Cic. and only one other in him (dixerimus in Tusce. 111 7), if videri- 
mus is regarded as fut. exact. J. H. Schmalz compares also Quintil. v1 2 § 17, 
Colum. 11 2 § 8, 111 1 § 2, x11 1 § 2, and fourteen other exx., one each from Livy, 
Petronius, and perhaps Tacitus (Germ. 29 numeraverimus), the others mostly 
from Ulpian, Jerome, Augustine, Gregory, see Archiv f. lat. Lexikogr. 1 pp. 347, 
348, 1884. J. E.B.M.] 

§ 54 vis atomorum. Caes. B. C. 11 26 vis magna pulveris, 11 5 vim frumentt. 

§55 pavrixy. Cf. 1 162. 

§ 57 non tam facile, &c. cf. below §§ 60, 91 [Athenag. Res. 1 p. 51 b, 
J. HE. B.M.]. 

§ 58 cum te. Cf. 11 24 animadversum est cum cor palpitaret. 

§ 59 coryphaeum. Dig. xxv 1 1. 13 § 2 Ulpian is called xopudaios trav 
voutxav, so Simplicius of Theophrastus (Wimmer’s ed. vol. 3 p. 176). 

Zenonem audiebam frequenter. This use of frequenter (‘ repeatedly’, ‘over 
and over again’) is somewhat rare in C. I think it is the most appropriate in 
11 136 frequenter ducatur (of breathing), though we might take that to mean ‘in 
large draughts’; and it is plainly required in Orator 221 non modo non frequen- 
ter, verum etiam raro in veris causis circumscripte numeroseque dicendum est, 
Caecina 77 is qui adesse nobis frequenter in hac causa solet, C. Aquillius. We 
find it joined with creber in Orat. 81 (orator) tralatione fortasse crebrior, qua 
frequentissume sermo omnis utitur, Plane. 83 haec frequenter in me congessistt, 
saneque in eo creber fuisti, te idcirco &c., which seems to show that it had not 
quite broken loose from its earlier meaning. In Orat. 11 156 Carneadem et 
Critolaum et a se et ab aliis frequenter auditos, it seems more 
natural to understand it, after et a se, in the later sense, than in the earlier 
(‘in large numbers’) with Prof. Wilkins. 

bona venia. [add to exx. in lexx. Fronto p. 291 Naber quod bona venia 
pietatis tuae dictum sit, ib. p. 25, Mamertin, Paneg. Mazximin. Aug. 6, 

§ 60 quid non sit. Cic. speaking in his own person (Tusc. 1 70) says we know 
the existence of God, but not his form or abode. 

Simonides. Plut. Pyth. Orac. 409 D, Bentley Remarks p. 307. 

§ 61 credo si. So Stilpo being asked whether the gods were really pleased 
with the worship offered to them, answered ‘do not ask me in the street but 
alone’ (Diog. 11117); cf. N. D. frag. 1 non esse illa vulgo disputanda, Herenn. 
Iv c. 18 qui in sermonibus et conventu amicorum verum dixerit numquam, eum 
sibt in contionibus credis a mendacio temperaturum ? 


ego—is. [cf. Shilleto on Dem. F. L. § 77, citing, among other passages, Cic. 
ad Q. Fr.1§6 qui modo fratre fuerim beatissimus, is...possim, J. H, B, M.], also 
ae. 11.66, BR. P; 1 7. 

§ 62 quae communia sunt. Fin. 1v 24 quae sunt communia vobis cum antiquis, 
tis sic utamur ut concessis. 

§ 63 Protagoras. [see Chrys. Hom. 4 in 1 Cor. p. 30 with Field’s n. 

habeo dicere. Cf. Reid on Acad. 11 43. 

combusti. Cf. Aug. C. D. vit 34 with the nn. of Vives. 

§ 66 corpuscula. [ef. Tusc. 1 22, J. E.B. M.] 

levia alia aspera rotunda alia partim. I propose now to repeat partim and 
transpose the 2nd alia, placing it before levia, ‘some smooth, some rough, partly 
round, partly angular’. 

ante enim judicasti. Cf. Acad. 11. 8 ceteri ante tenentur adstricti quam quid 
esset optimum judicare potuerunt foll. 

§ 67 omnibus minimis. [Cluent. 137, J. EH. B. M.] 

§ 68 text. Forchhammer (p. 38) proposes to read non igitur aeterni (quod 
enim ex atomis, id natum aliquando est) ; si nati, nulli dei ante quam nati. 

§ 71 text. hoc mirabilius quod vos inter vos riswm tenere possitis. Forch- 
hammer (p. 38) gets nearer to the mss by inserting quam before quod. 

nec (after negat). [see Hand Tursell. rv 124, J. E. B, M.] 

§ 74 quid est quod. The 4th line in this n. has a quotation from Plin, Ep. 
111 (not 11) 16 where see Mayor’s n. and add Sen. N. Q. 1 47, Apul. Apol, 1. 
For the thought, add Fin. 11 13 ergo illi intellegunt quid Epic. dicat, ego non 
intellego ? 

§ 76 text. I think Allen and Forchhammer are right in retaining the ms 
order possit quod nulla alia figura domicilium mentis esse. The position of possit 
shows that it is the clinching argument. 

§ 77 deos ipsos. Dion Chrys. Or, x11 p. 405, Tholuck Heathenism Eng. Tr. 
p. 20. 

auxerunt opifices. [Philostr. Apoll. v111 7 § 22, Plut. Mor. p. 167, J.E.B.M.] 

§ 78 ingeniis. Orat. 1 6, 106, 115, Fin. 1v 62, Or. 48, N. D. 11126. I observe 
that Prof. Wilkins takes the pl. sermonum in Hor. A. P. 69 to mean ‘style’ or 
‘language’. This would form a parallel to my interpretation of orationibus here. 

homo nemo. See 1 81 and n. on 11 96. 

§ 79 et quidem. Add to exx. of ironical use of et, 111 82 et praedones. 

hujus. See Plin. Ep. m1 5 § 2 with Mayor’s n. 

collegae, as one of the pontifices, 

Auroram. Cf. Job xxx 27 and Apost. Constit. 11 59 Ta @0vn é& Uavov Kad’ 
nuepay avacravra Tpéxer emt Td eldwra AaTpeverv avrois. 

§ 80 ecquos. Varro Men. 344 de Venere paeta strabam facit. 

§ 81 barbaria, [Tusc. v 77, Sen. Ep. 28 § 4, Lamprid. Alex. 58 § 5, Ammian. 
xxx1 4 and 9, J.E.B.M.] It is also used of particular nations, as in 1 88, 

§ 82 fando. [cf. Plin. Pan. 86 § 2 fando inauditum, J. E.B. M.] 

Sospitam. Liv. v1 14 Lanuvinis civitas data sacraque sua reddita cum 
eo ut aedes lucusque Sosp. Jun. communis Lanuvinis municipibus cum populo 
‘Romano.esset. For the Acc. see Madv. on Fin. 11 8, 88. 

scutulo. [dzr. \ey. in this its literal sense, J. E. B. M.] 


repandis. [see Archiv. f. latein. Lexikographie 1 321 foll. (1884), 
Joie, My 

§ 83 laudamus. Leg. 11 8 lex recte est laudata; Plin. N. H. x 4 eodem loco 
Liber Eutychidis laudatur, ‘there is a famous statue of Bacchus by Eutychides’. 

§ 84 confiteri nescire. Cf. Ac. 11 128 considerare—amittere with Reid’s n., 
also ib. 17 and18. The omission of the subject seems to me to emphasize the 
meaning of the verb, making it equivalent to an abstract noun. 

§ 85 text. For visw Forchhammer reads corpore sunt di; for ita, item. On 
pleonastic ita after Rel. see Madv. Fin. v 77. 

§ 87 numquidnam. Or. 11 13 numquidnam, inquit, novi? Ter. Eun. 11 1, 41. 
For the argument see below § 96. 

§ 88 uwt—non crederes. In quotation from 11 86 read dicat for dicet. 

(97) rwbro mari. Arrian Indica c. 30, Philostr. V. A. m1 57, Bunbury Anc. 
Geog. 1 534 ‘It is not uncommon for a steamer bound from Aden to Bombay to 
encounter a school of whales similar to that which caused such alarm to the fleet 
of Nearchus’. 

§ 90 video. So audio Tusc. 11 46, Rose. Am. 58. 

§ 91 cognationem. Div.1 64. 

§ 92 itaque nulla ars. Arist. Hth. 16§ 9. 

habebit igitur linguam. The argument against the human form of the gods 
may be compared with that of Origen against the crude view of the resurrection 
of the body (ed. Lomm. vol. 17, p.61), quo enim membra genitalia, si nuptiae non 
erunt ? quo dentes, si cibi non molendi sunt ?.quo venter et cibi, si juxta Apostolum 
et hic et illi destruentur ? 

§ 93 cum—vexarit. For vexo cf. § 73 (not 78). 

§ 94 adhibetur homini. I think this must be treated as Dat. of Agent, on 
which see Index. It is softened down by the preceding gerundive and probably 
by the frequent use of the Dat. of Object with adhibeo, see below on 11 124. 

§ 97 Not. Crit. 1. 18 for § 84 read § 88. 

canis nonne similis lupo? Reid on Ac. 11 50 cites Plato Soph. 231 kal yap 

§ 98 sortiri quid loquare. Cf. Fabricius on the use of daoxAnpwrixds in Sext. 
Emp. P. H. 11 79. 

§ 101 text. There should be a full stop after consecraverunt. 

§ 102 On cessatio see above § 51 and Fin. 1c. 13. Perhaps it is better to 
take sic with volumus, ‘is our wish to give the gods a holiday really based on a 
fear that happiness is inconsistent with activity?’ 

§ 103 Schwencke considers this and the following paragraphs to be an 
unaltered fragment of the original Stoic treatise followed by Cic.; that then 
in § 105, finding it inconvenient to continue the subject, he suddenly recurs to 
the topic of § 49, and has forgotten to erase the unfinished part. 

quae sedes. Cf. Sen. V. B, 31 deus sedens opus suum spectet an tractet? 
utrumne extrinsecus illi circumfusus sit an toti inditus ? Tert. Apol. 47. 

§ 104 postremo. I now think there is no occasion to change this to porro. 
A careless ‘lastly’ is very intelligible in hasty composition ; and here the repe- 
tition is veiled by the intervening denique. For postremo followed by denique cf. 
Ac. 11 136 where Reid refers to the triple repetition of denique in Orator 74. 
Sunilarly we find a thrice-repeated deinde in Sex. Rosc. 130. 


§ 105 Hippocentauro. To the exx. of its use add Dig. 45. 1. 97, and Chrysost. 
ad Col. hom. 7 passim. We find the form Centaurus 1 51, 70. 

§ 109 inquit. Forchhammer p. 43 foll. limits and classifies the exx. of 
this use. 

§ 110 actuosa. [add to lexx. Sen. Trang. 4 § 8, Ira 11 19 § 2, Arnob. 1 8 
and cf. Lucian Hermot. 79 7 weév dperh év epyos 64 mov éorly, J. HE. B. M.] 

§ 112 perfundas. Fin. 11 ¢, 34. 

ut poetae. Fin. 11 23 adsint formosi pueri qui ministrent, Epicurus attributed 
to his gods the enjoyment of such feasts, see on § 49 and Euseb. Pr. Ev. 
xiv 27, 

locupletior hominum natura. [cf. Sen. Ep. 76 § 25, J. HE. B. M.] 

§ 113 neque nune reprehendo quod referaniur, sed doceo. Cf. Planc. 44 neque 
ego nunc consilium reprehendo tuum quod eas tribus non edideris, sed doceo; N. D. 
1 21 non quod difficile sit; Roby §§ 1738, 1744. | 

§ 114 satin. Cic. does not seem to use this colloquialism elsewhere, but we 
find ain in the letters (Fam. 1x 21, Att. tv 5). 

mihi pulchre est. Cf. bene est, belle se habere, and nn. on Petron. c. 34 fin. 

cogitat. [For the Sing. cf. Odyss. 1v 692 and Kiihner § 430, J.E. B. M.] 

§ 119 colere precari venerarique. See Weissenborn on Liv. xxx1x 15. 

Ennius. [cf. August. Consens. Evang. 1 § 32, J. EH. B, M.] 

Samothraciam. See Contemp. Rev. May 1882, Conze Arch. Unters. auf Samo- 
thrake Vienna 1875. 

“ quibus explicatis. Merkel Fasti p. cLxxxtx. 

§ 120 hortulos. [ef. Leg. 1 §§ 39, 54, J. HE. B. M.] 

§ 122 verbum amoris ‘a term of affection’, cf. 1172 laudis nomen, Flacc. 11 non 
jurisjurandi sed laedendi verba meditatur, Planc. 34 quae umquam Plancii vox 
fuit contumeliae potius quam doloris ? 

Text. quod ni ita sit. I see no reason for the Subj. and should prefer 
to read est. 

§ 124 I am indebted to my old pupil Mr W. F. Smith, fellow of St John’s 
College, Cambridge, for the following note: ‘‘this was a favourite illustration of 
Shilleto’s on Phaedo 95 a, ra ev ‘Apuovias thed ws yéyove, the word tiews being 
used for the ceremonious farewell to a deity, while xaipe denotes the farewell 
to a mortal. Consequently the opposition of valeat to propitius sit implies 
‘I deny his divinity’. Compare Thucyd, m1 104 a\NX dyed’ innko pev ’Amdd\dwY 
’Aprémds Evv, xaipere 5 vets maou, Plat. Rep. 496 u, Eur. Hel. 1007”. Add to 
these Plato Leg. x1 923, Euthyd. 273, Epin. 975 (a corrupt passage in which 
YNews and yxalpu are brought into connexion), Cic, Att. 11 9 patria propitia sit 
‘ farewell to my country’, Nonnus Dionys. vir 73 ovpavds idjKot, XLIV 170 ovpavds 
aorepopaitos éuh modus’ tAaTe OFBau. 


Text p. 141. 19 Not. Crit. after sed est add ‘edd.’ 

p. 161.24. Schwencke in Jor. f. cl. Alterth. vol. 35 p. 92 says that A is now 
found to agree with the other mss in omitting est. 

p.- 181.11. Schwencke l.c. says potest esse is written ‘in ras,’ in B, 

p. 241.23. For qui L. Miiller reads quin, 


. 251.15. Schwencke l.c. states that A agrees in the corrupt recidant. 
. 311. 31. The note should be on p. 32 1. 6. 
. 821.17. Faciet is the reading of Orelli’s B, not of B. 
381.6. spiritu. Transpose V! and V2. 
401.7. ‘A agrees in admiscetur’, Schw. l.c. 
. 52 Deiter 1. c. says B has mollitur not molitur, 
.531,1. ‘A has recipit not recepit’, Schw. l.c. 

§ 1 conturbor. Cf. Acad. 11 10 bis. 

corona. Cf. Fin. 1v 74 non ego tecum jam ita jocabor, ut isdem his de rebus 
cum L. Murenam te accusante defenderem. Apud imperitos tum illa dicta sunt ; 
aliquid etiam coronae datum; nunc agendum est subtilius, 

§ 4 aspice. Compare with hoc 1 95 solem illum. Subl. candens, lit. ‘this 
that dazzles on high’. 

§ 6 Castor et Pollux. On the mediaeval belief in the interposition of heavenly 
warriors, cf. Burton Melancholy p. 671. 

cum equis. Caes. B. C. 1 26 naves cum tabulatis Kraner’s n, 

§ 7 p. 75 last 1. but 2, for N. D. 153 read N. D. m1 14 n. 

SU aia On, TD 

§ 11 tenetis. I now think that with jus this must mean ‘maintain’, not 

§ 12 signa—peccavit. Cited by Amm, Mare. xx1 1 § 12. 

omnes omnium. [Cf. Philipp. 11 76, Cael. 14, Plin. Ep. 11 11§7n., J. H.B.M.] 

§ 16 desipientis arrogantiae est. This argument may be illustrated from the 
writings of a modern Stoic: ‘shall we poor earthworms have sublimer thoughts 
than the universe, of which we are poor chips—mere effluvia of mind—shall we 
have sublimer thoughts than that universe can furnish out into reality?” Life 
of George Eliot, 1 p. 194. 

§ 17 an non possis. Add to exx, Div. 11123 an Serapis potest...Neptunus non 
potest ? 

§ 18 spirabilem n. On the microcosm cf. Nemes. 1 26 ris ofy d&lws Oavudoeve 



Thy evyévecay TovTo Tod Sov, TOD cvdéovTos ev EavT@ Ta OvNnTA Tos dPavdro.s... 
Tov pépovros év TH Kal’ EauvTov pice THs maons picews Tip eixova bu’ O Kal puKpds 
kéopmos eipnrac; [See also N. Ferrar pp. 239, 240, Bacon Adv. of Learning 109, 
134, 290, 295, J. Davies ed. Grosart p. 98, Philo 1 334, 444, 11 608, Clem. Al. 
Protr. 1 § 5, Hieron, in Koheleth 9. 14 seq., Chaleid. in Tim. p. 202. J.E.B.M.] 

§19 p. 1041.6. For § 34 read § 54. 

§ 20. For other exx. of the pl. of conviciwm Reid (Ac, 11 34) cites Att. 11 18, 
Fin. 169, Cluent. 39, &e. 

angustia. For the sing. cf. blanditia Lael. 91 with Reid’s n. 

§ 23 dixeram. On the pluperfect, cf. Ac. 11 76 quaesieras, 79 dixeram, with 
Reid’s mn. and Draeg. § 130 B. 

conjirmari. For other exx. of the passive Inf. used where we should have 
expected the active, cf. Acad. 1 2 occultari velit, 1 32 explanari volebant, 11 42 
obscurari volunt with Reid’s n., Plaut. Capt. 12, 72 te vocari ad cenam volo (for 
te voco), Cas. prol. 30 comoediai nomen dari vobis volo (for dabo). 

quae alantur. For ‘the lowest stage’ read ‘ this includes all stages’. 

§ 25 ‘ea—in terris. [Wopkens Advers. 1 68, Drakenb. on Liv. 1 3 § 9, 
J. E.B. M.] 


maria tepescunt. Arist. Probl. xxxvi11 2 7 OddaTTa Oepuh Kal adyuwons éorl 
bid THY Gdunv. 

§ 27 quam similitudinem. Add u1 8 ea facultas. 

§ 35 rerum institutione. Cf. Reid Acad. 1 23 on descriptio naturae. 

§ 39 est autem—perfectius. For the change from indirect to direct construc- 
tion cf. Index and Acad. 1 42 viae reperiuntur, where Reid cites Mady. Fin. 1 30, 
111 50. 

§ 41 confector. [Sen. Ira m1 43 § 2, Tac. Ann. x1v 39, Vopisc. Aurelian 19, 
Isid. Orig. xv111 2, Firmic. Math. 1v 7, J.E.B. M.] 

consumptor. [Ambr. Hex. 11 14 ignis omnis consumptor umoris est, J. E. B, M.] 

§ 42 animantium ortus. Add Hippolyt. Ref. Haer. x 33. 

§ 43 cibo quo utare. Mr Roby has sent me another ex. of the use of cibo 
as a predicative Dat. at the beginning of the clause, Plin. N. H. xxix 3 § 48 
(speaking of eggs) Cibo quot modis juvent notum est, ‘as food, in how many 
ways they are useful is well known’. 

interesse ad mentis aciem. Sen. Ep. 108 § 22 abstinere animalibus coepi et 
anno peracto non tantum facilis erat mihi consuetudo sed dulcis: agitatiorem 
mihi animum esse credebam. 

§ 45. Schwencke l.c. remarks that praesentio, praesensio are intended to 
represent mpdAnYs. 

§ 46 quam volet, Add to exx. Flacc. 35. 

§ 49 bis bina. Add Galen 7. Py. au. 59 ‘the geometer knows his Euclid as 
well as another man knows ra dls dvo rérrapa elvac’, [Aug. Conf. 1 ¢. 13 jam 
vero unum et unum duo, duo et duo quattuor, odiosa cantio mihi erat, J. KE. B. M.] 

§ 51 magnum annum. [cef. Aug. Gen. ad litt. imp. § 38, J. E. B.M.] 

_ §52 a terra abest. On the position of the planets cf. Hippolytus Ref. 
Haer. tv 6. 

triginta annis. [Sen. N. Q. 1 Prol. § 13, vir 29 § 1, J. E.B. M.] 

§ 53 unius signi. Acc. to Hippol. l.c. v. 13 (dior =30 potpar, potpa = 60 

§ 64 xpévos. [Aug. Cons. Evang. 1 § 34, J. E. B.M.] 

§ 69 atque ex ea potius venustas. I believe Cicero wrote estque not atque. 

§ 73 magnus sane locus. So magnifica vox Off. 111 1. 

causa incognita. [cf. Verr. Act. 1 § 39, Act. 11 1 § 25, 1 § 81, 105, v 41, 
Cluent. 130, Dom. 20, Lactant. v 1 § 2; re incogn. Cluent. 76, Caec. 29, 

§ 74 ut si quis. Cf. above on § 15 [and Tusc. 11 12, 67, Seyffert Schol. Lat. 1 
186, 11 92, J. E.B.M.] We have a different use below § 86, and 1 88. 

[natio. So n. candidatorum, Mur. 69 and Piso 55, philosophi credula natio 
Seneca N.Q. v1 26, of historians ib. vir 16; also Minuce. 8 § 4, Sulp. Sev. Dial. 8 
§ 4, Chaleid. Tim. p. 194 poetica. J. E. B. M.] 

in te unum. Cf. Ac. 11 62 provide ne uni tibi istam sententiam minime liceat 
defendere, which Reid translates ‘ you of all men’. 

§ 75 ab animantibus principiis. Lucr. gives the opposite theory in 1 865, 
nunc ea quae sentire videmus cumque necesse est ex insensilibus tamen omnia con- 
jiteare principiis constare ; see n. on frag. 3 below, 

§ 76 majore vi. For exx. of mixture of constructions after necesse est, see 111 
36 id necesse est sentiat—venire. 


§ 77 p. 191. The summary C b (3) should come immediately before ch. 
9.0.4 6 

§ 81 via progredientem. For seminibus read seminis vim. 

§ 83 nobiscum videt, ‘contributes to our sight’. 

§ 86 dentes et pubertatem. Cf. Plato Tim. 64 ratra 6é repli dora kal tplyas 
éo7l kal doa adda yaiva TO wrelaTov Exouev ev nuly pdpia, Varro ap. Aug. C. D. vir 
23 (on the three grades of life, the lowest being without sensation) hanc vim in 
nostro corpore dixit permanare in ossa ungues capillos, sicut in mundo arbores 
sine sensu coluntur, &¢. 

ut. [ef. Of, 1 82, 111 107, J.E.B.M.] 

st qui dicat. Cf. Off. 1 52 si qui velit, 144 ut si qui meditetur, Off. 111 19 si qui 
tyrannum occidit, ib. 93, and Dumesnil on Leg. 11 49. 

§ 87 cursum navigii. This is the illustration ridiculed by Lucian Imp. Trag. 
46 foll. 

§ 89 spiritu. Used of the hissing of a serpent Culex 1. 180, 

§ 92 multis partibus. On the celestial magnitudes cf. Hippol. Ref. Haer. rv 8. 

§ 94 quem ad modum. For the attraction of the principal verb into the 
subordinate construction, cf. Tusc. 1 387 itaque commemorat—faciendum, Jelf’s 
Gr. Gr. § 898, and Krueger Unters. p. 455. 

§ 99 stirpium asperitate. Div. 1 75 in Lysandri statua corona exstitit ex 
asperis herbis atque agrestibus, 11 68 herbam asperam avium congestu exstitisse. 

§ 100 quae species. So Quirit. p. r. 4 quae species Italiae!...quae forma 
regionum!...quae pulchritudo urbis! : 

§ 101 determinatio. [Tertull. adv. Marc. 1 34, Iren. u1 12 § 9, J.E.B. M.] 

admirabilitate. This word, like admirabiliter (11 132), seems to be only used 
by Cic., cf. above § 90 and Off. 11 38 haec animi despicientia admirabilitatem 
magnam facit. 

§ 103 interpositu. The only other example quoted is from Plin. N. H. 11 10 
§ 47, perhaps copied from Cicero. 

§ 104 ex notarum. Add Hippol. Ref. Haer. tv 6 and 27, 

§ 106 Draco. Some connect with this constellation the allusions in the 
book of Job (111 8, xxv1 13) to the celestial leviathan which causes the eclipse of 
the sun and moon. 

§ 107 cum totius. At the end of n. read ‘ Allen’ for ‘ Ba.’ 

obstipum. The line I have cited from Lucilius is assigned to Caecilius 
(Imbrii 1. 99) by Ribbeck, who gives it in a different form resupina obstipo 
capitulo sibi ventum facere tunicula. 

§ 108 id autem caput. Hippolytus (Ref. Haer. 1v 47) mentions that certain 
heretics made Engonasin the First Adam, and Ophiuchus the Second Adam. 

§ 111 Cynosurae. Ovid (Trist. v 3, 7) has stellis Cynosuridos Ursae. 

aquilonis. Cf. below § 112 aq. flamina pulsant, § 114 quam flatu permulcet 
spiritus Austri. 

§ 115 ad medium. The quotation from Nemesius continues kal ri pév eis 
TO e£w peyedwv Kal rovornTwy dmoredcoTiKyy elvat, THY dé els TA ow éviocews Kal 
ovolas. Cf. Zell. p. 131 n, 3, p. 118 from Philo Deus immutab. 298 D. 

§ 120 tamquam manibus. [Ambr. Hex, m1 § 49, J. E.B. M.] 

§ 123 ut in araneolis, In quotation from Arist. H. A. 1x for ovx read ovx 
before vdaiver. 


- § 124 bestiis cibus quaeritur. Cf. Off. 111 38 honesta bonis viris quaeruntur. 
Comparing Cluent. 70 mihi ipsi praeter periculum quid quaeretur, and the Active 
quaerit sibi cibum bestia, we shall see that this Dat. is closely connected with 
that of ‘Advantage’. See above on 1 94 adhibetur homini, Mady. Fin. 1 11, 
Draeg. § 189. 

exclusi. [Tert. adv. Valent. 25 and 36, Ampel. 2 § 12, Hygin. Fab. 197, 
Ambr. Hex. v 9, J. E.B. M.] 

§ 127 cervae. See Periz. on Ael. V. H. xtit 35. 

§ 128 eoque saeptum. Cf. Orig. de Resurrect. Lomm. vol, 17 p. 62 foll. 

ut intellegamus. Insert 1, before § 17. 

§ 129 pisces. Schwencke l.c. refers to Chrysippus ap. Plut. St. Rep. p. 1038 
év TO TpaTw mept Ackacoctyys ‘Kal Ta Onpia, Pyol, cuupéTpws TH xpela Tov Exydvev 
@KxeBo Oar mpds ada wAHY TAY ixOJwr' adra yap TA KUnUaTA TpépeTae Hu’ abrSv’. 

§ 130 Indus. [Liv. xx1 31 § 10, Philostr. Apoll. 1 18, Strabo xv 1 § 25. 
Ukert 11 (1) 46, J. EH. B. M.] 

§ 135 tonsillas. The ref. in Festus should be to p. 536. 

atque agitatione. There is a pleonastic is after atque in Off. 111 94 optavit 
(Phaethon) ut in currum patris tolleretur: sublatus est, atque is, antequam con- 
stitit, ictu fulminis deflagravit. 

§ 136 aspera arteria, [Lucian Hist. Conscr. 7, Plut. Qu. Symp. vir 1, 
Macrob. Sat. vir 15, Plin. N. H. x1 66, J.E.B.M.] 

assimilis spongiis mollitudo. For the abbreviated comparison, cf. 1 153 
similis deorum n., Xen. Cyrop. Vv 1 éuolav rats dovAats elxe THv écO7jra, Nitzsch on 
Od. 11 121, Krueger Gr. Sprachl. § 48.11. 9, Sen. Benef. 1v 27 aciem habent 
Lynceo similem, Tusc. v 73 Epicurus non multum differens a judicio ferarum, 
Holden on Off. 1 76 legibus conferendi sunt, Wilkins on Or. 1 15 ceteris hominibus. 

§ 139 nervi. In the 8th 1. from the end of this note, read § 136 for § 128. 

§ 140 erectos. Stob. Flor. 11 26 a. 

in arce. [Macrob. Somn. Scip.1 6 § 81, J. E. B. M.] 

§ 141 vicinitatem. Cf. Att. x 18 Formias nunc sequimur, Orat. 1 28 umbram 
secutus est Socrates. 

amandavit. [cf. Off. 1 126 quae partes corporis ad naturae necessitatem 
datae aspectum essent deformem habiturae atque foedum, eas contexit (natura) 
atque abdidit, J. E.B.M.] 

§ 144 a quo. Seen. on § 134 ab iis. 

flexuosum iter. [cf. Cels. viz11 in aure quoque primo rectum et simplex iter, 
procedendo flexuosum, juxta cerebrum in multa et tenuia foramina diducitur ; 
the word flex. is already used by Cato R. R. 33.1. J. E.B.M.] 

irrepere seems to me better suited to minima bestiola than the irrumpere of 
mss, compare however Ac. 11 125 imagines in animos nostros per corpus irrumpere, 
ib. 186. 

tegendi causa ne voces laberentur. [For the change of construction, 
ef. Liv. xxt 51 § 5 consuli litterae de transitu Hannibalis et ut collegae ferret 
auxilium missae, J.E. B. M.] 

ex tortuosis locis. Clem. Al. Strom. v1 § 33 airla &, olwa, maons jyovs % Te 
AevoTns TMV TOTWY Kal TO avTpwoes. 

§ 149 plectri similem. Plin. N. H. vit 15 primores dentes concentu quodam 
excipiunt ictum linguae. [Cf. Clem. Recog. 8 29, J. HE. B.M.] 


§ 153 accedit ad cognitionem. Cf. Acad. 11 7 and 36 ad verum accedant, ib. 11 
86 sine magnis artificiis ad quae pauci accedunt, Nepos 18. 1. 4 (Humenes) ad 
amicitiam accessit Philippi, Virg. G. 11 483 naturae accedere partes. 

§ 160 sus. [Aug. Tract. in Joh. vut § 2, J. E. B. M.] 

§ 161 bellicae. [Wyttenb. ad Plut. Wor. p. 8d, J. H.B.M.] 

§ 165 magnam. On this cf. Theopompus ap. Ael. V. H. 111 18. 

Gracchum, the father of the famous tribunes, cf. above § 10, Fin. 1v 65, Off. 
1 43. 

§ 167 nemo. For the inspiration of genius cf. Arch. 18. 

AG) Woyeen Bi 

§ 23 ullam vim esse. Perhaps ullam may be retained, if we translate ‘ has no 
such power as to’. 

earum artium homines. Cf. Orat. 1 124 ceterarum artium homines, ib, 1 87 si 
qui aliarum artium. 

§ 43 age porro. Cf, Verr. v 56. 

§ 59 Syria Cyproque concepta, The passage in which Tacitus describes the 
visit of Titus to the shrine at Paphos (Hist. 11 3) supplies another example of 
the ablative after conceptus, and suggests the thought that possibly Cinyraque, 
rather than Cyproque, may be the true correction of the Cyroque of mss: fama 
recentior tradit a Cinyra sacratum templum deamque ipsam conceptam mari huc 






I. QuarE cum Balbus dixisset, tum arridens Cotta, Sero, 1 
inquit, mihi, Balbe, praecipis, quid defendam. Ego enim te 
disputante, quid contra dicerem, mecum ipse meditabar, neque 
tam refellendi tui causa quam ea, quae minus intellegebam, 
requirendi. Cum autem suo cuique judicio sit utendum, difficile 
factu est me id sentire, quod tu velis. Hic Velleius, Nescis, 2 
inquit, quanta cum exspectatione, Cotta, sim te auditurus. 
Jucundus enim Balbo nostro sermo tuus contra Epicurum fuit ; 
praebebo igitur ego me tibi vicissim attentum contra Stoicos 
auditorem. Spero enim te, ut soles, bene paratum venire. 
Tum Cotta, Sic mehercule, inquit, Vellei; neque enim mihi 3 
par ratio cum Lucilio est ac tecum fuit. Qui tandem? inquit 
ille. Quia mihi videtur Epicurus vester de dis immortalibus 
non magnopere pugnare; tantum modo negare deos esse non 
audet, ne quid invidiae subeat aut criminis. Cum vero deos 
nihil agere, nihil curare confirmat membrisque humanis esse 
praeditos, sed eorum membrorum usum nullum habere, ludere 

2 inquid A! also in 7, 11, 12, p. 2 1. 12, and often. 6 factu [BV|Mo 
Asc., factum ACEBC Oxf., fatu Red. N. 11 sic edd. after Lamb., si ABEV 
U Oxf. Asc.+, sine CB Red., sed Mars., sim Bouh. Ern., swum GHY Heind. 
12 par ratio corr. ex paratio AB, 13 quia mss generally, quam VUC, 
quoniam Oxf, 

Moc ID, 1 


videtur satisque putare, si dixerit esse quandam beatam naturam 
4ect aeternam. <A Balbo autem animadvertisti, credo, quam 
multa dicta sint quamque, etiam si minus vera, tamen apta 
inter se et cohaerentia. Itaque cogito, ut dixi, non tam refellere 
ejus orationem quam ea, quae minus intellexi, requirere. Quare, 
Balbe, tibi permitto, responderene mihi malis de singulis rebus 
quaerenti ex te ea, quae parum accepi, an universam audire 
orationem meam. Tum Balbus: Ego vero, si quid explanari 
tibi voles, respondere malo; sin me interrogare non tam intelle- 
gendi causa quam refellendi, utrum voles, faciam, vel ad singula, 
quae requires, statim respondebo vel, cum peroraris, ad omnia. 
5 Tum Cotta, Optime, inquit. Quam ob rem sic agamus, ut nos 
ipsa ducet oratio. II. Sed ante quam de re, pauca de me. 
Non enim mediocriter moveor auctoritate tua, Balbe, oratio- 
neque ea, quae me in perorando cohortabatur, ut meminissem 
me et Cottam esse et pontificem; quod eo, credo, valebat, ut 
opiniones, quas a majoribus accepimus de dis immortalibus, 
sacra, caerlmonias religionesque defenderem. Ego vero eas 
defendam semper semperque .defendi, nec me ex ea opinione, 
quam a majoribus accepi de cultu deorum immortalium, ullius 
umquam oratio aut docti aut indocti movebit. Sed cum de 
religione agitur, Ti, Coruncanium, P. Scipionem, P. Scaevolam, 
pontifices maximos, non Zenonem aut Cleanthem aut Chrysip- 
pum sequor, habeoque C. Laelium, augurem eundemque 
sapientem, quem potius audiam dicentem de religione in 
illa oratione nobili quam quemquam principem Stoicorum. 
Cumque omnis populi Romani religio in sacra et in auspicia 
divisa sit, tertium adjunctum sit, si quid praedictionis causa ex 
portentis et monstris Sibyllae interpretes haruspicesve monu- 
erunt, harum ego religionum nullam umquam contemnendam 
putavi mihique ita persuasi, Romulum auspiciis, Numam sacris 

7 parum BLO, parvam AEY!, parva CV? Oxf. B+. accept [BCEY] Oxf, 
Ase., accipe A, cepi or percepi Madv. 9 sin [ACE]BO, si BVC Oxf, 
13 ducet edd. after Heind., ducit mss. 22 Ti. edd. after Manut., t. ABO, 
tunc EK, om. AICV Mus. Coruncanium [BCE]V°L Oxf., Coruncanum V'0, 
quorum canium AB. 24 C. Laelium BEM, clelium AYV', delium Oxf., 
C. Lelium V*0V, glelium B, lelium C (after erased letter). 30 ego AVMO 
Oxf. Ase., ergo BCEB, sce p. 3 1. 4. 





LIB, III CAP. I—IV §§ 3—9. 3 

constitutis fundamenta jecisse nostrae civitatis, quae numquam 
profecto sine summa placatione deorum immortalium tanta 
esse potuisset. Habes, Balbe, quid Cotta, quid pontifex sentiat ; 6 
fac nunc ego intellegam, tu quid sentias. A te enim philosopho 
5 rationem accipere debeo religionis, majoribus autem nostris 
etiam nulla ratione reddita credere. JII. Tum Balbus, Quam 
igitur a me rationem, inquit, Cotta, desideras? Et ille, Quadri- 
pertita, inquit, fuit divisio tua, primum ut velles docere deos 
esse, deinde quales essent, tum ab iis mundum regi, postremo 
ro consulere eos rebus humanis. Haec, si recte memini, partitio 
fuit. Rectissime, inquit Balbus; sed exspecto, quid requiras. 
Tum Cotta, Primum quicque videamus, inquit; et, si id est 7 
primum, quod inter omnes nisi admodum impios convenit, mihi 
quidem ex animo exuri non potest, esse deos, id tamen ipsum, 
15 quod mihi persuasum est auctoritate majorum, cur ita sit, nihil 
tu me doces. Quid est, inquit Balbus, si tibi persuasum est, cur 
a me velis discere? Tum Cotta, Quia sic aggredior, inquit, ad 
hanc disputationem, quasi nihil umquam audierim de dis im- 
mortalibus, nihil cogitaverim ; rudem me et integrum discipulum 
20 accipe et ea, quae requiro, doce. Dic igitur, inquit, quid requi- 8 
ras. Hgone? primum illud, cur, quod in ista partetione ne 
egere quidem oratione dixisses, quod esset perspicuum et inter 
omnes constaret, de eo ipso tam multa dixeris. Quia te quoque, 
inquit, animadverti, Cotta, saepe, cum in foro diceres, quam 
25 plurimis posses argumentis onerare judicem, si modo eam facul- 
tatem tibi daret causa. Atque hoc idem et philosophi faciunt 
et ego, ut potui, feci. Tu autem quod quaeris, similiter facis, 
ac sl me roges, cur te duobus contuear oculis et non altero 
conweam, cum idem uno assequi possim. IV. Tum Cotta, 9 

1 fundamenta—civitatis om. A! (from homeeoteleuton). 3 potuisset IV, 
potuissent.X Oxf. BOU +. 4 ego Lactant. 11 6, ergo X Mus., om. T. 6 red- 
dita, Lact. 1. c. adds rationis est. 11 Balbus sed exspecto, here P. begins, 
14 exuri XBLM Oxf., exire HNRVGUY Red., exuit CO, eximi anon. ap. Dav. Cobet 
V.L. (p. 463) Sch, Or. Ba., erui Walker, excuti Lamb. Mu., see Comm. 21 
quod in ista partitione Heind. Or. Mu. Sch., quod perspicuum in istam partem 
mss (Ba. after Dav. brackets persp.—partem), cum istam partem Forch, p. 52. 
25 posses [V7] Oxf. LO, possis ABCEPV'BH, posse V Asc. 27 quod quaeris XUBM 
Oxf.+Forch, p. 25, qui id q. V, Herv. Dav. Or. Ba. Sch. Mu. Allen, quid q. V. 
29 coniveam edd. after Madv. cf. below 14, contm YT, tm LO, contuear mss 



Quam simile istud sit, inquit, tu videris. Nam ego neque in 
causis, si quid est evidens, de quo inter omnes conveniat, 
argumentari soleo; perspicuitas enim argumentatione elevatur ; 
nec, si id facerem in causis forensibus, idem facerem in hac 
subtilitate sermonis. Cur coniveres autem altero oculo, causa 5 
non esset, cum idem cbtutus esset amborum, et cum rerum 
natura, quam tu sapientem esse vis, duo lumina ab animo ad 
oculos perforata nos habere voluisset. Sed quia non confidebas 
tam esse id perspicuum, quam tu velles, propterea multis argu- 
mentis deos esse docere voluisti. Mihi enim unum sat erat, ita 10 
nobis majores nostros tradidisse. Sed tu auctoritates contemnis, 

10 ratione pugnas. Patere igitur rationem me meam cum tua 
ratione contendere. Affers haec omnia argumenta, cur di sint, 
remque mea sententia minime dubiam argumentando dubiam 
facis. Mandavi enim memoriae non numerum solum, sed etiam 15 
ordinem argumentorum tuorum. Primum fuit, cum caelum 
suspexissemus, statim nos intellegere esse aliquod numen, quo 
haec regantur. Ex hoc illud etiam: 

Aspice hoc sublime candens, quem invocant omnes Jovem. 

11 Quasi vero quisquam nostrum istum potius quam Capitolinum 20 
Jovem appellet aut hoe perspicuum sit constetque inter omnes, 
eos esse deos, quos tibi Velleius multique praeterea ne animantes 
quidem esse concedant. Grave etiam argumentum tibi vide- 
batur, quod opinio de dis immortalibus et omnium esset et 
cotidie cresceret. Placet igitur tantas res opinione stultorum 25 
Judicari, vobis praesertim, qui illos insanos esse dicatis? V. At 
enim praesentes videmus deos, ut apud Regillum Postumius, in 
Salaria Vatinius; nescio quid etiam de Locrorum apud Sagram 

generally, et non altero coniveam om. Cobet (Ba. notes that the word is often 
corrupted, as in 11 143 conluentibus, Catil. 1 27, Leg. Agr. u 77, Harusp. Resp. 
38 and 52). 

2 de quo inter omnes conveniat, om. Cobet V. L. p. 463. 5 coniveres edd. 
after Mady., contuweres ABCPV!B, contuereris EV? Oxf. HM+. 9 velles O 
edd, after Ern., velis mss Draeg. § 152. 2, see below § 20. 12 me mean 
Ed., meam mss and edd. see Comm. 19 sublime mss, sublimen Sch. Or. Ba. 
see on 11 4. candens Oxf. [BCEP], cadens A!VB. 23 concedant, conce- 
derent Kayser. 25 cotidie CV Oxf., cottidie AB, quottidie E. 27 
praesentes V*[ABCE]BOM, praesertis V1 Oxf., pracscritis P, 28 Vatinius 

LIB. III CAP. IV—VI §$ 9—14. 5 

proelio. Quos igitur tu Tyndaridas appellabas, id est homines 
homine natos, et quos Homerus, qui recens ab illorum aetate 
fuit, sepultos esse dicit Lacedaemone, eos tu cantheriis albis 
nullis calonibus ob viam Vatinio venisse existimas et victoriam 

5 populi Romani Vatinio potius, homini rustico, quam M. Catoni, 
qui tum erat princeps, nuntiavisse? Ergo et illud in silice, 
quod hodie apparet apud Regillum tamquam vestigium ungulae, 
Castoris equi credis esse? Nonne mavis illud credere, quod 
probari potest, animos praeclarorum hominum, quales isti Tyn- 
1) daridae fuerunt, divinos esse et aeternos, quam eos, qui semel 
cremati essent, equitare et in acie pugnare potuisse ? aut, si hoc 
fieri potuisse dicis, doceas oportet, quo modo, nec fabellas aniles 
proferas. Tum Lucilius, An tibi, inquit, fabellae videntur ? 
Nonne ab Aulo Postumio aedem Castori et Polluci in foro dedi- 

15 catam, nonne senatus consultum de Vatinio vides? Nam de 
Sagra Graecorum etiam est vulgare proverbium, qui, quae affir- 
mant, certiora esse dicunt quam illa, quae apud Sagram. His 
igitur auctoribus nonne debes moveri? Tum Cotta, Rumoribus, 
inquit, mecum pugnas, Balbe, ego autem a te rationes requiro. 
20 VI. ...sequuntur, quae futura sunt; effugere enim nemo 
id potest, quod futurum est. Saepe autem ne utile quidem est 
scire, quid futurum sit; miserum est enim nihil proficientem 
angi nec habere ne spei quidem extremum et tamen commune 
solacium, praesertim cum vos idem fato fieri dicatis omnia, quod 
25 autem semper ex omni aeternitate verum fuerit, id esse fatum. 
Quid igitur juvat aut quid affert ad cavendum scire aliquid 
futurum, cum id certe futurum sit? Unde porro ista divinatio ? 
Quis invenit fissum jecoris? quis cornicis cantum notavit, quis 

edd. after Heind., Vatienus XBMCR, so Vatieno p. 5 ll. 4 and 5 but see on p. 

51.15. Sagram [AV2|M Asc. Oxf., sacram BCEPV!B0+. 

3 eos tu BM Asc., eos tuq. V, eosq. tug. Oxf., eos tu quae AC, eosque tu HOUT, 
eos tuque PB. albis PVM Oxf., aluis A, alius CEB, ab his BLO. 6 et, 
etiam Ba. 8 credis esse V Oxf. Asc., credidisese A, credissesse B!, credi- 
disses B?, credidisse CPUTBHLO, credisse E. 14 ab Aulo GHMC Asc., ab 
Aulio V, aulo XBIO Oxf., A R, paulo H and I of Moser, ab A. edd. 15 Va- 
tinio AB'CV Oxf. B, Vatieno PC, vaticinio H. 16 Sagra Oxf. Asc. M, sacra 
ACEPVBO, sacris B. 17 Sagram BM Oxf.[ABEV], sacram CPO. 19 re- 

quiro BV?0 Oxf, Asc. Mu. Sch., om. ACEV'B Ba. Or. Forch. p. 27. 20 sequun- 
tur V? Oxf. [Mus. CP], secuntur BV!L Or., recuntur corr. in reguntur A, per- 
cunctor eorum E, 22 scire quod futurum est P. 






sortes 2? Quibus ego credo, nec possum Atti Navi, quem com- 
memorabas, Hituum contemnere; sed qui ista intellecta sint, a 
philosophis debeo discere, praesertim cum plurimis de rebus 
divini isti mentiantur. At medici quoque (ita enim dicebas) 
sacpe falluntur. Quid simile medicina, cujus ego rationem 
video, et divinatio, quae unde oriatur, non intellego? Tu autem 
etiam Deciorum devotionibus placatos deos esse censes. Quae 
fuit eorum tanta iniquitas, ut placari populo Romano non 
possent, nisi viri tales occidissent ? Consilium ilud impera- 
torium fuit, quod Graeci otpatiynua appellant, sed eorum 
imperatorum, qui patriae consulerent, vitae non parcerent; re- 
bantur enim fore ut exercitus imperatorem equo incitato se in 
hostem immittentem persequeretur, id quod evenit. Nam 
Fauni vocem equidem numquam audivi; tibi, si audivisse te 
dicis, credam, etsi Faunus omnino quid sit nescio. 

VII. Non igitur adhuc, quantum quidem in te est, Balbe, 
intellego deos esse; quos equidem credo esse, sed nibil docent 

(16 Stoici. Nam Cleanthes, ut dicebas, quattuor modis formatas in 

animis hominum putat deorum esse notiones. Unus is modus 
est, de quo satis dixi, qui est susceptus ex praesensione rerum 
futurarum, alter ex perturbationibus tempestatum et reliquis 
motibus, tertius ex commoditate rerum, quas percipimus, et 
copia, quartus ex astrorum ordine caelique constantia. De 
praesensione diximus. De perturbationibus caelestibus et mari- 
timis et terrenis non possumus dicere, cum ea fiant, non esse 
multos, qui illa metuant et a dis immortalibus fieri existiment ; 

17 sed non id quaeritur, sintne aliqui, qui deos esse putent, di 

utrum sint necne sint, quacritur. Nam reliquae causae, quas 
Cleanthes affert, quarum una est de commodorum, quae capimus, 
copia, altera de temporum ordine caeclique constantia, tum 

1 Atti Navii C2V!, Atti navi ABC'EV’B, Attinavi Oxf. commenorabas 
Oxf. M[V°BP] Asc., commorabas ACEV!B. 2 intellecta mss generally, 
intellegenda Oxf.+. sint [P]M, sunt ABCEVB+, om. Oxf. 4 divini 
GHI Moser’s M edd. after Walker, divinis X Oxf. +. mentiantur C, menti- 
untur Mss generally. at, ad A!V}, 8 placari BEPV? Oxf. OM, placeri AV}, 
placere CB. 9 imperatorium [X]B, imperatorum IMRV Oxf. 10 orpa- 
Thynua Hervag., Lat. mss. 12 equo, aequo AV. 14 audivi tibi si 

[ACV]BM Oxf, audivi tu si THO, audivit Quam si B (Q in ras. ua superser.), 
audivi Bis se B, audivit tu si P. 





LIB. III CAP. VI—VvulI §§ 14—21. 7 
tractabuntur a nobis, cum disputabimus de providentia deorum, 
de qua plurima a te, Balbe, dicta sunt; eodemque illa etiam 
differemus, quod Chrysippum dicere aiebas, quoniam esset ali- 
quid in rerum natura, quod ab homine effici non posset, esse 

5 aliquid homine melius, quaeque in domo pulchra cum pulchri- 
tudine mundi comparabas, et cum totius mundi convenientiam 
consensumque afferebas, Zenonisque breves et acutulas conclu- 
siones in eam partem sermonis, quam modo dixi, differemus, 
eodemque tempore illa omnia, quae a te physice dicta sunt de 

10 vi ignea deque eo calore, ex quo omnia generari dicebas, loco 
suo quaerentur, omniaque, quae a te nudius tertius dicta sunt, 
cum docere velles deos esse, quare et mundus universus et sol et 
luna et stellae sensum ac mentem haberent, in idem tempus 
reservabo. A te autem idem illud etiam atque etiam quaeram, 

15 quibus rationibus tibi persuadeas deos esse. VIII. Tum Balbus: 
Equidem attulisse rationes mihi videor, sed eas tu ita refellis, 
ut, cum me interrogaturus esse videare et ego me ad responden- 
dum compararim, repente avertas orationem nec des respondendi 
locum. Itaque maximae res tacitae praeterierunt, de divina- 

20 tione, de fato, quibus de quaestionibus tu quidem strictim, 
nostri autem multa solent dicere, sed ab hac ea quaestione, 
quae nunc in manibus est, separantur. Quare, si videtur, 
noli agere confuse, ut hoc explicemus hac disputatione, quod 

25 Optime, inquit Cotta. Itaque quoniam quattuor in partes 
totam quaestionem divisisti de primaque diximus, consideremus 
secundam; quae mihi talis videtur fuisse, ut, cum ostendere 
velles, quales di essent, ostenderes nullos esse. A consuetudine 
enim oculorum animum abducere difficillimum dicebas, sed, 

30 cum deo nihil praestantius esset, non dubitabas, quin mundus 
esset deus, quo nihil in rerum natura melius esset. Modo pos- 
semus eum animantem cogitare vel potius, ut cetera oculis, sic 
animo hoc cernere! Sed cum mundo negas quicquam esse 

11 omniaque quae a te BV? Oxf., omnia quaeque a te CB, omnia quae a te 
APY! (with d erased after a in AV), omnia que a te E (cf. below § 47). 
19 tacitae, tacite ACB Asc. 23 ut mss generally, et Madv. 28 velles 
BPY? Oxf. Asc., velis ACEV!BH. See above § 9. 29 enim VM Oxf, om. 
ABCEPUBO, 31 quo X, quod Oxf. R Allen. 






melius, quid dicis melius? $i pulchrius, assentior ; si aptius ad 
utilitates nostras, id quoque assentior; sin autem id dicis, nihil 
esse mundo sapientius, nullo modo prorsus assentior, non quod 
difficile sit mentem ab oculis sevocare, sed quo magis sevoco, eo 
minus 1d, quod tu vis, possum mente comprehendere. TX. Nihil 
est mundo melius in rerum natura. Ne in terris quidem 
urbe nostra; num igitur idcirco in urbe esse rationem, cogita- 
tionem, mentem putas? aut, quoniam non sit, num idcirco 
existimas formicam anteponendan esse huic pulcherrimae urbi, 
quod in urbe sensus sit nullus, in formica non modo sensus, sed 
etiam mens, ratio, memoria? Videre oportet, Balbe, quid tibi 
concedatur, non te ipsum, quod velis, sumere. Istum enim 
locum totum illa vetus Zenonis brevis et, ut tibi videbatur, 
acuta conclusio dilatatwm a recentioribus coartavit. Zeno enim 
ita concludit: ‘Quod ratione utitur, id melius est quam id, 
quod ratione non utitur; nihil autem mundo melius; ratione 
igitur mundus utitur.” Hoe si placet, jam efficies, ut mundus 
optime lbrum legere videatur. Zenonis enim vestigiis hoc 
modo rationem poteris concludere : ‘ Quod litteratum est, id est 
melius, quam quod non est litteratum; nihil autem mundo 
melius; litteratus igitur est mundus.’ Isto modo etiam disertus 
et quidem mathematicus, musicus, omni denique doctrina eru- 
ditus, postremo philosophus erit mundus. Saepe dixti nihil 
fierl nist ex eo, nec illam vim esse naturae, ut sui dissimilia 
posset effingere; concedam non modo animantem et sapientem 
esse mundum, sed fidicinem etiam et tubicinem, quoniam earum 

1 quid dicis melius A®V?[BCE], quid dices m. HTP, om. V! Oxf. MNCR. 
2 id quoque A? (in ras.) [BCEV?] L Oxf., ut quoque PV}. 3 quod difficile B? 
and mss generally, quo dificile B! Ba, (Mu. compares Div. 11 150 non quod eos 
maxime contemnamus, sed quod videntur, Tusc. 1 56 non quod doleant, sed quia 
...corpus contenditur). 12 velis [BCEPV?], vellis AV}, 14 dilatatum 
a recentioribus coartavit Ed., dilatavit A'V? mss generally, dilatalavit A2, dilata 
lavit V1, dilatabit Sch. 22 et quidem Mss, atque idem Ba. Sch. after Orelli. 
23 philosop V1, filoso Al, philosophus A?V?. erit mundus V marg. ead. m. 
MNCRV Oxf. Mu., om. XGBHILO Ba., in brackets Or. Sch. dixti C Ursinus, 
dixi Mss generally, dixvisti CG Red. 24 nisi ex eo Heind. Madvy., (Adv. 1 243) 
Mu. Sch. in App., sine deo mss generally Or. Sch. Ba. illam Walker Heind. 
Mu. Sch. in App., ullam mss Or. Ba. 26 jsidicinem Mss generally, fidicineam 
A, fidicianem V', fiduciorem Oxf., fidicinam C. tubicinem ABCYV Oxf. B, 
tibicinem HIRVEP, cf, 11 22. 




LIB. III CAP. VIII—xX §§ 21—235. 9 

quoque artium homines ex eo procreantur? Nihil igitur affert 
pater iste Stoicorum, quare mundum ratione uti putemus, ne 
cur animantem quidem esse. Non est igitur mundus deus, et 
tamen nihil est eo melius; nibil est enim eo pulchrius, nihil 
5 salutarius nobis, nihil ornatius aspectu motuque constantius. 
(Juodsi mundus universus non est deus, ne stellae quidem, quas 
tu innumerabiles in deorum numero reponebas, quarum te 
cursus aequabiles aeternique delectabant, nec mehercule injuria ; 
sunt enim admirabili incredibilique constantia. Sed non omnia, 
10 Balbe, quae cursus certos et constantes habent, ea deo potius 
tribuenda sunt quam naturae. X. Quid Chalcidico Euripo in 
motu identidem reciprocando putas fierl posse constantius? quid 
freto Siciliensi ? quid Oceani fervore illis in locis, 

Europam Libyamque rapax ubi dividit unda? 

15 Quid? aestus maritimi vel Hispanienses vel Britannici eorumque 
certis temporibus vel accessus vel recessus sine deo fieri non 
possunt ? Vide, quaeso, si omnes motus omniaque, quae certis 
temporibus ordinem suum conservant, divina dicimus, ne terti- 
anas quoque febres et quartanas divinas esse dicendum sit, 

20 quarum reversione et motu quid potest esse constantius? Sed 
omnium talium rerum ratio reddenda est. Quod vos cum facere 
non potestis, tamquam in aram confugitis ad deum, 

Kt Chrysippus tibi acute dicere videbatur, homo sine dubio 
versutus et callidus (versutos eos appello, quorum celeriter mens 

25 versatur, callidos autem, quorum, tamquam manus opere, sic 
animus usu concalluit); is igitur, ‘Si aliquid est,’ inquit, ‘quod 
homo efficere non possit, qui id efficit, melior est homine; homo 
autem haec, quae in mundo sunt, efficere non potest ; qui potuit 

2 ne cur edd. after Lamb., nec cur mss. 8 delectant Cobet p. 463, 
10 habent [ABCEP]BO, habent vel servant V2 Oxf. UCMV, habent vel conservant 
N, om. VY}. 13 Sicilienst mss generally, stilicensi AV', sicilicense V?. 
fervore corr, ex ferbore AV. 16 non B'C, nonne AB?CEPVB Oxf. +, mini- 
me N. 17 quae om. CEBC. 19 quoque edd. after Lamb., quidem mss, 
item Muretus. 22 aram [BCE]BO, arama A, aranam Y', arenam V? Oxf. 
MC, aram aut P, harenam RV, harena N, confugitis HILNCRO?, confugistis 
XBMV Oxf. (cf. 153), fugitis O1. 25 quorum—concalluit cited in Nonius 
p. 90, Grammat. de gen. nom, n. 58. 27 qui id [BCE]A?, quid A!PBHO, 
quicquid id V in ras. UMCR Gxf. 







igitur, is praestat homini; homini autem praestare quis possit 
nisi deus? est igitur deus.’ Haec omnia in eodem, quo illa 
Zenonis, errore versantur. Quid enim sit melius, quid praesta- 
bilius, quid inter naturam et rationem intersit, non distinguitur. 
Idemque, si di non sint, negat esse in omni natura quicquam 
homine melius; id autem putare quemquam hominem, nihil 
homine esse melius, summae arrogantiae censet esse. Sit sane 
arrogantis pluris se putare quam mundum; at illud non modo 
non arrogantis, sed potius prudentis, intellegere se habere sensum 
et rationem, haec eadem Orionem et Caniculam non habere. 
Et: ‘Si domus pulchra sit, intellegamus eam dominis,’ inquit, 
‘aedificatam esse, non muribus; sic igitur mundum deorum 
domum existimare debemus. Ita prorsus existimarem, si lum 
aedificatum, non (quem ad modum docebo) a natura con- 
formatum putarem. 

XI. At enim quaerit apud Xenophontem Socrates, unde 
animum arripuerimus, si nullus fuerit in mundo, Et ego quaero, 
unde orationem, unde numeros, unde cantus; nisi vero loqui 
solem cum luna putamus, cum propius accesserit, aut ad har- 
moniam canere mundum, ut Pythagoras existimat. Naturae 
ista sunt, Balbe, naturae non artificiose ambulantis, ut ait Zeno, 
(quod quidem quale sit, jam videbimus) sed omnia cientis et 
agitantis motibus et mutationibus suis. Itaque illa mihi pla- 
cebat oratio de convenientia consensuque naturae, quam quasi 
cognatione continuatam conspirare dicebas. Tllud non _pro- 
babam, quod negabas id accidere potuisse, nisi ea uno divino 
spiritu contineretur. Illa vero cohaeret et permanet naturae 

1 homint. homini [ACEP]V?, homini homine BBC, hominis hominis V1, homines 
hominem Oxf. U. 5 idemque A (post ras.) EV? Oxf. M, eidemque BCPV'Bo. 
6 nihil homine esse melius in brackets Or. Ba. after Dav. 10 Orionem BG, 
om. Oxf., ordem H, orationem other Mss. 11 inquis Forch. p. 44. 14 aedi- 

jicatum ACEPV Oxf.4+ Or. Ba., aedificatum esse BHL Mu. Sch. a Oxf, 

M[ABV], om. CEPBO. conformatum [P] Hervag., confirmatum ABCKV 
Oxf. BHCV +. 17 animum [PV]O, animam ABCEMRVB Oxf, nullus [X], 
nulla BV. 20 naturae ista [CEPV] Oxf., naturae ste A, natura istae B, 
22 cientis [B]C, scientis mss generally. 25 cognatione continuatam Mss 
generally Allen, cognatione continuata E Sch. Mu. Dav., cognationem continua- 
tam R Or. Ba. Heind. after Lamb. non probabam Mss generally, non probem 
V°MC Oxf. Asc., inprobam V1, non probe V, probabam B. 27 contineretur 


LIB. ITl CAP. X—XII §§ 25—30. 11 

viribus, non deorum, estque in ea iste quasi consensus, quam 
supTradecay Graeci vocant; sed ea, quo sua sponte major est, eo 
minus divina ratione fieri existimanda est. 
XII. Illa autem, quae Carneades afferebat, quem ad modum 29 
5 dissolvitis ? si nullum corpus immortale sit, nullum esse corpus 
sempiternum; corpus autem immortale nullum esse, ne indi- 
viduum quidem, nec quod dirimi distrahive non possit. Ergo 
itidem, si omne animal secari ac dividi potest, nullum est eorum 
individuum, nullum aeternum. Cumque omne animal patibilem 
ro naturam habeat, nullum est eorum, quod effugiat accipiendi 
aliquid extrinsecus, id est quasi ferendi et patiendi, necessitatem, 
et, sl omne animal tale est, immortale nullum est; atqui omne 
animal ad accipiendam vim externam et ferendam paratum 
est; mortale igitur omne animal et dissolubile et dividuum sit 
15 necesse est. Ut enim, si omnis cera commutabilis esset, nihil 30 
esset cereum, quod commutari non posset, item nihil argenteum, 
nihil aeneum, si commutabilis esset natura argenti et aeris: 
similiter igitur, si ea, e quibus constant omnia quae sunt, muta- 
bilia sunt, nullum corpus esse potest non mutabile; mutabilia 
20 autem sunt illa, ex quibus omnia constant, ut vobis videtur ; 
omne igitur corpus mutabile est. At si esset corpus aliquod 
immortale, non esset omne mutabile; ita efficitur, ut omne 
corpus mortale sit. Htenim omne corpus aut aqua aut aér aut 
ignis aut terra est aut id, quod est concretum ex his aut ex 
25 aliqua parte eorum; horum autem nihil est, quin intereat, 

XB Oxf.+, continerentur TMRV Heind. Ba. cohaeret—permanet MSS gene- 
rally, cohaerent—permanent Red, Heind. Ba. 

2 cuumasecav Edd., sympathiam PR, synpathiam ACB, simpatiam B Oxf. V, 
synpatiam EY. 4 illa mss generally, illam A1V. 5 esse corpus MSS, 
esse animal Ba. after Mady. 7 ergo—aeternum after immortale nullum est 
(12) in all mss and edd., ergo is bracketed by Or. Ba. 12 omne animal— 
itidem si (8) om. V! Oxf. MOR. tale Heind., om. HG, mortale mss generally. 
13 ferendam Oxf. MCRVA?V? Sch., fruendam A'BCEPV}!, ferundam Or..Ba. Mu, 
(but all give ferendi in 11). 18 si ea e quibus constant omnia quae sunt Ed., 
si omnia quae sunt e quibus cuncta constant mss (Mu. brackets quae sunt, Sch. 
would do the same or read si omnia e quibus quae sunt cuncta constant with 
Heind.), si ea e quibus cuncta constant Ba., st omnia e quibus cuncta quae sunt 
constant Dav., si ea ex quibus omnia constant Kayser. 24 his BEP Sch. 
Mu., iis A1CVB Or. Ba. 





Nam et terrenum omne dividitur, et umor ita mollis est, ut 
facile premi collidique possit; ignis vero et aér omni pulsu 
facillime pellitur naturaque cedens est maxime et dissipabilis. 
Praetereaque omnia haec tum intereunt, cum in naturam aliam 
convertuntur, quod fit, cum terra in aquam se vertit, et cum ex 
aqua oritur aér, ex aére aether, cumque eadem vicissim retro 
commeant. Quodsi ea intereunt, e quibus constat omne animal, 
nullum est animal sempiternum. XIII. Et ut haec omit- 
tamus, tamen animal nullum inveniri potest, quod neque natum 
umquam sit et semper sit futurum. Omne enim animal sensus 
habet; sentit igitur et calida et frigida et dulcia et amara, nec 
potest ullo sensu jucunda accipere, non accipere contraria; si 
igitur voluptatis sensum capit, doloris etiam capit; quod autem 
dolorem accipit, id accipiat etiam interitum necesse est; omne 
igitur animal confitendum est esse mortale. Praeterea, si quid 
est, quod nec voluptatem sentiat nec dolorem, id animal esse 
non potest; sin autem, quod animal est, id illa necesse est 
sentiat, et, quod ea sentit, non potest esse aeternum, et omne 
animal sentit; nullum igitur animal aeternum est. Praeterea 
nullum potest esse animal, in quo non-et appetitio sit et decli- 
natio naturalis; appetuntur autem, quae secundum naturam 
sunt, declinantur contraria; et omne animal appetit quaedam 
et fugit a quibusdam; quod autem refugit, id contra naturam 
est; et, quod est contra naturam, id habet vim interimendi; 

34 omne ergo animal intereat necesse est. Innumerabilia sunt, ex 

quibus effici cogique possit nihil esse, quod sensum habeat, quin 
id intereat ; etenim ea ipsa, quae sentiuntur, ut frigus, ut calor, 

1 mollis est CEV? (llis est om. V!) Oxf. B, molle est APB?PO, mollest A, molest 
B! (see Introduction on mss). 2 premi EPV Oxf. HCV, prami A’, 
praemt A°7BCBMN, comprimi ILO. pulsu Mss generally, impulsw ILOV Sch. 
4 praetereaque ABCPY Oxf. BY, praeterea E+. 6 ex aere ABEPV Oxf. 0, 
et ex aere C, et exaer B, et cum ex aere M Ase. Sch. 7 intereunt—constat. 
HILNOG Red. edd. after Heind., intereant—constet X BMCRV Oxf. 17 quod 
animal Mss Or. Ba. Sch., quid animal Heind. Mu. 18 et quod ea sentit Or. 
Ba. Mu., om. CBO, et quod ea sentiat Sch. Oxf. and mss generally (judging from 
the older edd. Orelli says nothing as to his ABEPY). 27 ut frigus ut calor 
ut voluptas ut dolor ut cetera A?BC (ut voluptas ut dolor superscr. in B) and 
(omitting ut before voluptas) A'V Oxf., ut frigus et calor ut voluptas et dolor ut 
cetera HK, ut frigus ut calor voluptas ut cetera P, 




. 20 


LIB, HI CAP. XII—XIV §§ 31—36. 13 

ut voluptas, ut dolor, ut cetera, cum amplificata sunt, interi- 
munt; nec ullum animal est sine sensu; nullum igitur animal 
aeternum est. XIV. Etenim aut simplex est natura animantis, 
ut vel terrena sit vel ignea vel animalis vel umida (quod quale 
sit, ne intellegi quidem potest), aut concretum ex pluribus 
naturis, quarum suum quaeque locum habeat, quo naturae vi 
feratur, alia infimum, alia summum, alia medium. MHaec ad 
quoddam tempus cohaerere possunt, semper autem nullo modo 
possunt; necesse est enim in suum quaeque locum natura 
rapiatur. Nullum igitur animal est sempiternum. 

Sed omnia vestri, Balbe, solent ad igneam vim referre, 
Heraclitum, ut opinor, sequentes, quem ipsum non omnes inter- 
pretantur uno modo; qui quoniam quid diceret intellegi noluit, 
omittamus ; vos autem ita dicitis, omnem vim esse ignem, itaque 
et animantes, cum calor defecerit, tum interire, et In omni 
natura rerum id vivere, id vigere, quod caleat. Ego autem 
non intellego, quo modo calore exstincto corpora intereant, non 
intereant umore aut spiritu amisso, praesertim cum intereant 
etiam nimio calore. Quam ob rem id quidem commune est de 
calido; verum tamen videamus exitum. Ita vultis, opinor, 
nihil esse animale extrinsecus in natura atque mundo praeter 
ignem. Qui magis quam praeter animam, unde animantium 
quoque constet animus, ex quo animal dicitur? Quo modo 
autem hoc, quasi concedatur, sumitis, nihil esse animum nisi 
ignem ? probabilius enim videtur tale quiddam esse animum, ut 
sit ex igni atque anima temperatum. Quodsi ignis ex sese ipse 
animal est nulla se alia admiscente natura, quoniam is, cum 

1 interimunt [ABCV]B, interimant MCR Oxf., intereunt EPYO. 3 aut A 
in ras. B[BCE], ut PV Oxf. R. 5 concretum Mss generally Or., concreta est 
GR Heind., concreta Ba. Mu. after Day., concretum est Sch. 7 feratur edd, 
after Lamb., efferatur mss generally. 12 non omnes—modo mss, in brackets 
Ba. (perhaps rightly), non enim omnes—modo Vahlen.- 13 qui V (doubtful) 
GUM Oxf. Asc., om. ABCEPBH Ba. diceret intellegi Oxf. M, diceret quod 
intellegi XBO (quod erased in V), 14 ignem Mss generally, igneam L Heind. 
Or. 21 nihil, nullum Red. animale Lamb. Or. Ba., animal Sch. Mu. 
Mss, exc. animali UTLO, animum Walker. extrinsecus MSS, intrinsecus Or, 
Mu. Ba. Sch. after Bouh., et sentiens Wytt. 23 animal edd. after Lescalop., 
anima Mss generally, omnia E. 24 hoc, by corr. fr. ho AV. 27 animal 
by corr. fr. anima B. 








inest in corporibus nostris, efficit, ut sentiamus, non potest ipse 
esse sine sensu. Rursus eadem dici possunt: quicquid est 
cnim, quod sensum habeat, id necesse est sentiat et voluptatem 
et dolorem; ad quem autem dolor veniat, ad eundem etiam 
interitum venire. Ita fit, ut ne ignem quidem efficere possitis 
acternum. Quid enim? non isdem vobis placet omnem ignem 
pastus indigere nee permanere ullo modo posse, nisi alatur? ali 
autem solem, lunam, reliqua astra aquis, alia dulcibus, alia 
inarinis? Eamque causam Cleanthes aftert, 

cur se sol referat nec longius progrediatur 

solstitiah orbi 
itemque brumali, ne longius discedat a cibo. Hoc totum quale 
sit, mox; nunc autem concludatur illud: quod interire possit, 
id aeternum non esse natura; ignem autem interiturum esse, 
nisi alatur; non esse igitur natura ignem sempiternum. 

XV. Qualem autem deum intellegere nos possumus nulla 
virtute praeditum ? Quid enim? prudentiamne deo tribuemus, 
quae constat ex scientia rerum bonarum et malarum et nec 
bonarum nec malarum? Cui mali nihil est nec esse potest, 
quid huic opus est dilectu bonorum ct malorum ? quid autem 
ratione ? quid intellegentia? quibus utimur ad cam rem, ut 
apertis obscura assequamur; at obscurum deo nihil potest esse. 
Nam Justitia, quae suum cuique distribuit, quid pertinet ad 
deos? hominum enim societas et communitas, ut vos dicitis, 
justitiam procreavit. ‘lemperantia autem constat ex praeter- 
mittendis voluptatibus corporis, cui si locus in caclo est, est 
etiam voluptatibus. Nam fortis deus intellegi qui potest? in 
dolore? an in labore? an in periculo? quorum deum_ nihil 
attingit. Nec ratione igitur utentem nec virtute ulla praeditum 
deum intellegere qui possumus ? 

Nec vero vulgi atque imperitorum inscitiam despicere pos- 

11 solstitiali [BCEPV?] Oxf., solistitiali AV! (Orelli gives instances of same 
form in other ancient Mss), solisticiali B. orbi ACPV Oxf. B, orbe BEHNV 
Sch, 16 nos [ABCEP], non V Oxf. HMNR, om. CO. 19 nihil est nec 
esse, nihil esse nec esse VO, nihil esse necesse Oxf. M. 20 dilectu ABEPB 
Oxf.+, delectu CV+. 23 distribuit mss generally Or. Sch. Mu., tribuit 
EK Ba. 27 intellegi qui corr. fr. intellequi A, om. qui CBC. 31 insci- 
tiam cory. fr. inscitam AV. 


LIB. II CAP. XIV—XVI §§ 36—41. 15 

sum, cum ea considero, quae dicuntur a Stoicis. Sunt enim 
illa imperitorum: piscem Syri venerantur; omne fere genus 
bestiarum Aegyptii consecraverunt ; jam vero in Graecia multos 
habent ex hominibus deos, Alabandum Alabandis, Tenedii Ten- 

5 nem, Leucotheam, quae fuit Ino, et ejus Palaemonem filium 
cuncta Graecia; Herculem, Aesculapium, Tyndaridas, Romulum 
nostri aliosque complures, quos quasi novos et ascripticios cives 
in caelum receptos putant. XVI. Haec igitur indocti; quid 40 
vos philosophi? qui meliora? (Omitto illa; sunt enim praeclara: 

10 sit sane deus ipse mundus, Hoc credo illud esse 

sublime candens, quem invocant omnes Jovem. 

Quare igitur plures adjungimus deos? quanta autem est eorum. 
multitudo! [Mihi quidem sane multi videntur.] Singulas enim 
stellas numeras deos eosque aut beluarum nomine appellas, ut 
15 Capram, ut Nepam, ut Taurum, ut Leonem, aut rerum inani- 
marum, ut Argo, ut Aram, ut Coronam.) Sed ut haec con- 41 
cedantur, reliqua qui tandem non modo concedi, sed omnino 
intellegi possunt ? Cum fruges Cererem, vinum, Liberum dici- 
mus, genere nos quidem sermonis utimur usitato, sed ecquem 
20 tam amentem esse putas, qui illud, quo vescatur, deum credat 
esse? Nam quos ab hominibus pervenisse dicis ad deos, tu 
reddes rationem, quem ad modum id fieri potuerit aut cur fieri 
desierit, et ego discam libenter. Quo modo nunc quidem est, 
non video, quo pacto ille, cui ‘in monte Oetaeo illatae 

4 Alabandis (AdaBavéde’s) Bouh. (as G in § 50), Alabandi mss, Alahandei 
Heind. see Comm. Tenedii Marsus, Tenedi mss, except tenendi A*HILN. 
Tennem KE Oxf.+, Tennen AB?PV, Tenen B1CBL. 5 Leucotheam BY}, 
Leuchotheam ACE VB, leuchoteam Oxf. 6 Asclepium C!, also in §§ 45, 57, 
83. 7 nostri MG Asc., nostrum XB Oxf. Forch. p. 52. quos, nostri 
Forch. ib. 8 quid vos philosophi, qui philosophi duos P. 11 sublime 
Mss, sublimen Or. Ba. after Ritschl, see above § 10. 13 mihi—videntur, see 
Comm, 14 numeras—appellas, numeratis—appellatis HGU, numeramus— 
appellamus Halm. eosque, easque PUTNV. 15 Nepam Ursinus, lupam 
Mss generally, lupum G Red.+. inanimarum AB!YV!, inanimatarum B?V2E 
Oxf. HLM +, animarum CB. 19 ecquem edd. after Lamb., haecquem X 
(except hecquem E) BM Oxf., eccum quem C, dic quem R, hic quem V, see on 
1 80. 22 reddes XBHL, redde V2 Oxf., reddas Sch. id [BEPYV']o, idem 
ACV? Oxf. B+. 24 Oetaeo illatae CBM, moetaeo ill, AEPV, metaeo ill. B, 
metaoemlate Oxf. (Perhaps the archetype may have had in montem Octaeum.) 




lampades’ fuerunt, ut ait Accius, ‘in domum aeternam 
patris’ ex illo ardore pervenerit ; quem tamen Homerus apud 
inferos conveniri facit ab Ulixe, sicut ceteros, qui excesserant 
vita. Quamquam, quem potissimum Herculem colamus, scire 
sane velim; plures enim tradunt nobis 11, qui interiores scru- 
tantur et reconditas litteras: antiquissimum Jove natum, sed 
item Jove antiquissimo; (nam Joves quoque plures in priscis 
Graecorum litteris invenimus); ex eo igitur et Lysithoé est 1s 
Hercules, quem concertavisse cum Apolline de tripode acce- 
pimus. Alter traditur Nilo natus Aegyptius, quem aiunt Phry- 
gias litteras conscripsisse. Tertius est ex Idaeis Digitis, cul 
inferias afferunt Coil. Quartus Jovis est et Asteriae, Latonae 
sororis, qui Tyri maxime colitur, cujus Karthaginem filiam 
ferunt. Quintus in India, qui Belus dicitur. Sextus hic ex 
Alemena, quem Juppiter genuit, sed tertius Juppiter, quoniam, 
ut jam docebo, plures Joves etiam accepimus. 

XXI. Dicamus igitur, Balbe, oportet contra illos etiam, qui 
hos deos ex hominum genere in caelum translatos non re, sed 
opinione esse dicunt, quos auguste omnes sancteque veneramur. 
Principio Joves tres nuinerant 1, qui theologi nominantur, ex 
quibus primum et secundum natos in Arcadia, alterum patre 
Acthere, ex quo etiam Proserpinam natam ferunt et Liberum, 
alterum patre Caelo, qui genuisse Minervam dicitur, quam prin- 
cipem et inventricem belli ferunt, tertium Cretensem, Saturni 
filum, cujus in illa insula sepulcrum ostenditur, AvooKxovpor 
etiam apud Graios multis modis nominantur: primi tres, qui 

1 fuerint BCEV Oxf. BM Sch. Mu., fwerunt AO Or. Ba. (printed as part of 
quotation by edd. I have followed Ribbeck). aeternam Mss generally, 
aetheriam A. 4 vita quamquam [BCEV]BO (and with ta in ras.) A, viv 
aquam quam P, vix aliquem H, juxta aquam N. 8 Lysithoé edd. after 
Creuzer, lysitho B, lysito ACPVB, lisito EK Oxf. LM+. 9 Hercules Oxf, 
[BCPV?], Herculis AV?. 12 Coit. Quartus Jac. Gronov. Ba. prob. Mu., cui 
quartus X Oxf. BH +, quartus MCRV Or. Sch., Cretes. Quartus Day. et 
Asteriae CO edd. after Heind., asteriae mss generally. 13 Karthaginem [BP] 
Oxf. H, Carthaginem A, Cartaginem CVB+, Kartaginem E (below § 91 Karthay. 
[CP], Carthag. ABV, Kartag. E). 16 accepimus [CE]V? Oxf., accipimus 
ABPV! (cf. § 47). 17 dicamus § 53—revertamur § 60 transposed by Ed. 
see Comm. 18 hos mss, eos Or. Ba. 20 ii [ACEV], hi BP. 25 Aw- 
axoupot, Dioscuroe R, diescoure 0, dioscorce AV?M, dioscorte CEV'!B Oxf., dio- 
scorce B! (-ae B?), dioscoride V marg., dioscoridae PHLV. 





LIB, III CAP, Xvi, XXI, xx1r §§ 41, 42, 53—55. 17 

appellantur Anactes Athenis, ex rege Jove antiquissimo et 
Proserpina nati, Tritopatreus, Eubuleus, Dionysus ; secundi Jove 
tertio. nati et Leda, Castor et Pollux; tertii dicuntur a non 
~ nullis Alco, Melampus, Eviolus, Atrei filii,.qui Pelope natus 
5 fuit. Jam Musae primae quattuor Jove altero natae et..., 
Thelxinoé, Aoede, Arche, Melete; secundae Jove tertio et Mne- 
mosyne procreatae novem ; tertiae. Piero natae et Antiopa, quas 
Pieridas et Pierias solent poétae appellare, isdem nominibus et 
eodem numero, quo proximae superiores. Cumque tu Solem, 
Io quia solus esset, appellatum esse dicas, Soles ipsi quam multi a 
theologis proferuntur! Unus eorum Jove natus, nepos Aetheris, 
alter Hyperione, tertius Vulcano, Nili filio, cujus urbem Ae- 
gyptil volunt esse eam, quae Heliopolis appellatur, quartus is, 
+quem heroicis temporibus Acanto Rhodi peperisse dicitur, 
15 Ialysi, Camiritinde Rhodi,+ quintus, qui Colchis fertur Aeetam 
et Circam procreavisse. XXII. Vulcaniitem complures, primus 
Caelo natus, ex quo et Minerva Apollinem eum, cujus in tutela 

1 Anactes mss generally, dvaxes Swainson, Anaces Sch. Mu. after Victorius. 
2 Tritopatreus Oxf. MRV, trito patreus X B, Tritopatores, Zagreus Hemsterhuis, 
Tritopatores, Triptolemus Rinck. Eubuleus Oxf. [ABCEP], eubulaeus V. 
Dionysus edd. after Dav., dionysius Mss (with i or y). secundi, secundi duo 
C Reg. Sch. Swainson with Dav. and Heind. 4 Alco et Melampus edd.'and mss 
generally, om. et A. Eviolus CPVMR, oviolus A, oivolos B by corr., evio lis Oxf., 
emolus EBILV, et Emolus C, et Tmolus edd. after Dav. 5 Jove altero natae 
et... Thelxinoe Aoede Ed., natae Jove altero nata Aethet xinoneoede A, n. J. a. 
n. et theiainoneoede B (ex corr.) VM, n. J. a. n. et teximus eo ede Oxf., n. J. a. et 
theixzi neoe de P, nate J. a. nate et thet xinone cede CBE (except that E has, 
after 2nd nate, ethei xinoneoe de), natae J. a. Thelxinoe Aoede Heind., n. J. a. 
et Neda Thelx. Aoede Creuzer, n. J. a. et...Thelx. Aoede. Klotz, J. a. natae 
Thelx, Aoede Mu. Sch, Or. Ba. 6 Mnemosyne [BP], nemosine E Oxf. BMR+, 
nemo sine A (in ras.) CV. 7 tertiae edd. after Gronov., tertiae Jove tertio 
mss generally, Piero, Pierio PHV. 8 Pierias C, plerias ABEB Oxf., 
proelias PO, pleridas V. 9 quo [BEP], quos ACVB Oxf, proximae 
IM Heind. Mu. after Mars. Victor. Lamb. &c. (see on 11 53), proxime or proxume 
mss Or. Ba. Sch. 10 appellatum [ACEP], appellatus BVM Oxf. 14 quem 
[X] Oxf., cut Dav. Creuz. Swainson, qui LMCR. Acanto Rhodi, acantor 
hodi ABCV, Achanto rhodi E, acantii rhodi P, see Eng. mss and Comm. 15 
Ialysi cameritinder hodi mss with slight variations, Ialysum Camirum Lindum 
Victorius Hervag., avum Ialysi Cameri et Lindi et Rhodo Mars. and (with 

Rhodi for et Rh.) Thanner., pater Ialysi Camiri et Lindi Davy. Aeetam, 
aetam ABCPV, oectam EMV. 16 Circam Mss generally, Circem EV, Circen 
R. 17 Apollinem eum, Apollinum is Dav. 

Moc. EU: | 2 




Athenas antiqui historici esse voluerunt, secundus Nilo natus, 
Phthas, ut Aegyptii appellant, quem custodem esse Aegypti 
volunt, tertius ex tertio Jove et Junone, qui Lemni fabricae 
traditur pracfuisse, quartus Memalio natus, qui tenuit insulas 
propter Siciliam, quae Vulcaniae nominabantur. Mercurius 
unus Caelo patre, Die matre natus, cujus obscenius excitata 
natura traditur, quod aspectu Proserpinae commotus sit, alter 
Valentis et Phoronidis filius, is qui sub terris habetur idem Tro- 
phonius, tertius Jove tertio natus et Maia, ex quo et Penelopa 
Pana natum ferunt, quartus Nilo patre, quem Aegyptii nefas 
habent nominare, quintus, quem colunt Pheneatae, qui Argum 
dicitur interemisse ob eamque causam Aegyptum profugisse 
atque Aegyptiis leges et litteras tradidisse. Hune Aegyptil 
Theuth appellant, eodemque nomine anni primus mensis apud 
eos vocatur. Aesculapiorum primus Apollinis, quem Arcades 
colunt, qui specillum invenisse primusque vulnus dicitur obli- 
gavisse, secundus secundi Mercuri frater; is fulmine percussus 
dicitur humatus esse Cynosuris; tertius Arsippi et Arsinoae, 
qui primus purgationem alvi dentisque evulsionem, ut ferunt, 
invenit, cujus in Arcadia non longe a Lusio flumine sepulcrum 
et lucus ostenditur. XXIII. Apollinum antiquissimus is, quem 
paulo antea e Vulcano natum esse dixi, custodem Athenarum, 
alter Corybantis filius, natus in Creta, cujus de illa insula cum 
Jove ipso certamen fuisse traditur, tertius Jove tertio natus et 
Latona, quem ex Hyperboreis Delphos ferunt advenisse, quartus 
in Arcadia, quem Arcades Nouov appellant, quod ab eo se leges 

1 Athenas, Athenae sunt Forch. p. 53. Nilo MRV, in Nilo mss generally. 
2 Phthas Gale (Iambl. Myst. v1 3), opas ABPV Oxf.+, opos CB, opis E, 
Apis C. 4 Memalio mss generally, see Comm. 5 nominantur Lamb., 
perhaps text may be due to dittogr. of na. 8 Phoronidis P Oxf. HR+, 
foronidis ABCVB+, foronidos EK, Coronidis edd. after Davy. 9 Maia [CEP], 
mala ABVB Oxf. Penelopa Pana natum A BCEYV] Oxf., Pen. natum A°THLNO, 
Penelopam natam P. 11 Argum [A*BCE]BO, argentum A'PV Oxf. HM. 
12 Aegyptum profugisse [CE |B, in Aeg. prof. Lact. 1 6, Ba., Aegyptum profuisse 
AB!V!, Aegypto praefuisse B°PV7LN+, Aegyptum pracfuisse Oxf. MR. 13 
Aegyptiis corr. ex Aegyptis AV. Aegyptit [PA?], Aegypti AIBCEV. 
14 Theuth edd. (from Plato), theyn AL, thein BIPL+, theun B?, theyr CVBM, 
their CR Oxf.+, Thoyth Lact. l.c., Theutatem Herv. ly Mercury A-C7 RPV | 
Mercuri A1BC}. 18 Cynosuris [BP], gynosuris ACEB Oxf., ginosuris V1M, 
cinosuris V°V. 26 Nouov Huet, nomionem mss generally. 

LIB. I1l CAP. XXII, xxi §§ 55—60. 19 

ferunt accepisse. Dianae item plures, prima Jovis et Proser- 58 
pinae, quae pinnatum Cupidinem genuisse dicitur, secunda 
notior, quam Jove tertio et Latona natam accepimus, tertiae 
pater Upis traditur, Glauce mater; eam saepe Graeci Upim 
5 paterno nomine appellant. Dionysos multos habemus, primum 
Jove et Proserpina natum, secundum Nilo, qui Nysam dicitur 
interemisse, tertium Cabiro patre, eumque regem Asiae prae- 
fuisse dicunt, cui Sabazia sunt instituta, quartum Jove et Luna, 
cui sacra Orphica putantur confici, quintum Niso natum et 
1o Thyone, a quo Trieterides constitutae putantur. Venus prima 59 
Caelo et Die nata, cujus Eli delubrum vidimus, altera spuma 
procreata, ex qua et Mercurio Cupidinem secundum natum 
accepimus, tertia Jove nata et Diona, quae nupsit Vulcano, sed 
ex ea et Marte natus Anteros dicitur, quarta Syria Cyproque 
15 concepta, quae Astarte vocatur, quam Adonidi nupsisse proditum 
est. Minerva prima, quam Apollinis matrem supra diximus, 
secunda orta Nilo, quam Aegyptii Saitae colunt, tertia illa, 
quam a Jove generatam supra diximus, quarta Jove nata et 
Coryphe, Oceani filia, quam Arcades Kopéay nominant et 
20 quadrigarum inventricem ferunt, quinta Pallantis, quae patrem 
dicitur imteremisse virginitatem suam violare conantem, cul 
pinnarum talaria affigunt. Cupido primus Mercurio et Diana 60 
prima natus dicitur, secundus Mercurio et Venere secunda, 
tertius, qui idem est Anteros, Marte et Venere tertia. Atque 
25 haec quidem aliaque ejus modi ex vetere Graeciae fama collecta 
sunt, quibus intellegis resistendum esse, ne perturbentur reli- 
giones. Vestri autem non modo haec non refellunt, verum 

1 accepisse, accipisse BE. 3 tertiae pater—natum accepimus § 59, om. CB. 
tertiae pater, tertia e patre , tertia patre B?. 4 saepe Graeci, Graect saepe 
UT Sch. 6 Nysam, see Comm. 7 Cabiro Jac, Gronov., caprio ABEPCV 
Oxf., capryo V. 8 cut Sabazia Manut., cujus abazea AEMR Oxf. +, cujus 
abazaea BPV. 9 confici corr. ex confect AV. Niso, Nyso Swainson. 
11 Eli delubrum BIPMV Ba., elidelubrum AV, elidulubrum Oxf., helis delubrum 
EK, heli d. B?, Elide delubrum Or. Sch. Mu. 13 accepimus, accipimus P. 
14 Syria, sitia V7, sirio Oxf. Cyproque V, Creuzer, cyroque ABCPVBHO, 
tyroque HE, siroque Oxf. 17 Saitae edd. after Mars., salaetae A, saletae 
BC, salete EVMCR+, solete Oxf., saletem P. 18 a Jove ABCP, jove 
EV Oxf. Sch. 19 Koplay Or. Ba. Mu., Corian AB?CEVBMR, Coriam Oxf. + 
Sch. 24 qui idem est edd. after Dav., quidem est Mss. 25 aliaque edd. 
after Dav., atque V Oxf. MCR+, ct B’, om. AB'CEPBH +, cf. § 62 p. 24. 



etiam confirmant interpretando, quorsum quicque pertineat. 
Sed eo jam, unde huc digressi sumus, revertamur. 

XVII. Quando enim me in hunc locum deduxit oratio, 
docebo meliora me didicisse de colendis dis immortalibus jure 
pontificio et more majorum capedunculis lis, quaas Numa nobis 
reliquit, de quibus in illa aureola oratiuncula dicit Laelius, 
quam rationibus Stoicorum. Si enim vos sequar, dic, quid ei 
respondeam, qui me sic roget: Si di sunt zsti, suntne etiam 
Nymphae deae? Si Nymphae, Panisci etiam et Satyri. Hi 
autem non sunt; ne Nymphae [deae] quidem igitur. At earum 
templa sunt publice vota et dedicata. Ne ceteri quidem ergo 
di, quorum templa sunt dedicata. Age porro, Jovem et Nep- 
tunum deum numeras; ergo etiam Orcus, frater eorum, deus, 
et illi, qui fluere apud inferos dicuntur, Acheron, Cocytus, 

44 Pyriphlegethon, tum Charon, tum Cerberus di putandi. At id 

quidem repudiandum. Ne Orcus quidem igitur. Quid dicitis 
ergo de fratribus? Haec Carneades aiebat, non ut deos tolleret 
(quid enim philosopho minus conveniens ?), sed ut Stoicos nihil 
de dis explicare convinceret ; itaque insequebatur. Quid enim ? 
aiebat, Si hi fratres sunt in numero deorum, num de patre 
eorum Saturno negari potest, quem vulgo maxime colunt ad 
occidentem ? Qui si est deus, patrem quoque ejus Caelum esse 
deum confitendum est. Quod si ita est, Caeli quoque parentes 
di habendi sunt, Aether et Dies, eorumque fratres et sorores, 
qui a genealogis antiquis sic nominantur, Amor, Dolus, Morbus, 
Metus, Labor, Invidentia, Fatum, Senectus, Mors, Tenebrae, 
Miseria, Querella, Gratia, Fraus, Pertinacia, Parcae, Hesperides, 
Somnia, quos omnes Krebo et Nocte natos feruut. Aut igitur haec 

3 quando enim, see on p. 16 1.17. 5 tis O edd., his BUYIL, is N, om. 
ACEPV Oxf. BH+. 8 isti Ed., om. mss and edd., see Comm. ae 
nisct AABPV Oxf. MO, Panes CEBC. et om. VTM Oxf. 10 deae quidem 
ABCPV Oxf.+, quidem E Allen Or. Ba. Sch. (deae in brackets Mu.), quidem 
deae HG+ Heind., deae I Asc. 13 deum mss generally, before Jovem IL 
(should it come after Jovem ?), deos CG Reg. Heind. Swainson. 15 Pyri- 
phlegethon X BNC Oxf., Styx Phleg. GH Asc. Mars. Heind. 17 aiebat B°[P]o. 
agebat B' and ss generally, see below 1. 20 in English ass. 21 negari Mss 
generally, id negari HG and three of Moser. (Has id been lost between num and 
de in previous line ?) 25 morbus metus Ed., morbus cod. Buslid. (cited by 
Gronov.) Or. Ba., metus NCRV,U Sch. Mu., modus ABCEPV'!BHILO, motus V? Oxf, 









LIB. III CAP. XXIII, XVII, XvuII §§ 60, 43—47. 21 

monstra probanda sunt aut prima illa tollenda. XVIIT. Quid? 
Apollinem, Vulcanum, Mercurium, ceteros deos esse dices, de 
Hercule, Aesculapio, Libero, Castore, Polluce dubitabis? At 
hi quidem coluntur aeque atque illi, apud quosdam etiam multo 
magis. Ergo hi di sunt habendi mortalibus nati matribus ? 
Quid? Aristaeus, qui olivae dicitur inventor, Apollinis filius, 
Theseus Neptuni, reliqui, quorum patres di, non erunt in deorum 
numero? Quid, quorum matres? Opinor, etiam magis. Ut enim 
jure civili, qui est matre libera, liber est, item jure naturae, qui 
dea matre est, deus sit necesse est. Itaque Achillem Astypa- 
laeenses insulani sanctissime colunt; qui si deus est, et Orpheus 
et Rhesus di sunt, Musa matre nati, nisi forte maritimae nuptiae 
terrenis anteponuntur. Si hi di non sunt, quia nusquam colun- 
tur, quo modo illi sunt? Vide igitur, ne virtutibus hominum 
istt honores habeantur, non immortalitatibus ; quod tu quoque, 
Balbe, visus es dicere. Quo modo autem potes, si Latonam 
deam putas, Hecatam non putare, quae matre Asteria est, 
sorore Latonae? An haec quoque dea est? vidimus enim ejus 
aras delubraque in Graecia. Sin haec dea est, cur non EKu- 
menides? Quae si deae sunt, quarum et Athenis fanum est et 
apud nos, ut ego interpretor, lucus Furinae, Furiae deae sunt, 
speculatrices, credo, et vindices facinorum et sceleris. Quodsi 
tales di sunt, ut rebus humanis intersint, Natio quoque dea 
putanda est, cui, cum fana circumimus in agro Ardeati, rem 

6 olivae mss generally, olive AC, olivi conj. Olivetus. 7 Theseus Cod. 
Med. of Dav., Theseus qui A1BCEPV°B+, Theseusque V! Oxf. R, Theseus quid A. 
9 jure edd. after Walker, in jure mss. 10 dea matre [CP]A?B?V? Oxf., 
deae matre V'! and probably A'B!, deae E. Astypalaeenses Dav., astipa- 
linses BE, astipalenses C, astypalisnse AP, astypalis % se C, astypalis non 
se B, astipallisnse V (with mn erased), astipalinse Oxf. 11 sanctissime 
colunt BCB Oxf. and (with erasion of one letter before col.) V, sanctissimi 
ecolunt A, sanctissimum colunt ETHLVO, sanctissimae colunt P. 12 et 
Rhesus [BEP], et hesus ACVB, et Theseus V? Oxf. MNCRV. maritimae BCE, 
maritumae AV, maritum hae P. 15 honores [CV] Oxf., honoris ABEP. 
immortalitatibus mss generally, immortalibus A'LNVO. . 17 Hecatam [P], 
haecatam ABCV, heccatam Oxf., hecatem EM +. 19 cur non Humenides— 
Furiae deae sunt mss Sch. Mu., Madv. followed by Or. Ba. omits quae si deae 
sunt (20) and Furiae (21), see Comm. 20 fanum [BP]V? Oxf., fanus ACV'B, 
fannus E (arch. prob. fant st). 21 lucus [AB?EV] Oxf., locus CB, lucos PO, 
locos L. Furinae erased in B, 22 sceleris mss, scelerum G Heind. Sch, 





divinam facere solemus ; quae quia partus matronarum tueatur, 
a nascentibus Natio nominata est. Ea si dea est, di omnes illi, 
qui commemorabantur a te, Honos, Fides, Mens, Concordia, 
ergo etiam Spes, Moneta omniaque, quae cogitatione nobismet 
ipsi possumus fingere. Quod si veri simile non est, ne illud 
quidem est, haec unde fluxerunt. XIX. Quid autem dicis, si 
di sunt illi, quos colimus et accepimus, cur non eodem in 
genere Serapim Isimque numeremus? quod si facimus, cur 
barbarorum deos repudiemus? Boves igitur et equos, ibes, 
accipitres, aspidas, crocodilos, pisces, canes, lupos, faeles, multas 
praeterea beluas in deorum numerum reponemus. Quae si 

48 rejicimus, illa quoque, unde haec nata sunt, rejicilemus. Quid 


deinde? Ino dea ducetur et Leucothea a Graecis, a nobis 
Matuta dicetur, cum sit Cadmi filia, Circe autem et Pasiphaé 
et Aceta e Perseide, Oceani filia, nat?, patre Sole, in deorum 
numero non habebuntur? quamquam Circen quoque coloni 
nostri Circeienses religiose colunt. Ergo hanc deam duces ? 
quid Medeae respondebis, quae duobus dis avis, Sole et Oceano, 
Aeeta patre, matre Idyia procreata est? quid hujus Absyrto 
fratri, qui est apud Pacuvium Aegialeus? sed illud nomen 
veterum litteris usitatius. Qui si di non sunt, vereor, quid 
agat Ino; haec enim omnia ex eodem fonte fluxerunt. An 
Amphiaraus erit deus et Trophonius? Nostri quidem publicani, 

1 tueatur B? [ACPV], tuetur BIE. 4 omniaque quae [BEPV] Oxf. 0, 
omnia quaeque AC (cf. § 18). 5 ipst edd. after Dav., ipsis X Oxf, B+. 
7 accepimus NVO Red., accipimus X Oxf. ef. §§ 42, 59. in MSS generally, 
om. KHMRV, before eodem Oxf. 9 et equos Mss generally, etquos A1,+equos 
Heind. Forchhammer p. 30. ibes V?, ibis B, ibi AEV!B, ibi C. 10 
accipitres in ras. V, accipitros AP. aspidas, aspides C. crocodilos B, 
crocodillos ACKYV'B, crocodrillos VC, corcodrillos P, cocodillos Oxf. see 1 124. 
11 numerum X BM +, numero HILN Oxf. 12 rejicimus Ed., rejiciamus Mss 
and edd., see Comm. 13 ducetur ACV!B, dicetur BEPV? Oxf. +. 14 
Pasiphae et Aeeta e Perseide edd., pasiphac et eae e perside ACV, pasipheae et 
heae e perside B, pasipha et eace perside Oxf., pasiphe et eae perside B, pasiphe 
et ee e perside HK, pasiphe et etae eperside P. 15 jilia nati edd. after Sch., 
jiliae natae Mss generally, see Comm. 16 Circen [PV] Oxf., circen ABCEBMON 
(Circam above § 54). 17 Circeienses edd., circienses ARV Oxf., cercienses 
CPVB'BC, cercenses B?, circenses E. duces Al, ducis B!ICEV'B, dices B?, 
dicis A2PV2 Oxf.+. 18 duobus dis Ed. after Allen, duobus edd. and mss. 
19 Aeeta patre matre Idyia 5 of Moser’s mss edd. after Camerar., ct a patre 
matri dyla Mss generally. Absyrto, absyrtio Mss generally. 






LIB. IIT CAP. XVIII—xx §§ 47—51. 23 

cum essent agri in Boeotia deorum immortalium excepti lege 
censoria, negabant immortales esse ullos, qui aliquando homines 
fuissent. Sed si sunt hi di, est certe Erechtheus, cujus Athenis 
et delubrum vidimus et sacerdotem. Quem si deum facimus, 
quid aut de Codro dubitare possumus aut de ceteris, qui pug- 
nantes pro patriae libertate ceciderunt ? quod si probabile non 
est, ne illa quidem superiora, unde haec manant, probanda sunt. 
Atque in plerisque civitatibus intellegi potest augendae virtutis 
gratia, quo libentius rei publicae causa periculum adiret optimus 
quisque, virorum fortium memoriam honore deorum immorta- 
lium consecratam. Ob eam enim ipsam causam Erechtheus 
Athenis filiaeque ejus in numero deorum sunt; itemque Leo 
natarum est delubrum Athenis, quod Aewxdpuov, id est Leonati- 
cum, nominatur. Alabandenses quidem sanctius Alabandum 
colunt, a quo est urbs illa condita, quam quemquam nobilium 
deorum ; apud quos non inurbane Stratonicus, ut multa, cum 
quidam ei molestus Alabandum deum esse confirmaret, Hercu- 
lem negaret: ‘Ergo’, inquit, ‘mihi Alabandus, tibi Hercules sit 
iratus! XX. Illa autem, Balbe, quae tu a caelo astrisque 
ducebas, quam longe serpant, non vides? Solem deum esse 
Lunamque, quorum alterum Apollinem Graeci, alteram Dianam 
putant. Quodsi Luna dea est, ergo etiam Lucifer ceteraeque 
errantes numerum deorum obtinebunt; igitur etiam inerrantes. 
Cur autem Arqui species non in deorum numero reponatur ? 
est enim pulcher; et ob eam causam, quia speciem habeat 
admirabilem, Thaumante dicitur J7is esse nata. Cujus si divina 

2 ullos, illos P. 3 sunt hi di BE, sunt di A}, sunt id V1, sunt ti dii C, 
hi sunt di PUT, sunt hii di A?, sunt hi dii V?. Erechtheus [CP], erectheus 
AB, eratheus V Oxf., eritheus ETV. 8 augendae, acuendae Lact. 1 15. 
12 filiaeque BPV?A?, iliaeque A}, illiaeque CV1, illi aeque B, filie eque Oxf. 
Leo natarum Lamb., Leonaticum mss generally, with obelus Or. Ba., Leontidum 
V, Sch., Leoidum Wytt. 13 Aewxopiov, in Latin letters mss and edd. id 
est Leonaticum nominatur Ed., nominatur mss and edd. 14 Alabandenses 
[C]V? Oxf. MB, alabandensis ABP, alabandenshis V1, alabandensus EF, ef. § 39. 
24 Arqui A1PV'OR, arcui B Oxf., arcuis Charisius p. 117. 16 (Keil), arcus A?V?H+, 
arct CE Priscian vi 14. 74, arei B. reponatur, ponatur Charis. 1. ¢. 
25 causam quia speciem V, edd. after Lamb., speciem quia causam mss. _habeat 
mss Mu., habet Or. Ba. Sch. after Ernesti. 26 Iris edd. after Ant. Augus- 
tinus, om. Mss. nata mss generally (but A has last letter ‘in ras.’), natus 
CG Asc, 



natura est, quid facies nubibus? Arcus enim ipse e nubibus 
efficitur quodam modo coloratis; quarum una etiam Centauros 
peperisse dicitur. Quodsi nubes rettuleris in deos, referendae 
certe erunt tempestates, quae populi Romani ritibus consecratae 
sunt. Ergo imbres, nimbi, procellae, turbines di putandi. 
Nostri quidem duces mare ingredientes immolare hostiam flucti- 

52 bus consuerunt. Jam si est Ceres a gerendo (ita enim dicebas), 



terra ipsa dea est et ita habetur; quae est enim alia Tellus ? 
Sin terra, mare etiam, quem Neptunum esse dicebas; ergo et 
flumina et fontes. Itaque et Fontis delubrum Maso ex Corsica 
dedicavit, et in augurum precatione Tiberinum, Spinonem, 
Almonem, Nodinum, alia propinquorum fluminum nomina vide- 
mus. Ergo hoc aut in immensum serpet, aut nihil horum 
recipiemus, nec illa infinita ratio superstitionis probabitur. 
Nihil ergo horum probandum est. 

XXIV. Num censes igitur subtiliore ratione opus esse ad 
haec refellenda? Nam mentem, fidem, spem, virtutem, hono- 
rem, victoriam, salutem, concordiam ceteraque ejus modi rerum 
vim habere videmus, non deorum. Aut enim in nobismet 
insunt ipsis, ut mens, ut spes, ut fides, ut virtus, ut concordia, 
aut optandae nobis sunt, ut honos, ut salus, ut victoria; quarum 
rerum utilitatem video, video etiam consecrata simulacra; 
quare autem in lis vis deorum insit, tum intellegam, cum cog- 
novero. Quo in genere vel maxime est fortuna numeranda, 
quam nemo ab inconstantia et temeritate sejunget, quae digna 
certe non sunt deo. Jam vero quid vos illa delectat explicatio 
fabularum et enodatio nominum? Exsectum a filio Caelum, 
vinctum itidem a filio Saturnum, haec et alia generis eyusdem 
ita defenditis, ut i1, qui ista finxerunt, non modo non insani, 

2 coloratis edd. after Dav., coloratus mss. 7 consuerunt, consueverunt 
EHLN Sch. jam [B]P, tam CEVBHM, tum A in ras. 9 mare BGH, 
mater ACKPVBM Oxf.+. 10 Maso edd. after Ant. Augustinus, JJarso mss 
generally. 12 Almonem edd, after Ursinus, anemonem Mss generally, ani- 
enem C?R, Lamb. Swainson. 13 horum CEV?BMO, honorwn ABV', bonorwmn 
ie 18 ejus modi Mss generally, hujus m. BIL+. 19 aut enim [ABCE] 
Oxf. V?, autem enim PV}. 21 ut salus ut [X], salus H Oxf. 22 utili- 
tatem video video [X] edd. after Victorius, utilitate video MCRV Oxf. 23 in 
iis CV Or. Ba. Mu., in his BEP Sch. 26 explicatio [BEP]V°MO Oxf., 
explacatio A ‘in ras.’ V1, explanatio CB. 





LIB. III CAP. XX, XXIV, Xxv §§ 51, 52, 61—64. 25 

sed etiam fuisse sapientes videantur. In enodandis autem 
nominibus, quod miserandum sit, laboratis. Saturnus, quia se 
saturat annis, Mavors, quia magna vertit, Minerva, quia minuit 
aut quia minatur, Venus, quia venit ad omnia, Ceres a gerendo. 
Quam periculosa consuetudo! In multis enim nominibus haere- 
bitis. Quid Vejovi facies, quid Vulcano? quamquam, quoniam 
Neptunum a nando appellatum putas, nullum erit nomen, quod 
non possis una littera explicare unde ductum sit ; in quo quidem 
magis tu mihi natare visus es quam ipse Neptunus. Magnam 

ro molestiam suscepit et minime necessariam primus Zeno, post 



Cleanthes, deinde Chrysippus, commenticiarum fabularum red- 
dere rationem, vocabulorumgue, cur quicque ita appellatum sit, 
causas explicare. Quod cum facitis, illud profecto confitemini, 
longe aliter se rem habere, atque hominum opinio sit ; eos enim, 
qui di appellantur, rerum naturas esse, non figuras deorum. 
XXV. Qui tantus error fuit, ut perniciosis etiam rebus non 
modo nomen deorum tribueretur, sed etiam sacra constitueren- 
tur. Febris enim fanum in Palatio et Orbonae ad aedem Larum 
et aram Malae Fortunae Esquiliis consecratam videmus. Omnis 
igitur talis a philosophia pellatur error, ut, cum de dis immor- 
talibus disputemus, dicamus indigna naturis immortalibus; de 
quibus habeo ipse quid sentiam, non habeo autem quid tibi 
assentiar. Neptunum esse dicis animum cum intellegentia per 
mare pertinentem, idem de Cerere. Istam autem intellegen- 

3 vertit, vortit Sch. Swainson. 12 vocabulorumque © Heind. Swainson, 
vocabulorum Mss and edd. | quicque ER, quidque B?, quique AB'CPVBML 
Oxf.+ Sch. Swainson, quisque HYO. appellatum sit [ABCE]B, appellatus 

sit PLNO, sit appellatus H, appellati sint © Sch. Swainson, appellati sit TV, 
appellanti sint V?, appellantur sit V1, appellant cum sit Oxf., appellantur unde 
sit M, appellatur unde sit R. 17 modo Red. N, solum ©, om. mss generally. 
18 et Orbonae ad ed. Bonon, 1494, et mss, ad Swainson, see Comm, 19 Es- 
quiliis [P]CR, exquiliis ABCEV Oxf. HLMO. 20 a philosophia pellatur Oxf. 
M, a philosophi a pellatur V', a philosophis appellatur V’, a philosophi appellatur 
B'CB, a philosophis appellatur EPHL+, a filosofiappellatur A, philosophia 
appellatur B?, a phil. aspell. Heind, Kayser. 21 dicamus indigna naturis 
Or. Ba. Sch. after Madv., dicaliusu icnais ACPV}!, dicali usu ignais Oxf., dicali 
usu ignaris IL, dicali usu igna his B, dic alio usu igneis V*N, dicamus dignais de 
dis K, dicamus digna dis B, dicanwus indigna iis Mu. (Fleckeis. Jb. 1864 p. 135), 
22 quid—quid mss, quod—quod edd. after Ernesti, see Comm. 23 per mare 
[BPVA?] Oxf., permanere CEB and probably A’. 




tiam aut maris aut terrae non modo comprehendere animo, sed 
ne suspicione quidem possum attingere. Itaque aliunde mihi 
quaerendum est, ut et esse deos, et quales sint di, discere 
possim ; quales tu eos esse Vis... 

Videamus ea, quae sequuntur: primum deorumne provi- 
dentia mundus regatur, deinde consulantne di rebus humanis. 
Haec enim mihi ex tua partitione restant duo; de quibus, si 
vobis videtur, accuratius disserendum puto. Mihi vero, inquit 
Velleius, valde videtur; nam et majora exspecto et lis, quae 
dicta sunt, vehementer assentior. Tum Balbus: Interpellare 
te, inquit, Cotta, nolo, sed sumemus tempus aliud; efficiam 
profecto, ut fateare. Sed... 

Nequaquam istuc istac ibit; magna inest certatio. 

Nam ut ego illis supplicarem tanta blandiloquentia, 
ni ob rem? 

66 XX VI. Parumne ratiocinari videtur et sibi ipsa nefariam 

pestem machinari? I[llud vero quam callida ratione ! 
Qui volt esse, quod volt, ita dat se res, ut operam dabit. 
Qui est versus omnium seminator malorum. 

Ille traversa mente mi hodie tradidit repagula, 
quibus ego iram omnem recludam atque illi perniciem dabo, 
mihi maerores, illi luctum, exitium illi, exilium mihi. 

Hance videlicet rationem, quam vos divino beneficio homini 

67 solum tributam dicitis, bestiae non habent. Videsne igitur, 

1 comprendere AP. 3 ut et esse MO Asc., et ut esse ABCEVB Oxf., wt 
esse P. 4 Madvig fills up the lacuna (unmarked in ss) with non esse scio, 
Heind. reads quoniam quales tu eos esse vis, agnoscere non possum. 5 deor- 
umne providentia V7 Oxf., deorum prudentia ABCEPV}. 6 consulantne di 
CBC, consulantne de ABEPV!T0, consulantne V2 Oxf. M+Sch. 9 tis CV 
Or. Ba. Mu., his B!EP Sch., is A. 12 sed nequaquam without lacuna mss. 
13 istac ibit EP, is tacebit CC, his tacebit B, isthac ibit H, ista ibit A and (with 
erasure after a) B (with isthaec in same writing on marg.) V, ista haec ibique 
Oxf., istaec ibit MV. 14 illis, ili Mu. after Ribbeck. 15 ni ob rem Ed., 
ni orbem V, niobem AEC?B, niobe B, in jovem C1, an iobem PM, anioben Oxf., an 
Niobe IL+, om. Gedd., Medea Kindervater, an Medea Swainson. 18 esse 
[PV], om. ABCEB+. ita dat—dabit, ut dat operam res ita se dabit L. 
Miiller. dat se res, dant se res ei Ribbeck, dabit sese res (om. esse) Halm, 
20 mi hodie Oxf., mihi hodie XBH+. 21 perniciem or pernitiem mss 
generally, permiciem V1, permitiem Ribbeck p. ix (see Lewis and Short s, v.). 
22 exitium [BEV?] M Asc., exitum ACPV!B Oxf.+. 



LIB, III CAP. XXV—XXVII §§ 64—69. 27 

quanto munere deorum simus affecti? Atque eadem. Medea 

patrem patriamque fugiens : 
postquam pater 
appropinquat jamque paene ut comprehendatur parat, 
5 puerum interea obtruncat membraque articulatim dividit 
perque agros passim dispergit corpus; id ea gratia, 
ut, dum nati dissipatos artus captaret parens, 
ipsa interea effugeret, illum ut maeror tardaret sequl, 
‘sibi salutem ut familiari pareret parricidio. 

10 Huic ut scelus, sic ne ratio quidem defuit. Quid? ille funestas 68 
epulas fratri comparans nonne versat huc et illuc cogitatione 
rationem ? 

Major mihi moles, majus miscendumst malum 
J ,) 9 
qui illius acerbum cor contundam et comprimam. 

15 XXVII. Nec tamen ille ipse est praetereundus, 

qui non sat habuit conjugem illexe in stuprum, 

de quo recte et verissime loquitur Atreus: 

..quod re in summa summum esse arbitror 
pzaclum, matres coinquinari regias, 
20 contaminari stirpem admisceri genus. 

At id ipsum quam callide, qui regnum adulterio quaereret : 

Adde, inquit, huc, quod mihi portento caelestum pater 
prodigium misit, regni stabilimen mei, 
agnum inter pecudes aurea clarum coma, 
25 quem clam Thyestem clepere ausum esse e regia, 
qua in re adjutricem conjugem cepit sibi. 

Videturne summa improbitate usus non sine summa _ esse 69 
ratione? Nec vero scaena solum referta est his sceleribus, 

1 Medea, media B!V Oxf. 3 postquam, posquam A Ba. (referring to 
Ritschl Rhein. Mus. vit 571; see Munro on Lucer. 1v 1186). 13 miscendumst 
edd., miscendum est MSS. 18 re inss generally, in re Sch. 19 piaclum 
Ed. after Allen, periclum ACPV edd., periculum BE, coinquinari [BCEPV?] 
Oxf., quoinquinari AV!, quo inquinari B, conquinari H Ribbeck (cf. Lachm. in 
Lucr. p. 135). regias ABCEP, regiam V (before erasure) Oxf. MR+. 
20 admisceri mss. ac misceri edd. after Ribbeck. 21 at A?B2V7[CP] Oxf., ad 
A'BIEV'‘HLC. 22 adde Ribbeck Mu., addo mss Or. Ba. Sch. 25 quem 
clam Thyestem AGUYTR Heind. Or. Ba., quem clari Th. H, quendam Th. B (ex 
corr.) CBMO, quem dant hyestem V Oxf., quem dant Th. HE, quem cleanthyestem 
P, quondam Th. Nonius p. 20 Sch. Mu. 26 qua A (after erasion), a qua 
BHM +, aqua Oxf. BCEPV, cepit [EPV], caepit AC, coepit B, 


sed multo vita communis paene majoribus. Sentit domus unius 
cujusque, sentit forum, sentit curia, Campus, socil, provinciae, 
ut, quem ad modum ratione recte fiat, sic ratione peccetur, 
alterumque et a paucis et raro, alterum et saepe et a plurimis, 
ut satius fuerit nullam omnino nobis a dis immortalibus datam 
esse rationem quam tanta cum pernicie datam. Ut vinum 
aegrotis, quia prodest raro, nocet saepissime, melius est non 
adhibere omnino quam spe dubiae salutis in apertam perniciem 
incurrere, sic haud scio an melius fuerit humano generi motum 
istum celerem cogitationis, acumen, sollertiam, quam rationem 
vocamus, quoniam pestifera est multis, admodum paucis saluta- 
ris, non dari omnino quam tam munifice et tam large dari. 

70 Quam ob rem si mens voluntasque divina idcirco consuluit 

hominibus, quod us est largita rationem, us solis consuluit, quos 
bona ratione donavit, quos videmus, si modo ulli sunt, esse per- 
paucos. Non placet autem paucis a dis immortalibus esse con- 
sultum ; sequitur ergo, ut nemini consultum sit. 

XXVIII. Huic loco sic soletis occurrere: non idcirco non 
optime nobis a dis esse provisum, quod multi eorum beneficio 
perverse uterentur ; etiam patrimonjis multos male uti, nec ob 
eam causam eos beneficium a patribus nullum habere. Quis- 
quam istuc negat? aut quae est in collatione ista similitudo ? 
Nec enim Herculi nocere Deianira voluit, cum ei tunicam san- 

4 saepe edd. after Manut., semper Mss, 11 est Sch. Or. Ba. Mu., sint AIBEPV}, 
sit CA2V? Oxf. Mus., sunt G Heind. salutaris X, salutaria B°HG Heind. 
14 est largita, largita est Sch. 15 ulli sunt esse EK, ulli sint esse ABCV Oxf., 
ullis interesse PLY. 21 quisquam istuc CBH, quisquas istuc BP (see Introd. 
on mss), quisquamne istuc V (ex corr.) Oxf., quid istud E, quisquam juste A 
(juste in ras. later hand). 23 On the order of the clauses from Nec enim 
to subesset (p. 29 1.16) see Comm. The arrangement there proposed is as follows: 
Non enim, ut patrimonium relinquitur, sic ratio est homini beneficio deorum data. 
Quid enim potius hominibus dedissent, si tis nocere voluissent 2 [They could not 
have given ignorantly, as men do.] Multi enim et, cum obesse vellent, profuerunt 
et, cum prodesse, obfuerunt. Nec enim Herculi nocere Deianira voluit, cum ei 
tunicam sanguine Centauri tinctam dedit, nec prodesse Pheraeo Jasoni is, qui 
gladio vomicam ejus aperuit, quam sanare medici non potuerant. Ita non fit ex 
eo, quod datur, ut voluntas ejus, qui dederit, appareat, nec, si is, qui accepit, 
bene utitur, idcirco is, qui dedit, amice dedit. Injustitiae autem, intemperantiae, 
timiditatis quae semina essent, si his vitiis ratio non subesset? Quae enim 
libido, quae avaritia, quod facinus aut suscipitur nist consilio capto aut sine 
animi motu et cogitatione, id est ratione, perficitur? Nam omnis opinio ratio 


LIB, Il CAP. XXVII—XXIX §§ 69—73. 29 

guine Centauri tinctam dedit, nec prodesse Pheraeo Jasoni 1s, 
qui gladio vomicam ejus aperuit, quam sanare medici non 

potuerant. Multi enim et, cum obesse vellent, profuerunt et, 

cum prodesse, obfuerunt. Ita non fit ex eo, quod datur, ut 

5 voluntas ejus, qui dederit, appareat, nec, si is, qui accepit, bene 
utitur, idcirco is, qui dedit, amice dedit. Quae enim libido, 
quae avaritia, quod facinus aut suscipitur nisi consilio capto aut 
sine animi motu et cogitatione, id est ratione, perficitur? Nam 
omnis opinio ratio est, et quidem bona ratio, si vera, mala 

10 autem, si falsa est opinio. Sed a deo tantum rationem habe- 
mous, si modo habemus, bonam autem rationem aut non bonam 
a nobis. Non enim, ut patrimonium relinquitur, sic ratio est 
homini beneficio deorum data. Quid enim potius hominibus 
dedissent, si iis nocere voluissent? Injustitiae autem, intem- 

15 perantiae, timiditatis quae semina essent, si his vitiis ratio non 
subesset ? 

XXIX. Medea modo et Atreus commemorabantur a nobis, 
heroicae personae, inita subductaque ratione nefaria scelera 
meditantes. Quid? levitates comicae parumne semper in ra- 

20 tione versantur? parumne subtiliter disputat ille in Kunucho ? 

Quid i¢itur faciam:....- 
Exclusit, revocat; redeam? non, si me obsecret. 

Ile vero in Synephebis Academicorum more contra communem 
opinionem non dubitat pugnare ratione, qui ‘in amore summo 
25 summaque inopia suave esse’ dicit 

parentem habere avarum, illepidum, in liberos 
difficilem, qui te nec amet nec studeat tui. 

Atque huic incredibili sententiae ratiunculas suggerit : 

aut tu illum fructu fallas aut per litteras 
30 avertas aliquod nomen aut per servolum 

est, et quidem bona ratio, si vera, mala autem, si falsa est opinio. Sed a deo 
tantum rationem habemus, st modo habemus, bonam autem rationem aut non bonam 
a nobis. 23 cum ei Mss generally, cut CB. 

1 Jasoni is qui [ABCP] Oxf., jasonis qui EV. 7 aut suscipitur, suscipt- 
tur Sch. 14 dedissent, dit dedissent B. 15 si his [BEP], si is AV}, st 
tis CV?. 17 Medea [X] Oxf. 0, media VLN, see § 67. commemoraban- 
tur [A], commemorabatur BCEPV Oxf. 19 comicae, comice CV. semper 
mss Sch. Mu., saepe Or. Ba. after Madv. see Comm. 27 nec amet BPA?V? 
Oxf., necari et CEV'!B and probably Al, 28 incredibili, incredibilis A. 





percutias pavidum, postremo a parco patre 
quod sumas, quanto dissipes libentius! 

Idemque facilem et liberalem patrem incommodum esse amanti 
filio disputat, 
quem neque quo pacto fallam neque ut inde auferam, 
nec quem dolum ad eum aut machinam commoliar, 

scio quicquam; ita omnes meos dolos, fallacias, 
praestrigias praestrinxit commoditas patris. 

Quid ergo? isti doli, quid? machinae, quid? fallaciae praestri- 
giaeque, num sine ratione esse potuerunt? O  praeclarum 
munus deorum! ut Phormio possit dicere: 

Cedo senem; jam instructa sunt miin corde consilia omnia, 

74 XXX. Sed exeamus e theatro, veniamus in forum. Sessum it 

praetor. Quid ut judicetur? Qui tabularium incenderit. Quod 
facinus occultius? Jd se Q. Sosius, splendidus eques Romanus 
ex agro Piceno, fecisse confessus est. Qui transscripserit tabulas 
publicas. Id quoque L. Alenus fecit, cum chirographum sex 
primorum imitatus est. Quid hoc homine sollertius? Cog- 
nosce alias quaestiones, auri Tolossani; conjurationis Jugurthinae. 
Repete superiora, Tubuli de pecunia capta ob rem judicandam ; 
posteriora, de incestu rogatione Peducaea. Tum haec cotidiana, 
sicae, venena, peculatus, testamentorum etiam lege nova quaes- 
tiones. Inde illa actio: OPE CONSILIOQUE TUO FURTUM AIO 
FACTUM ESSE; inde tot judicia de fide mala, tutelae, mandati, 

2 dissipes CEB+, dissipis ABPV!, dissipas V? Oxf. +Sch. 5 neque ut 
inde Buslid. Sch. Or. Ba., neque unde ACEPB+, neque tinde V1, ne quid inde B, 
neque quid inde V? Oxf. CR, nec quid inde V Mu. (who refers to his Pros. Plaut. 
p. 351) Ribbeck Frag. p. 69? (who erroneously cites Sch. for this reading). 
8 praestrigias Sch. Mu. Ribbeck (see next line), praestigias mss Or. Ba. 
9 praestrigiaeque V, praestigiaeque other mss Or. Ba. 12 cedo [BCEP] 
Oxf., caedo AV. ni in [C], mihi in ABEPV. 13 it praetor Lamb. (ex 
Cod. Memmiano), ite praecor AC, ite precor BPV Oxf.+, ita precor EL, item 
precor B. 15 id se Sch. Ba. Mu. after Day. (cf. tdque below § 83), ad se 
AEV Oxf. B+, at se BCP Or., at id se Schiitz. Q. Sosius [CP], quintus 
Sosius ABEVB. — 17 L. Alenus [ABEP], lalenus CB, l. aienus V Oxf. MC. 
22 sicae, sica B, venena MSS generally, Forch. p. 24, veneni C Reg. Moser’s 
O edd. after Dav., see Comm, 24 mala tutelae BO, mala tutele C, mala at 
utile PV, mala tot utiles EK, mala tam utiles Oxf., m. tam utile M, m. tum tutelae 
R, fidem alatat utile A, allata tutelae B. 

LIB, III CAP. XXIX—XxxXI §§ 73—76. 31 

pro socio, fiduciae, reliqua, quae ex empto aut vendito aut con- 
ducto aut locato contra fidem fiunt; inde judicium publicum rei 
privatae lege Plaetoria; inde everriculum malitiarum omnium, 
judicium de dolo malo, quod C. Aquillius, familiaris noster, 
5 protulit; quem dolum idem Aquillius tum teneri putat, cum 
aliud sit simulatum, aliud actum. Hanc igitur tantam a dis 75 
immortalibus arbitramur malorum sementim esse factam? Si 
enim rationem hominibus di dederunt, malitiam dederunt; est 
enim malitia versuta et fallax ratio nocendi; idem etiam di 
10 fraudem dederunt, facinus ceteraque, quorum nihil nec suscipi 
sine ratione nec effici potest. ‘Utinam’ igitur, ut illa anus 
ne in nemore Pelio securibus 
caesa accedisset abiegna ad terram trabes, 

15 sic istam calliditatem hominibus di ne dedissent ! qua perpauci 
bene utuntur, qui tamen ipsi saepe a male utentibus opprimun- 
tur, innumerabiles autem improbe utuntur, ut donum hoc 
divinum rationis et consilii ad fraudem hominibus, non ad 
bonitatem impertitum esse videatur. 

20 XXXI. Sed urgetis identidem hominum esse istam culpam, 76 
non deorum; ut si medicus gravitatem morbi, gubernator vim 
tempestatis accuset; etsi hi quidem homunculi, (sed tamen 
ridiculi: quis enim te adhibuisset, dixerit quispiam, si ista non 
essent ?) contra deum licet disputare liberius. In hominum 

25 vitiis ais esse culpam. Kam dedisses hominibus rationem, quae 
vitia culpamque excluderet. Ubi igitur locus fuit errori deo- 

1 conducto Oxf., conduto AV. 3 Plaetoria edd. after Heind., laetoria 
BPY, letoria ACBLM +, latoria Oxf., lotoria E, lectoria NV+. 7 sementim 
ABCB, sementem PV Sch., sementum E. 9 ratio nocendi, nocendi ratio UT Sch. 

14 caesa accedisset Ribbeck frag. p. ix, Vahlen Enn. p. 124, Weidner on Cic. 
Invent. 1 91, caesae accidissent ACPVBC Oxf. Mu. (but in 1884 he gives in 
Herenn. 1 22 § 34 caesa accedisset), caese accidissent B' (B? has cecid.), cese ceci- 
dissent E (in Fat. 35 all mss have caesae, V has accedissent, A cecaedissent, 
AB cecidissent, but B has ce in ras.; in Herenn. all give caesae with or without 
diphthongs, H has accedissent, B accidissent, the rest cecidissent), caesa acci- 
disset Varro L. L. vu 33, Priscian vir 8, 41 (where the best mss have accedisset) 
Heind. Or. Ba. Sch. L. Miiller (Enn. p. 144), caesa cecidisset Ase. Herv. Lamb. 
abiegna Asc. V, Varro &c. as above, abiegnae MRVO, abigne X, abiegne by corr. 
B, ab igne Oxf. BC. 22 etsi hi [BPV] Oxf. M, et sibi ACB, etsi E, 25 
dedisses Oxf. BO [ACPV], dedisse B (before erasure) EH. 


rum? Nam patrimonia spe bene tradendi relinquimus, qua 
possumus falli; deus falli qui potuit? An ut Sol, in currum 
cum Phaéthontem filium sustulit, aut Neptunus, cum Theseus 
Hippolytum perdidit, cum ter optandi a Neptuno patre habu- 

77 isset potestatem? Poétarum ista sunt, nos autem philosophi 5 
esse volumus, rerum auctores, non fabularum. Atque hi tamen 
ipsi di poétici si scissent perniciosa fore illa filtis, peccasse in 
beneficio putarentur. Ut, si verum est, quod Aristo Chius 
dicere solebat, nocere audientibus philosophos iis, qui bene dicta 
male interpretarentur—posse enim asotos ex Aristippi, acerbos 10 
e Zenonis schola exire—, prorsus, si, qui audierunt, vitiosi essent 
discessuri, quod perverse philosophorum disputationem interpre- 
tarentur, tacere praestaret philosophos quam is, qui se audis- 

7g sent, nocere; sic, si homines rationem bono consilio a dis 
immortalibus datam in fraudem malitiamque convertunt, non 15 
dari illam quam dari humano generi melius fuit. Ut, si medi- 
cus sciat eum aegrotum, qui jussus sit vinum sumere, meracius 
sumpturum statimque periturum, magna sit in culpa; sic vestra 
ista providentia reprehendenda, quae rationem dederit lis, quos 
scierit ea perverse et improbe usuros. Nisi forte dicitis eam 20 
nescisse. Utinam quidem! Sed non audebitis. Non enim 
ignoro, quanti ejus nomen putetis. 

79 XXXII. Sed hic quidem locus concludi jam potest. Nam 
si stultitia consensu omnium philosophorum majus est malum, 
quam si omnia mala et fortunae et corporis ex altera parte 25 
ponantur, sapientiam autem nemo assequitur, in summis malis 
omnes sumus, quibus vos optime consultum a dis immortalibus 
dicitis. Nam ut nihil interest, utrum nemo valeat, an nemo 
possit valere, sic non intellego, quid intersit, utrum nemo sit 
saplens, an nemo esse possit. Ac nos quidem nimis multa de 30 

3 cum Mss generally, in ras. A, quom V!. 8 ut Dav. Or. Ba., et uss Sch. Mu. 
verum est mss Sch. Mu., verwm esset Or. Ba. after Madv. 10 acerbos e 
[CEP], accerbos e ABV, accerbo seu B, acerbose Oxf. 0. 11 si qui audierunt 
—interpretarentur, om. Or. Ba. after Madv. see Comm, 12 philosophorum 
—qui se, om. CB (from homceoteleuton). disputationem Mss, disputationes 
Sch. 13 philosophos 0 Lamb. Sch. Ba., philosophis mss Or. Mu, see Comm. 
16 illam [ABCE]0, aliam PVB Oxf. 19 reprehendenda Oxf., repraendenda 
A (which also has compraendere in § 21), reprendenda V. 22 nomen Mss, 
numen Sch. after Dav. 



ee RS C =. 

Swett oe 

LIB, III CAP, XXXI—Xxxul §§ 76—S81. 33 

re apertissima. Telamo autem uno versu locum totum conficit, 
cur di homines neglegant : 

Nam si curent, bene bonis sit, male malis; quod nunc abest. 

Debebant illi quidem omnes bonos efficere, siquidem hominum 
5 generi consulebant. Sin id minus, bonis quidem certe consu- 
lere debebant. Cur igitur duo Scipiones, fortissimos et optimos 
viros, in Hispania Poenus oppressit ? cur Maximus extulit filium 
consularem? cur Marcellum Hannibal interemit? cur Paulum 
Cannae sustulerunt? cur Poenorum crudelitati Reguli corpus 
ro est praebitum ? cur Africanum domestici parietes non texerunt ? 
Sed haec vetera et alia permulta; propiora videamus, Our 
avunculus meus, vir innocentissimus idemque doctissimus, P. 
Rutilius, in exilio est ? cur sodalis meus interfectus domi suae, 
Drusus? cur temperantiae prudentiaeque specimen ante simu- 
15 lacrum Vestae pontifex maximus est Q. Scaevola trucidatus ? 
cur ante etiam tot civitatis principes a Cinna interempti? cur 
omnium perfidiosissimus, C. Marius, Q. Catulum, praestantis- 
sima dignitate virum, mori potuit jubere? Dies deficiat, si 
velim numerare, quibus bonis male evenerit, nec minus, si com- 
20 memorem, quibus improbis optime. Cur enim Marius tam 
feliciter septimum consul domi suae senex est mortuus? cur 
omnium crudelissimus tam diu Cinna regnavit? At dedit 
poenas, XXXIII. Prohiberi melius fuit impedirique, ne tot 
summos viros interficeret, quam ipsum aliquando poenas dare. 
25 Summo cruciatu supplicioque Q. Varius, homo importunissi- 
mus, perlit; si, quia Drusum ferro, Metellum veneno sustulerat, 
illos conservari melius fuit quam poenas sceleris Varium pen- 
dere. Duodequadraginta annos Dionysius tyrannus fuit opu- 

1 conjficit cur di [ABEP], conjficitur di V1, conjicit wtrum di V? Oxf. V, conjicit ut 
di CB. 6 duo Scipiones, duos cipiones A, duo sippiones C1, duo sipiones B, duos 
Scipiones C?K Oxf. +. 9 Reguli, reguilis A}, reguilis V1. 11 propiora [CEP] 
Oxf. 0, propriora ABV}. 15 est Q. Scaevola [ABPV?] Oxf., est que scevola 
C, est quae sc. B, est p.scevola V}, est scevola E. 18 deficiat [ABEPV] Oxf. H, 
deficiet CUTBLNO. 19 numerare, enumerare Ern. prob. Mu. si com- 
memorem, sicconmemorem AEV}!, commemorem Oxf. 21 septimum V}[AB] 
Oxf. M, septimus CEB, septies PV?HIN+. 26 st AV}, se B!, sed B°HLR +, 
sic CEV*BMV Oxf. 28 annos Dionysius tyrannus, D. t. anos Mss generally 
(V with a mark denoting transposition). 

M. C; IIL. 43 



82 lentissimae et beatissimae civitatis; quam multos ante hunc in 
ipso Graeciae flore Pisistratus! At Phalaris, at Apollodorus 
poenas sustulit. Multis quidem ante cruciatis et necatis. Et 
praedones multi saepe poenas dant, nec tamen possumus dicere 
non plures captivos acerbe quam praedones necatos. Ana- 
xarchum Democriteum a Cyprio tyranno excarnificatum accepi- 
mus, Zenonem Eleae in tormentis necatum. Quid dicam de 
Socrate, cujus morti illacrimari soleo Platonem legens? Videsne 
igitur deorum judicio, si vident res humanas, discrimen esse 

83 sublatum? XXXIV. Diogenes quidem Cynicus dicere solebat 

Harpalum, qui temporibus illis praedo felix habebatur, contra 
deos testimonium dicere, quod in illa fortuna tam diu viveret. 
Dionysius, de quo ante dixi, cum fanum Proserpinae Locris 
expilavisset, navigabat Syracusas; isque cum  secundissimo 
vento cursum teneret, ridens ‘Videtisne’, inquit, ‘amici, 
quam bona a dis immortalibus navigatio sacrilegis 
detur?’ Jdque homo acutus cum bene planeque percepisset, 
in eadem sententia perseverabat. Qui cum ad Peloponnesum 
classem appulisset et in fanum venisset Jovis Olympii, aureum 
e1 detraxit amiculum grandi pondere, quo Jovem ornarat e 
manubiis Karthaginiensium tyrannus Gelo, atque in eo etiam 
cavillatus est aestate grave esse aureum amiculum, hieme frigi- 
dum, eique laneum pallium injecit, cum id esse ad omne anni 
tempus diceret. Idemque Aesculapii Epidauri barbam auream 

1 multos, multas CHP. 3 sustulit, luit Cobet p. 463. et praedones 
MSS, etiam pr. Ba. after Heind, 8 soleo Platonem Oxf. 0, soleo 1. Platonem 
ABV. 11 felix BO, jilia ACEPV, fulia Oxf. M, filica B, infelix panphilia 
N Red., in pamphylia Gruter’s Pal. 4, in Pamphylia felix Heind., in silva 
Leg., summus UHR+, nobilis Madv, ap. Forch. p. 30. 13 Dionysitus—nolle 
sumere (p. 35, 1.9) copied in Val. Max. 11 extyr. 3. 14 Syracusas, seracusas 
AV}, siracusas Oxf. 17 idque Lamb., atque ACEPV Mus. Oxf., atqui B. 
18 qui cum ad B?V? Oxf. MO, qui quod ad A? (a for ad A‘) BICPV'B, quid quod 
cum ad EK. 19 classem [BCPV] Oxf., clussum A, castrum clussem E, om. 0. 
21 manubiis [BE]C*, manubiis is APH, manubiis iis V, manibiis C1, manibus 
INU. Gelo ABCEVO, gelu P, Hiero GUIV. 22 grave [C], gravem 
ABEPV Oxf. BHV + (see § 10). 24 tempus ABCPV!HBI Forch. p. 28, with 
aptum before ad omne V?UM Oxf. Mu. Sch., tempus apte E, tempus aptius T, 
tempus aptum Ba. Or. (comparing Val. Max. l.c., Lact. 1 4). Aesculapii 
[EPV], aesculapi A'BB, asclepii C1, aesculapio C?. Epidauri Mss generally, 
epidauret N, epidaurii R Forch. p. 53, epidaurio C by corr. 

LIB. II CAP. XXXIII—XXXV §§ 82—S85. 55 

demi jussit; neque enim convenire barbatum esse filium, cum 
in omnibus fanis pater imberbis esset. Etiam mensas argenteas 84 
de omnibus delubris jussit auferri, in quibus cum more veteris 
Graeciae inscriptum esset BONORUM DEORUM, uti se eorum 
5 bonitate velle dicebat. Idem Victoriolas aureas et pateras 
coronasque, quae simulacrorum porrectis manibus sustinebantur, 
sine dubitatione tollebat eaque se accipere, non auferre dicebat ; 
esse enim stultitiam, a quibus bona precaremur, ab iis porrigen- 
tibus et dantibus nolle sumere. Eundemque ferunt haec, quae 
10 dixi, sublata de fanis in forum protulisse et per praeconem ven- 
didisse exactaque pecunia edixisse, ut, quod quisque a sacris 
haberet, id ante diem certam in suum quicque fanum referret. 
Ita ad impietatem in deos in homines adjunxit injuriam. 
XXXV. Hune igitur nec Olympius Juppiter fulmine percussit 
15 nec Aesculapius misero diuturnoque morbo tabescentem intere- 
mit, atque in suo lectulo mortuus, ut tyrannidis fabula magnifi- 
cum haberet exitum, in + Typanidis + rogum illatus est eamque 
potestatem, quam ipse per scelus erat nanctus, quasi justam et 
legitimam hereditatis loco filio tradidit. Invita in hoe loco 85 
20 versatur oratio; videtur enim auctoritatem afferre peccandi; 
recte videretur, nisi et virtutis et vitiorum sine ulla divina 
ratione grave ipsius conscientiae pondus esset, qua sublata 
jacent omnia. Ut enim nec domus nec res publica ratione 
quadam et disciplina dissignata videatur, si in ea nec recte 
2 esset etiam edd. after Gulielmius, esset jam mss, esset idem Sch. 3 cum 

Red. N edd. after Madv. (Fin. 111 65), quod mss generally, cf. p. 34, 1. 18 above. 
6 coronasque quae V?CRV Oxf., coronas quae BC? (6, quem C1), coronasque AEP. 

7 eaque, easque Val. Max. 11 pecunia edixisse EV Oxf., pecuniae dizxisse B', 
pecunia dixisse AB?CPBHLO. a sacris ACEPV Oxf. Sch, Mu., sacri B Or. Ba., 
ex sacris Heind. 12 quicque ABV”, quidque V1, quanque C, quique EPB, 
quodque RV, quisque Oxf. 13 impietatem V? Oxf. [ACEP], impletatem B'V}, 
impleta temeritate B*, impletam B. 14 fulmine Oxf., flumine A1V}. 16 at- 
que, atqui A1B! Cod. Buslid. ut tyrannidis fabula magnificum haberet exitum 

in Typanidis rogum Kd., in typanidis rogum AEPVM and (reading tip. for typ.) 
Oxf., in tyrannidis rogum B Pal. 3 Moser’s DH Victorius Herv., in timpanidis 
rogum C and B (reading tymp. for timp.), in timp. rogo C, vitimpanitis rogo Reg., 

.vt tympanitidis rogo Meyer, et impunitus rogo Sch., in ttypanidis rogum Or. 
Mu., in [tyrannidis] rogum Ba. (taking tyr. as a gloss on potestatis), ut ait 
Timaeus (or Timonides) rogo Fértsch (referring to Plut. Dion. p. 974). 21 recte 
XB Oxf.+ Or. Ba. Mu., et recte UMRV Sch. 24 dissignata AB Mu., desig- 
nata Mss generally, Sch. Or. Ba. 






factis praemia extent ulla nec supplicia peccatis, sic mundi 
divina [in homines] moderatio profecto nulla est, si in ea discri- 
men nullum est bonorum et malorum. 

At enim minora di neglegunt neque agellos singulorum nec 
viticulas persequuntur nec, si uredo aut grando cuipiam nocuit, 
id Jovi animadvertendum fuit ; ne in regnis quidem reges omnia 
minima curant; sic enim dicitis. Quasi ego paulo ante de 
fundo Formiano P. Rutili sim questus, non de amissa salute. 
XXXVI. Atque hoc quidem omnes mortales sic habent, exter- 
nas commoditates, vineta, segetes, oliveta, ubertatem frugum et 
fructuum, omnem denique commoditatem prosperitatemque 
vitae a dis se habere ; virtutem autem nemo umquam acceptam 
deo rettulit. Nimirum recte; propter virtutem enim jure lau- 
damur et in virtute recte gloriamur; quod non contingeret, si 
id donum a deo, non a nobis haberemus. At vero aut honoribus 
aucti aut re familiari, aut si aliud quippiam nacti sumus fortuiti 
boni aut depulimus mali, tum dis gratias agimus, tum nihil 
nostrae laudi assumptum arbitramur. Num quis, quod bonus 
vir esset, gratias dis egit umquam? at quod dives, quod hono- 
ratus, quod incolumis. Jovemque: optimum et maximum ob 
eas res appellant, non quod nos justos, temperatos, sapientes 
efficiat, sed quod salvos, incolumes, opulentos, copiosos. Neque 
Herculi quisquam decumam vovit umquam, si sapiens factus 
esset. Quamquam Pythagoras cum in geometria quiddam novi 
invenisset, Musis bovem immolasse dicitur; sed id quidem non 
credo, quoniam ille ne Apollini quidem Delio hostiam immolare 
voluit, ne aram sanguine aspergeret. Ad rem autem ut redeam, 
judicium hoc omnium mortalium est, fortunam a deo petendam, 
a se ipso sumendam esse sapientiam. Quamvis licet Menti 
delubra et Virtuti et Fidei consecremus, tamen haec in nobis 
ipsis sita videmus; Spei, Salutis, Opis, Victoriae facultas a dis 
expetenda est. Improborum igitur prosperitates secundaeque 
res redarguunt, ut Diogenes dicebat, vim omnem deorum ac 

2 in homines mss, bracketed by edd. after Bouh. 5 cuipiam CB Or. Ba., 
quipiam AlB, quippiam A?V Oxf. Sch. Mu. 8 P. Rutilii sim A (sim in ras. ) 
[P], protulissem CEB, p. rutilium Oxf., p. rutili sim BVM. 9 atque, atqui B?. 
25 immolasse PV Sch. Mu., immolavisse ABCEB Oxf. Or. Ba. 31 ipsis sita 
A?, ipsi sita A}, ipsis ita BCEPVB Oxf. +. 



LIB, III CAP, XXXV—Xxxvulr §§ 85—91. 37 

potestatem. XXXVII. At non numquam bonos exitus habent 89 
-boni. Eos quidem arripimus attribuimusque sine ulla ratione 
dis immortalibus. At Diagoras cum Samothracam venisset, 
aeos ille qui dicitur, atque ei quidam amicus ‘Tu, qui deos 
5 putas humana neglegere, nonne animadvertis ex tot 
tabulis pictis, quam multi votis vim tempestatis effu- 
gerint in portumque salvi pervenerint?’, ‘Ita fit’, in- 
quit; ‘illi enim nusquam picti sunt, qui naufragia fece- 
runt in marique perierunt. Idemque, cum ei naviganti 
ro vectores adversa tempestate timidi et perterriti dicerent non 
injuria sibi illud accidere, qui illum in eandem navem recepis- 
sent, ostendit 11s in eodem cursu multas alias laborantes quae- 
sivitque, num etiam in lis navibus Diagoram vehi crederent. 
Sic enim res se habet, ut ad prosperam adversamve fortunam, 
15 qualis sis aut quem ad modum vixeris, nihil intersit. Non 99 
animadvertunt, inquit, omnia di, ne reges quidem. Quid est 
simile? Reges enim si scientes praetermittunt, magna culpa 
est; XXXVIII. at deo ne excusatio quidem est inscientiae. 
Quem vos praeclare defenditis, cum dicitis eam vim deorum 
20 esse, ut, etiamsi quis morte poenas sceleris effugerit, expe- 
tantur eae poenae a liberis, a nepotibus, a posteris. O miram 
aequitatem deorum! Ferretne civitas ulla latorem istius modi 
legis, ut condemnaretur filius aut nepos, si pater aut avus 
deliquisset ? 
25 Quinam Tantalidarum internecioni modus 

paretur? aut quaenam umquam ob mortem Myrtili 
poenis luendis dabitur satias supplici? 

Utrum poétae Stoicos depravarint, an Stoici poétis dederint 91 
auctoritatem, non facile dixerim ; portenta enim ab utrisque et 
30 flagitia dicuntur. Neque enim, quem MHipponactis iambus 

2 arripimus A1V1BCEPBO, ascribimus A?V? Oxf. MNRV. 3 Samothracam 
ABCV!B, samothracum P, samothraciam V? Oxf.+, somotraciam E, 4 dOeos 
Manut. Mu., atheus mss generally, Or. Ba., atheos Sch. amicus om, A}, in 
brackets Or. Ba. 6 multi [ABEV?] Oxf., multis CPV! BLO. 14 res se, 
se res Sch. 21 a nepotibus [EPV]O, ac nep. ABCBR Oxf. a posteris 
[ACEP]B!V!B, ac post. B?V2CRV Oxf. 22 civitas ulla, ulla civitas Sch. . 
25 internecioni BC?7EPVBR Sch. Mu., internicioni A Or. Ba., interlectioni C! 
internectioni Oxf. V. 27 satias AIBV'L, satietas A7CEKV?BHC, 


laeserat, aut qui erat Archilochi versu vulneratus, a deo immis- 
sum dolorem, non conceptum a se ipso, continebat; nec, cum 
Aegisthi libidinem aut cum Paridis videmus, a deo causam 
requirimus, cum culpae paene vocem audiamus ; nec ego multo- 
rum aegrorum salutem non ab Hippocrate potius quam ab 5 
Aesculapio datam judico, nec Lacedaemoniorum disciplinam 
dicam umquam ab Apolline potius Spartae quam a Lycurgo 
datam. Critolaus, inquam, evertit Corinthum, Karthaginem Has- 
drubal. Hi duo illos oculos orae maritimae effoderunt, non iratus 
92 aliqui, quem omnino irasci posse negatis, deus. XXXIX. At ro 
subvenire certe potuit et conservare urbes tantas atque tales ; 
vos enim ipsi dicere soletis nihil esse, quod deus efticere 
non possit, et quidem sine labore ullo; ut enim hominum 
membra nulla contentione mente ipsa ac voluntate move- 
antur, sic numine deorum omnia fingi, moverl mutarique posse. 15 
Neque id dicitis superstitiose atque aniliter, sed physica con- 
stantique ratione; materlam enim rerum, ex qua et in qua 
omnia sint, totam esse flexibilem et commutabilem, ut nihil sit, 
quod non ex ea quamvis subito fingi convertique possit; ejus 
autem universae fictricem et moderatricem divinam esse provi- 20 
dentiam; hance igitur, quocumque se moveat, efficere posse, 
quicquid velit. Itaque aut nescit, quid possit, aut neglecit res 
93 humanas aut, quid sit optimum, non potest judicare. ‘Non 
curat singulos homines’. Non mirum: ne civitates quidem. 
Non eas? ne nationes quidem et gentes. Quodsi has etiam 25 
contemnet, quid mirum est omne ab ea genus humanum esse 
contemptum? Sed quo modo idem dicitis non omnia deos 
persequi, idem vultis a dis immortalibus hominibus dispertiri 
ac dividi somnia? Idcirco haec tecum, quia vestra est de 
somniorum veritate sententia. Atque idem etiam vota suscipi 3° 
dicitis oportere. Nempe singuli vovent, audit igitur mens 

8 Karthaginem see above § 42. 9 Hasdrubal MR+, Asdrubal XB+., 
10 aliqui [ABCEV}], alicui PV-UTMV Oxf., aliquis HR. deus Lamb. with 
Reg. and Fa. of Moser, dewm Mss generally. 17 materiam [BP], materia 
ACEVB Oxf. 21 hance V? Oxf. [P], hace ABCEV!HBO. 22 neglegit, 
neclegit A (and above § 89). 24 ne civitates edd., nec civitates Mss. 25 non 
eas? mss Sch, Or. Ba., non modo eas Mu., si non eas’ Madv. 29 dividi 
sonnia [ABCEP], dividis omnia V1, dividi omnia V2-MNCRVH, 

LIB. WI CAP. XXXVII—XL §§ 91—95. 39 

divina etiam de singulis. Videtis ergo non esse eam tam occu- 
patam, quam putabatis? Fac esse distentam, caelum versan- 
tem, terram tuentem, maria moderantem ; cur tam multos deos 
nihil agere et cessare patitur? cur non rebus humanis aliquos 
5 otiosos deos praeficit, qui a te, Balbe, innumerabiles explicati 
sunt? Haee fere dicere habui de natura deorum, non ut eam 
tollerem, sed ut intellegeretis, quam esset obscura et quam 
difficiles explicatus haberet. : 
XL. Quae cum dixisset, Cotta finem. Lucilius autem, 
10 Vehementius, inquit, Cotta, tu quidem invectus es in eam 
Stoicorum rationem, quae de providentia deorum ab illis sanc- 
tissime et providentissime constituta est. Sed quoniam adves- 
perascit, dabis nobis diem aliquem, ut contra ista dicamus. 
Hst enim mihi tecum pro aris et focis certamen et pro deorum 
15 templis atque delubris proque urbis muris, quos vos, pontifices, 
sanctos esse dicitis diligentiusque urbem religione quam ipsis 
moenibus cingitis; quae deseri a me, dum quidem spirare 
potero, nefas judico. Tum Cotta: Ego vero et opto redargui 
me, Balbe, et ea, quae disputavi, disserere malui quam judicare 
20 et facile me a te vinci posse certo scio. Quippe, inquit Velleius, 
qui etiam somnia putet ad nos mitti ab Jove, quae ipsa tamen 
tam levia non sunt, quam est Stoicorum de natura deorum 
oratio. Haec cum essent dicta, ita discessimus, ut Velleio 
Cottae disputatio verior, mihi Balbi ad veritatis similitudinem 
25 videretur esse propensior. 

6 ut, uti B. 10 in eam CE, ineram (with r erased) A, in eram BP 
(superse, istam) V1, in meram V2 Oxf MRV, in aream istam I, in aeram istam L, 
12 providentissime [ACPV], prudentissime BE, 




1. Lactant. Inst. Div. 113. 2. Intellegebat Cicero falsa esse, 
quae homines adorarent. Nam cum multa diaisset, quae ad 
eversionem religionum valerent, ait tamen non esse illa vulgo 
disputanda, ne susceptas publice religiones disputatio talis 

2. Lactant. Inst. Div. 1 8. 10. Cicero de natura deorum 
disputans sic ait: Primum igitur non est probabile eam ma- 
terlam rerum, unde orta sunt omnia, esse divina providentia 
effectam, sed habere et habuisse vim et naturam suam, Ut 
igitur faber, cum quid aedificaturus est, non ipse facit ma- 
teriam, sed ea utitur, quae sit parata, fictorque item cera, sic 
istl providentiae divinae materiam praesto esse oportuit, non 
quam ipse faceret, sed quam haberet paratam. Quodsi non est 
a deo materia facta, ne terra quidem et aqua et aér et ignis a 
deo factus est. 

3. Mai vett. interpr. Virg. p. 45 ed. Med....apud Cicero- 
nem de natura deorum LT, ubi de Cleomene Lacedaemonio. 

4, Diomedes I p. 313. 10 Keil. Cicero de deorum natura 
tertio: homines omnibus bestiis antecedunt. 


5. Serv. ad Verg. Aen. 11 284. Tullius in libro de natura 
deorum tria milia annorum divit magnum annum tenere. 

6. Verg. Aen. 11 600. Cicero spiritabile dicit in 
libris de deorum natura. 

7. Serv. ad Verg. Aen. v1 894. Per portam corneam oculi 
significantur, qui et cornei sunt et duriores ceteris membris ; nam 
frigus non sentiunt, secut etiam Cicero diait in libris de natura 

1.17. LT, so Mai, understanding it to mean Liber Tertius, but he is doubtful 
whether it should not be read IT (for item). Keil (Probi in Verg. Bue. et Georg. 
Comm. p. 95) has no doubt that IT is the true reading. As it is difficult to see 
the appropriateness of item, I should rather conjecture the numeral u or ut. 
Or. Ba. and Mu. read IT without remark. 

1, 22. spiritabile, spivitale Thilo and Hagen. 



[Reprinted from Vol. II.] 

As in my former volume, I have printed in full Mr Swainson’s 
collation of the Burney ms (B), but have only given selected readings 
from his other collations, with occasional additions from my own 
inspection of the Museum mss. I have also given the more important 
readings for O U and Y collated by myself, and a full collation of 
the Merton ms (called ‘Oxf. 0’ in the former volume, here simply 
‘Oxf’). I have further compared any readings of Orelli’s or 
Heindorf’s mss which, without being of sufficient importance to 
print under the text, were yet of interest as throwing light on the 
relation between different mss, e.g. between B and Orelli’s C, 
between Cod. Glog. (@) and H, Cod. Red. and N, above all between 
Oxf. and Orelli’s V. In all such cases I have printed the reference 
to the foreign ms in square brackets. For the sake of convenience 
T subjoin an explanation of symbols. 

Burney ms no, 148, of the 13th century. 

Harleian ms 2465, late 15th cent. 

Harl. ms 2511, 15th cent. 

Harl. ms 4662, late 15th cent. 

Harl. ms 5114, latter part of 15th cent. 

Additional mss 11932, middle of 15th cent. 

Additional mss 19586, end of 14th cent. 

Cambridge ms 790 Dd. x11. 2, 15th cent. 

Roman edition of 1471. 

Venice edition of 1471. Vj. Corrections in the Grylls copy. 
Codex Uffenbachianus, 15th cent., belonging to 8. Allen, Esq. 
Another 15th century codex belonging to Mr Allen. 

The Merton ms of the 12th cent. 



BOOK 1, 

l I. inquit] inquid B generally [Orelli’s A!]. te] a te B. factu| LMO, 

2, factum BCV Oxf., fatu N. jocundus| Oxf. U [Orelli’s CE] igitur| R, 

3 igitur ego BHCV. me] om. Oxf. Sic] Lambinus, sine B, sum HT, sed V,, 
si Oxf. L others, tecum] tectum Oxf. Qui] Quis H. Quia 
mihi] quoniam mihi Oxf, Quam mich C, quam mihi U, inquit Cotta adds R. 
subeat] stbi habeat HUY. usum nullum habere| BM, nullum usum habere 

4 HN, usu habere nullum IL, parum] LO, .parua Oxf. EMCV, text V,. sin] 
BO, si C Oxf. causa] causam B, after refellendi C, 

5 II. me] dicam add HR. cacrimonias] cerimonias V, om, Oxf. sem- 
per] om. UT. Ti.] Manutius, om. Z, t. 0. Coruncanium] L, quorum 
canium B, Coruncanum 0, Conuncanum RY. Pu iccb el Mele Nel RV. aut 
docti] aut om. CY. C. Laelium| M, C. lelium OV, glelium B. in sacra] 
in om. B. in auspicia] in om. RV [Orelli’s E, in ospicia Or.’s AV']. prie- 
dictionis] Oxf., praedicationis B. monstris| Oxf., monitis MCR [Or.’s V in 
marg. | Sibyliae] Sibillae BC, haruspicesve] haur. B [Or.’s C], aruspi- 
clnae suae H. ego] OM Oxf., ergo B. nullam umquan] numgquam ullam 
10 i auspiciis] hausp. B [Or.’s C]. constitutis] institutis LUT. potu- 

6 isset] IV, potuissent BHLMNOCR Oxf. UY. nune ergo] LM Oxf., nunc igitur 

N, ergo (omitting nunc) 0, ergo nunc CU, nunc ego Walker from Lactantius., 
reddita] redditam B. 

Ill. fuit divisio tua] tua divisio fuit Oxf. ut] igitur ut Oxf. its] 

7 his RVU Oxf. quicgue|] quidque B, quidem R. id est] idem Oxf. 
exui] CO, exurt BLM Oxf., exire HNRV, eximi or erui “alii”? in Davies’s note. 
ipsum] om. OVY, rest. Vj. quod] qui Oxf. matorum] malorum B. 
cur a] cura Oxf. sic] sit Oxf. ad hance] hane UY. et integrum 
8 discipulum] inquit et i. d. LV, inquit discipulum et integrum UY. egone | 
ego nec Oxf. quod] Oxf. Z, except quid IV. perspicuum in istam 

partem] Oxf. Z, except perspicuwm in hane partem I, and in istam...quod esset om, 


L. esset| Oxf. [Or.’s BV?], et B[Or.’s CE], est H [Or.’s AV"]. perspt- 
cuum] conspicuum IUY. posses| LO Oxf., possis BH, posse V. onerare| 
honorare H, conuenire I, honerare L, orare N. hoe idem] hoc quidem Oxf. 
ut] before potui om. Oxf. qui id] quod BMOC Oxf. U, quid V, text Vj. 
altero coniveam] altero C, altero tantum I, altero tantum contuear V,, altero 
contuer] N, altero contineat Oxf., altero contm YT, altero tm OL, altero contuear 
others. assequi] asse qui Oxf. possim] possem HU. 

IV. est evidens] evidens est Oxf. argumentari soleo perspicuitas] om. B. 9 
elevatur] B, lewatur UTOMRV Oxf. [Or.’s BV?]. contuereris VHMCRV Oxf., 
contueres B, contuleris I, contueris OLY, me tueris N. confidebas] 0, consyder- 
abas V, considerabas UT, confydebas V,. velles] O Ernesti, uelis Z Oxf. UY. 
voluisti] voluistis Oxf. sat] BOML [Or.’s X], satis HCRV. cum tua 10 
ratione contendere] quam tuam rationem contemnere H [Orelli’s P]. , dubiam 
facis] facis Oxf. regantur| regerentur HY. candens] Oxf. OM, cadens BN. 
eos] om. CG. grave] O Oxf., gravem [Or.’s AV], see § 83. videbatur] 11 
uidetur Oxf. C, text C1. cotidie] quotidie HRV. opinione] opinionem 
Oxf. dicatis] judicatis UY. 

V. praesentes] LMBO, praesertis Oxf. Vatinius] uatienus BMCRUY, 

uagiens H, uacienus V. Sagram] M, Sacram BOT, sectam L, sagaram U. tu] 
om. Oxf. id est] uel B. eos tu] M, eosque tuque Oxf., eos tuque B, eos- 
que tu UTLO. cantheriis] [Or.’s BP], canteriis BHMV Oxf. [Or.’s ACEV], 
cauteriis R. albis] M Oxf., alius B, ab his LO. homini|] hominum B. 
silice] scilice B, scilicet Oxf. Regillum] religium Oxf. [regilium Or.’s APV]. 
credis esse] Oxf., credidisse BHLOUT. mavis] maius UBHV, text V,. _ probari] 12 
approbari H. Tyndaridae] tandaridae B, tindari defuerunt Oxf. equitare] 
quitare B, aequitate H, equitate Oxf. proferas] Oxf., prosperas B, conferas H. 
ab A.] ab Aulo HMCV,, aulo Oxf. OBL, A. R, ab Aulio V. Postumio] postumo 13 
Oxf. aedem] eadem Oxf. Vatinio] Oxf. B, watieno C. Sagra] 
M Oxf., Sacra BLO, aede sacra I, sacra aede] T. qui quae] quaeque MCV, qui 
que T. Sagram] BM Oxf., sacram 0, facta sunt adds C. auctoribus | 
auditoribus H, auctoritatibus Oxf. mecum pugnas] me oppugnas H, mecum 
disputas LTU (adding ‘al. pugnas’) [Or.’s P]. requiro| LMO Oxf., om. B, ex- 
quiro C. 

VI. sequuntur] secuntur L. enim] igitur H, om. Oxf. quidem est] 14 
est quidem CRV. nihil om. N Oxf. ne spei| nec spe H, nec spet T. fato 
Jieri] esse fato fieri Oxf. ex omni] ex omnia B [Or.’s V"], om. H. fuerit] 
est Oxf. fatum] factum uel fatum dicatis L, fatum dicatis T [Or.’s P}. 
Atti] L, Acti M, actii CRV, attinavi Oxf., antinavii T, natinavii 0. Navii} 
ML, naui B, Neuii HV, text V,. commemorabas| M Oxf., commorabas B, quem 
comm. om, OL. qui] M, quomodo H, quia T, quid 0. intellecta] M, in- 
telligenda CRV Oxf., intellecta ‘al. intelligenda’ U. sint] M, sunt TBHOCRV, 
om. Oxf. discere| scire H, adiscere V, addiscere U. plurimis] in pluribus 
H, pluribus UY. divini] HI, diuinis Oxf. UTO others. isti} om. I, before 
plurimis CRV. mentiantur| C, mentiuntur Oxf. UTO others, except metiuntur 
N. etiam] om. THR [Or.’s P]. Deciorum] deuotorum H, ditiorum Oxf. 15 
placari] LMO, placere B. populo Romano] R. p. Oxf. imperatorium] BL, 
imperatorum IMRV Oxf. oTparnynual strategema Z Oxf. imperatorum | 


OL, imperatorium B. patriae] wt patriae HNRV. fore ut] foret Oxf., 
FOTLe, hostem] hostes RV. immittentem] imminentem Oxf., imitantem T. 
tibi] BM, tu HYO. audiuisse] audisse H [Or.’s P], see Quintil. 1. 6. 17. 

VII. est] cum Oxf. Balbe] bella B. nihil] [Or.’s BV], nil HUT 

16 [Or.’s AEP], michi [Or.’s C], nichil B. Cleanthes ut dicebas] ut cleantes ut 

dicebant Oxf. animis}| animos B. as| (Ores Vo] iis Oxty [Ores Vile iiviseGe 

ex tis V,, [ex his Or.’s B]. percipimus]| percepimus V [Or.’s P]. caelique] 

caelestique VU. et terrenis] et in terrenis Oxf. cum ea fiant] om. H, 

17 cur ea fiant U. a te] cum pulchritudine mundi Oxf. (from below). aiebas | 

18 agebas Oxf. quoniam] quoniam st T [Or.’s BE}. in rerum—esse aliquid] om. 

Oxf. quod] quo B. esse] esset VY. Zenonisque] Canonisque N, zenonis 
qui Oxf. quaerentur] Oxf. quaeretur HRV. omniague]| omnia MT. 

19 VIII. tujom. OL. maximae res tacitae] m. restatice Oxf., maxime res 
tacite BM, res maxime tacite OL. strictim] fructum Oxf. ea| Oxf., superscr. 
O, om. B [Or.’s CE]. separantur] sequestrantur ITOL [Or.’s P]. quattuor 

20 in] in quattuor BC [Or.’s C°E]. primaque] prima quidem UMRV, prima 
quae T [Or.’s A]. velles| Oxf., uelis BH. di essent| dicerentur Oxf. 
ostenderes] ostendere B, ut ostenderem Y, [ut ostenderes Or.’s B?]. enim] M Oxf., 
om. BUO. non dubitabas quin mundus esset deus] om, B, and (except deus) H. 
quo] quod Oxf. RV,, qui V. nihil in rerum natura melius esset] om. B. 

21 mundo] multo B, in mondo H. quid dicis melius] quid dices melius HT, om. 
Oxf. MNCRV, quid doces melius UV,. sin] si Asc. sevocare| reuocare 
ILY, euocare Oxf. MCRV, auocare V,. sevoco] semoto H, ewoco MCRV Oxf., 
revoco ILY. comprehendere] comprendere V, [compraendere Or.’s A]. 

22 IX. sensus] Oxf., sensu BM, om. H. et ut] et om. B. dilatavit] 
dubitavit 0. Zeno| Zenon L. enim] om. B. id melius| Oxf., id om. 
MRYV, rest. Vj. am] etiam B. litteratum] litterarum (twice) B. (ar ES fee 

23 litteratum] om. H, for est, esse RVU. omni] omnino B. philosophus | 
BHILOY?, crit mundus add MNCRV Oxf. U. saepe] saepe enim UHV,. dixti] 
dixt TU Oxf. BHILMNORV, divisti CV,. nisi ex eo] sine deo Z Oxf., except sine 

mundo R. illam] ullam Z Oxf. dissimilia] dissimillima NVY. posset | 
possit HCY. jidicinem] fidicinam ©, tibicenem N, fiduciorem Oxf. et tubici- 
nem B Oxf., et tibicinem HIORV, om. L, et tibiicinem M, et tibicem N. me cur] 
nec cur BMCRV Oxf. UT. nobis nihil] nihil nobis CRVU. ornatius | 
pulchrius Oxf. ne| nec Oxf. UT. reponebas| reponendas uoluisti N Red. 

24 non] om. H. habent| BO, h. wel seruant UMCV Oxf. Hervag, h. wel conservant 
N Red. ea deo| adeo B. 

X. Quid] Qui B. Chalcidico] calc. B, chachidico C. Jieri posse] esse 
N Red., jfiert potuisse YT. Siciliensi] sciciliensi V. Oceani] creaui I, 
occeant ©, doceam Oxf. Libyamque] libiamque BC Oxf. [Or.’s ABCE]. vel 
Hispanienses| uel isp. B, vel om. C. Britannict] Brittanict B, Brittannei TY, 
[Or.’s BIE, Britanici Or.’s C, Brittannicit Or.’s AB*V]. certis,..omniaque | 
marg. only M. vel accessus...temporibus] om. HL, vel om, C. nonne | 
MOB Oxf. U, minime N Red., non C. motus| metus, U. quae] om. BC. 
ne| nec R. divinas| divinasque Oxf. sit] sic Oxf. reverstone] con- 

25 versione Y. tanquam in aram] om. H. = aram] BO, arenam Oxf. UMC, harena 


N Red., harenam RV, text Vj. confugitis] HILNO°CR, fugitis 01, confugistis 
BMV Oxf. concalluit] concaluit NV [Or.’s B] Nonius p. 90, concallivit Oxf. 
qui id] quid BOH, quicquid id MCRU Oxf. melior| melius C. homini 
homini] homini homine BC, homines hominem Oxf. U. — quis possit] quid potuit H, 
quis potest T. Idemque] M Oxf., eidemque OB, ei denique Y. at illud] 25 
{corr. ex ad illud Or.’s V], et illud Oxf. et rationem|] et rationem et orationem 
ILNVUTO. Orionem Cod. B of Baiter, om. Oxf. Asc. ILNVUTO, orationem 
others (oroem in H). caniculam] niculam B. esse| HLV, om. Oxf. others. 

a natura] Oxf. M, natura BO. conformatum] confirmatum Oxf. TBHLCV, 
text Vj. 

XI. animum] 0, animam BMRV Oxf. si nullus] si nulla BV, text V,, 27 
similia 0. mundo] deus add UHNRV,. _—_logici] after solem CUT. ad] om. 
Oxf. harmoniam] arm. Oxf. BCV, text Vj. sunt] sint B [Or.’s C]. 
cientis] C, scientis O Oxf. others. mutationibus] agitationibus T. placebat] 28 
tacebat B. oratio] oratione Oxf. [Or.’s V]. cognatione continuatam] BM 
Oxf., cognationem continuatam R, continuationem cognatam O. non] om. B. 
probabam] probem MC Oxf. probe V, text V,. potuisse] non potuisse MCRV. 
contineretur| B Oxf., contineret 0, continerentur TMRV, text Vj. permanet] O, 
pertinet Oxf. U, permaneret Asc. quasi] Oxf., quasi quidam UH [Or.’s V?], 
quasi iste O. quam] quem H. cuuTaderay] synpathiam B, onudavrynay L, 
sinphatian marg. L, sympathiam RV,, sympathiam aliam Asc., simpatiam Oxf. V. 
carneades| carnales Oxf. nullum esse] num esse Oxf. 

XII. illa] BMO Oxf. [illam Or.’s A'V]. quem ad modum] MO, quae 29 
ad modum B [Or.’s V], quo modo C. distrahive] Oxf., distrahique LMCRV, 
text V,. patiendi| partiendi B. omne animal...itidem si] om. MOR. Oxf. 
omne animal tale est] etiam mortale animal nullum est N. tale] Heindorf, 
om. H, mortale others. Ergo itidem] Et V, ergo identidem Red. accipien- 
dam] accipiendum HG, capiendam LU. externam] Oxf., aeternam BLCV, extre- 
mam H, text V, marg. L. Jferendam]| MCRV Oxf., fruendam BILY, fruendum H, 
referendam N, ferundam Klotz. dissolubile Oxf., dissoluibile B [Or.’s AC]. 
nihil esset] Oxf. [nihil esse Or.’s V"]. aeris| aer B. igitur si] om, c, 30 
igitur Oxf. e quibus] T, ex q. CV Oxf. cuncta...ex quibus om. H. 
esse] after potest C Red. [Or.’s P]. iis] B Oxf., his others. quin] 
Oxf., quod non MCRVU. umor ita] humor ita] B [Or.’s X], ita humore 0. 
mollis est] Oxf. BM, molle est TO. comprimi] IOLU, praemi BMN, premi 
Oxf. HCV, primi R. pulsu] BM, impulsu ILOV. naturaque|] namque O. 
Praetereaque] BMO Oxf. T, praeterea others. ex aere] Oxf. O, et cum ex 
aere M, et exaer. B. commeant] Oxf., comeant B, commoueantur H, com- 
moueant N. intereunt| HILON, intereant BMCRV Oxf. é€ quibus] BR, 
ex q. Oxf. others. constat| HILON, constet BMCRV Oxf. 

XIII. omittamus] omm.B [Or.’s AC]. sensus habet—igitur animal] om, 32 
Oxf. ullo] nullo C [Or.’s V?]. et non accipere] ILNVU, et om. BMR 
[Or.’s X], wero acc, C. Quod autem dolorem accipit] om. H. et quod 33 
ea sentiat] Oxf., om. OB (Baiter sentit by misprint). aeternum est] necesse 
est C, est aet. TUV, appetit quaedam eternum est Oxf. refugit] refugitur 
0. et quod est contra naturam] om. YT, [in marg. Or.’s B]. esse] 34 






est B. intereat] uitereat Oxf. etenim] necesse est enim ut CU, necesse 
est RV Oxf. calor] ut calor OMCRV Oxf. ut voluptas] voluptas Oxf. 
UTO. dolor] ut dolor MCRV Oxf., et dolor UTO. ut cetera] et cetera MRV. 
sunt] om. B, sint H. interemunt] L, tnterimant MCR Oxf. U (by corr. fr. 
intereant), intereunt OT, tntertmunt B others. est sine...animal] om. H. 
animal aeternum] eternum animal Oxf. aeterium est] est act. V [Or.’s C]. 

XIV. aut] BMO, ut R Oxf. ignea] ignea uel aerea L. animalis | 
aquatilis VU, animalis id est aeria V,. umida] [Or.’s AV], humida B. con- 
cretum] concreta est R, concretum est Klotz. vi] vis Oxf. [corr. ex ut Or.’s V]. 
feratur] Lambinus, efferatur 2 Oxf. UT, except offeratur L, afferatur O. sem- 
per autem nullo modo possunt] om. T. est] om. Oxf. vestri] ad nostri 
Oxf. non omnes] non enim omnes Vahlen. uno] uno tantum HV,U. 
qui] MU Oxf., om. BOHT. quid] MO Oxf., quod ©, [qui id Or.’s A7], id V, 
text Vj. diceret| M Oxf., d. quod BO Asc. noluit] uoluit HN Oxf., noluit 
ut C. omnem vim] omnia unum MOR, omnium Oxf. [Or.’s V by corr.] igq- 
neam] L, vim O, ignem others. animantes| amantis Oxf, vigere] O Oxf. 
[in ras. Or.’s V], gingere (gignere) I. non tntereant—cum intereant] om. Oxf. 
non intereant] om. N, non intereat V, text Vj. umore] [Or.’s AV], hwmore B. 
verum tamen videamus exitum] ucrumptamen v. e. BC, vide omnium animalium 
exitum O, vultis] multis 0. animale] Lambinus, animali UT (before 
esse) LO, animal Oxf. others, animum Walker, extrinsecus] Oxf., intrinsecus 
Bouhier. animal] Lescaloperius, anima Z Oxf. T. nist ignem—esse ani- 
mum] Oxf., fom. Or.’s V']. quiddam]+quoddam B [Or.’s C]. atque| atque 
ex H, et Oxf. UT. anima temperatum] animantemperatum B. quod si] 
quid enim Oxf. ipse] om. BR. quoniam] quoniam cum B. Rursus | 
rursum B [Or.’s C], rursusque C. quicquid est] quod quidem B. venire| 
pervenire T. pastus] pastu V [Or.’s © by corr. ] ali] alia B, alii Oxf. UV, 
text Vj. aquis alia] aquis ali B. alia marinis| aliis marinis B, alia 
amaris I, alia maritimis N. causam]| clausam B. Cleanthes| Che- 
anthes B. cur] quur B [Or.’s AC]. nec longius| ne longius B. orbi] 
Oxf., orbe HNV. mow] om. OxF. natura ignem sempiternum] naturam 
ignis sempiternam YT. 

XV. autem deum] deum om, L, dicunt deum MR, autem dicunt deum V, 
autem deum dicunt U. nos] non HMNR Oxf. T, om. CO. prudentiamne | 
prudentiane de C, prudentian Oxf. nthil est nec esse] B, nihil esse necesse 
Oxf. M, nihil esse nec esse O. quid huic...potest esse] om. L. dilectu] 
BLC Oxf., dilecta I, dilectis N, delectu others. iustitia] de iustitia B. 
ad deos| ad eos H, a deos C. procreavit] provocavit Oxf. corporis] cor- 
poribus B. corporis...voluptatibus] om. H. est etiam] est etiam in Oxf., 
et etiam ©, non est etiam TV, text Vj. qui] om. BC [Or.’s C], quid H. in 
dolore an in labore an in periculo] delere an in periculo an in dolore L, (and OY 
only reading dolere for delere, Or.’s P with dolore for delere), an (1st) om. B, 

39 in (3rd) om. Oxf. vero| om, Oxf. inscitiam] Oxf., tustitiam HRV, text V,. 

despicere| dispicere B. dicuntur] Oxf. O, dicitur [Or.’s V']. in Graecia 
multos habent] Graecia multos habet UY. Alabandis] Bouhier, Alabandi Oxf. 
YZ,except om. C, Tenedii| Tenedi BMCRV Oxf. TY, tenendi HILN. Tennen|] 

Tenen BL, tenucre H, tenue N, Tennem Oxf, others. Leucotheam] leuchothecam 


B, leuchoteam Oxf., leucotoe H, leuconiam N, Leucothoam R, Leucoteam V, 
text Vj. et ejus] ejyus Oxf. Palaemonem] after jilium C. nostri] M, 
nostrum BLOCY Oxf. ascripticios] [Or.’s V], adscripticios [Or.’s AC], 
adscriptios B. 

XVI. vos philosophi] philosophi vos UY, enim phil. vos 0. qui] quum H, 40 
num R. sunt enim] enim sunt Oxf., sunt O. deus ipse mundus] mundus ipse 
deus UY. illud] id H, illum UTO. sublime] Z, sublimen Scal., sublimem UT, 
sublimum 0. invocant] uocant H. eorum] om. B, illorum T. numeras | 
numeratis HU. eosque] easque NVUY. appellas| appellatis HU. Capram 
ut] Capram aut BC, capram U. Nepam ut] Ursinus, lupam ut Oxf. BLMCV, 
lupam U, lupum YT, lupum ut others. Taurum ut] taurum UY. inanimarum| 
animarum B, inanimatarum Oxf. UTHLMCRV. nos| om. U, after sermonis T. 41 
sermonis] B, sermone MCV Oxf. [Or.’s V corr. ex sermonis]. sed] set C. 
ecquem] haec quem BM Oxf., mentem haec quem O, hune quendam H, inter haec 
quem UTLV,, inter haec quintam N, eccum quem C, dic quem R, hic quem V. 

putas] putamus B [Or.’s C]. dicis| dicimus LO [Or.’s P]. reddes | 
BHLV,, redde T Oxf. [Or.’s V?] others. id] 0, idem BMCV Oxf. non video] 
ego non v. L, non intellego T. cui in] om. (lacuna) H. Oetaeo| BM, om. 
(lacuna) H, meceo L, medeo T, metaco N, etheo CO, Oetheo R, aethneo V, ‘‘ exem- 
plar guerini habet oeteo” V;. Oetaeo inlatae] metaoem late Oxf. fuerunt| 
O, fuerint Oxf. BM. Accius] [Or.’s AB], Actius BCRV Oxf. [Or.’s V?]. 
letius L, [accutius Or.’s V1, aceius Or.’s C]. aeternam] aeterni C. apud 
inferos] om. L, before Homerus C, after conveniri RV. conveniri] conuenire H. 
Ulixe] Ulyxe R, Ulysse V. excesserant] Oxf. [Or.’s V! excesserat] vita 
quamquam] BO, uix aliquem H, om. L, iwxta aquam N. quem] om. BHT. 42 
colamus| colarnus Oxf. ti] hit Oxf. [Or.’s ABV], hi YT. interiores } 
antiquiores N. antiquissimum] Herculem add UTHNV,. Love natum] 
TIowem natum IL Oxf. [Or.’s B], natum T. item Iove antiquissimo] ant. it.I. UY 
LOrcar Ioues] iouis M Oxf. [Or.’s A'BPV], plures Hercules adds N. Grae- 
corum] graecum B, om. L. litteris| libris N. et] om. H. Lysithoé] 
Creuzer, lysito B, lisico TH, licito U, lisito Oxf. OILMC, lisitto N, lysico R, 
liscito V, lyscito V,. is] his B, om. MR. Apolline] App. MCR. 
accepimus] Oxf. [Or.’s V corr. ex accipimus]. aiunt] om. B, agunt L. = Phry- 
gias| frigias BC Oxf. Idaeis Digitis] Oxf., eis digitis H, Idacis indigentis L, 
ideis indigetis 0, indeis indigitis U, deis indigetis NR, ydaeis indigetis TV, 
ydaeis indigenis ‘exemplar guerini habet digitis”’ V,. cui] cum H, cur (by 
corr.) T. Quartus] UMOCRV, Cui quartus T Oxf. BHI, Cui quartus est L, Qui 
quartus est N. _—Lovis est et Asteriae] asteriae est Iovis UT, est om. H, est Asteri 
ex touis I, est before Iouis CO. et Asteriae] CO, om. et Oxf. others. sororis| 
Jilius adds C. qui Tyri...colitur] quem (quam N) Tirii...colunt UILONV. 
Carthaginem] Cartaginem BMC, Karthaginem H Oxf. in India] in om. B, 
ex India I, in media L, invidia Oxf. Belus } bellus HN, hic] hic est U, 
hic qui T [Or.’s B]- Alcmena] [Or.’s X], Alcumena MV, Alcumenta C, 
Corssen 11. 131. ferunt] fertur 0. Loves etiam] etiam om. H, Loves 
esse L, etiam Ioues C, jovis etiam Oxf. [Or.’s V]. accepimus| Oxf. 

XVII. deduxit] deducit (misprint) Klotz. matorum] malorum B. 43 
capedunculis] pecudunculis B, capendunculis R. iis] om. Oxf. BHMCRV, 


his UYILV,, is N. quam rationibus]| B+, [quam refersit rationibus 
Or.’s © in marg.]. ei] eis B qui me] prime Oxf. deae ? 
si Nymphae] om. HY. Panisci] MO Oxf., panes BC, panisor L, Pana V, 
Panasci V,. et] om. TM Oxf. [Or.’s V]. deae quidem] Oxf., quidem deae 
UTH, quidem om. I. igitur] om. UMCRV. At] om. Had [Or. Ss V | Oxia; 
text V,, aut T. earum]| dearum MRU. Ne ceteri| Oxf., Nec cet. BH, 
igitur ne cet. CR, Quid igitur? ne cet. others, except Nom. ne...dedicata. qui- 
dem] om. H. ergo] om. MCR. deos numeras] C, deum n. others, after 
porro in IOLUY. Orcus frater eorum deus] ortus sunt eorum dii H, for 
Orcus, Orchus V, for eorum, earum V, text V,. ili] ili fluwit C. JSluere] 
fuerunt H, fluunt UYOL [Or.’s P]. dicuntur] dicunt HN, om. LOUY [Or.’s P]. 
Cocytus] caythus B, cohatus N, cocitus Oxf., [cocythus Or.’s BCV]. Styx] om. 
BMNOCUY. Pyriphlegethon] piri flegeton Oxf. BC, flegeton H, pirius flegeton 
44.N, phiegeton RV. di] dit sunt B [Or.’s C]. id quidem repudiandum] hi 
repudiandi C, id quidem repudiandi V, text Vj. Orcus] ortus H. igitur | 
_ dicitur M, deus C. dicitis] dicam B, dicitur N. ergo] om. Oxf. Haec] 
Oxf. [hac Or.’s V], hic H. aiebat] 0, agebat BHMCRV Oxf. aiebat (2nd)] 
agebat BM Oxf. [Or.’s V*]. ii] hi BH, hii Oxf. negari] O, id negari H. 
colunt ad occidentem] ad oc. col. UT [Or.’s P]. Caelum] Caelium MR. a 
genealogis] a genealogiis Oxf. UT HMCV, age nologiis N. antiquis|] om. H. 
Dolus| Z, Dolor 0 Ernesti. Metus] UNCRV,, modus TBHIL, et modus 0}, et 
mondus O07, motus Oxf. MV. Labor] before metus NO. Invidentia] In- 
uidia HR. Querella] [Or.’s V7], querela B Oxf. [Or.’s CE], quaerela V [quae- 
rella Or.’s ABV']. Erebo| herebo ©, natos erebro Oxf. natos ferunt | 
Fferunt Oxf. illa tollenda] t. i. UY. 

45 XVIII. Aristaeus] Aristeus V [Or.’s ACV]. dicitur] after inventor VUY. 
Apollinis| Apollini B. Theseus qui] BUT, teseus qui 0, Theseusque MR Oxf. , 
Theseus Davies from Cod. Med. reliqui quorum] reliquorum Oxf., reliquique 
gc. di...matres] om. R. matres| deae adds C. iure| Walker, in 
iure Z Oxf. 0. est matre libera] de matre libera est UYO. item] ita H. 
jure] de jure UY. dea matre|] BM, matre dea C, de dea matre OUTV, dea 
matre quae Oxf. Astypalaeenses] astypalis non se B, om, (lacuna) H, asti 
pallis in se M, astiphalis N, Astipalenses C, Astypalis Nisae R, Astiphalissa V, 
astifalisa O, Astipalissea V,, astipalinse Oxf., astipalisse UY. insulani] om, 
(lacuna) H, insula NVUTO. sanctissime] B Oxf., sanctissinum HLOVY. 
colunt] colit OV. Rhesus] hesus B, esus HI, estus T, eseus L, essus O (in 
marg. museus), Theseus Oxf. UMNCRV. maritumae] maritandaene heae L, 

46 maritumne 0, maritimae hae T, maximae hae U. Si] Sed MR Oxf. honores | 
Oxf. BO. immortalitatibus B, immortalibus LNOV. putas| putes RV, 
text V). Hecatam]| Hecatonam H, Hecatem MRV, etatem 0, heccatam Oxf. 
sorore| soror N [Or.’s P]. ejus] et T. Athenis fanum] Oxf., atheis 
fatuwm (in marg. fanum) 0, fanus B. interpretor] interpretator B, inter- 
pretorum Oxf. — lucus] Oxf. locus B, locos L, lucos O. Furinae Furiae] 
Oxf., furmie furiae H, Furiaene UTIL, Furiae Furinae N. deae sunt] Oxf., 

47 desunt N, sunt deae UY. Natio] Oxf. BHLV, Nascio V, others, [ratio Or.’s V]. 
cui] cuius HV). circumimus] [Or.’s ABCV], circuimus BHMCRV Oxf. [Or.’s 
EP]. in agro] magni B. Ardeatt] Ardeatino LCVY. commemora- 


bantur] commemorantur TO, commemorabuntur H [Or.’s P]. mens] mens et UY. 
onniaque quae] O Oxf. nobismet] nobis ILO. ipst] om. IOL, ipsis 
Oxf. BUY others. possumus fingere] confingere possumus U, wolumus con- 
Jingere wel possumus IOLYT. ne] nec VTU. 

XIX. accipimus] B Oxf. U, accepimus ONV. cur] qur M. in] O, om. 
HMRV, before eodem V, Oxf. Serapim Isimque] Oxf., S. hisimque B, S. ip- 
sumque H, Seraphim Isimque I, Seraphin et signae L, Seraphim usimque N. 
numeremus| numeramus C. cur] quur B, quum H. repudiemus] repu- 
diem H, repudiamus C. et equos| Oxf. ibis] ibi B, ibes et UT. acci- 
pitres] Oxf. B, ancipitres O. crocodilos] crocodillos BV,, cocodillos Oxf., 
corcodrilos T, crocodrillos ©, chocodrillos V,. felis] LCR [Or.’s BV"], faeles 
[Or.’s C] BHN, faelis [Or.’s AV?] M, phoenices 0, pheles Oxf., feles [Or.’s E]. 

numerum] BMCRV, numero HILNV, Oxf. UT. deinde] demum HIVUY, dein 48 

Vie Ino dea| Medea HIVUY. ducetur| B, diceret I, dicitur C, dicetur 
Oxf. UT others. et] Z [Or.’s X], quae Davies and other edd. Aevkodéa] 
leuchothea B, leuchotea Oxf. [Or.’s E], eulochorea (om. et) N, Leucothoa R, 
leucotea V, leucothea others [Or.’s ABV], [Leucathea Or.’s C, lechothea Or.’s P]. 
Matuta] Oxf., matura B, natura IN. dicetur] [Or.’s X] om, L, dicitur R Dav. 
Heind. Cadmi] eadem cadmi Oxf. Pasiphaé et Aeeta e Perseide] pasi- 
phe et eace perside Oxf., pasiphe et e Perside T, Pasipheae et heae e Perside B, 
Pasiphe et hesperidae H, pasife et erperides 0, Pasiphae et epside I, Pasiphae et 
eperside L, Pasiphae et ceae perside M, Pasiphae et he hesperide N, Pasiphae et 
cee C, Pasyphae et cee Perside R, Pasiphae et eee e Perside U, Pasiphae ct hespe- 
rides V, ‘‘exemplar guerini habet et aeaeae’’ V,, Pasiphae et Aeetes e Perseide 
Ernesti. filial] filiae TUBHLNV, jilie nate Oxf. Sole] Oxf., solo UH, 
solae M, et persida Oceani filia here C. Circen] Oxf., Circem BN, Cir- 
ceienses] Cercienses BC, Circienses RMV Oxf., circenses O. ducis] B, dicitis HG, 
dicis Oxf. UT others. avis] annis N, vis Oxf. Oceano] occeano NC Oxf. 
Aeeta patre matre Idyia] et a patre matridyla B [Or.’s ABCP], et a patre matri- 
dila TLOMRV Oxf. [Or.’s EV], patre et matre H, et patre et matre N, et patre mar- 
tigena C, et a patre matre dea UV, et a patre matre idyia Vp». est] om. H. 
Absyrto] Absyrtio [Or.’s ACEP] UBHV,, obsirtio Oxf. [Or.’s V'], obscircio M, 
abscisio T, ab sircio C, Absirtio V [Or.’s BV?]. Aegialeus] argileus H, [egia- 
levis Or.’s B], egialeus V, text Vj. usitatius| est us. HR. Ino] Iuno H, 
uino I, homo N. Trophonius] triformis Oxf. in Boeotia] in Boetia 
C Oxf. [Or.’s CEV], inbo etiam B. ullos| 0. si sunt] sunt si B, si om. R. 
hi] wR. Erectheus] B, Ericteus H, aratheus M!, eratheus Oxf. M?, erateus N, 
Erictheus COR, Eritheus V, text V,. quid aut} quid autem UT. patriae 
libertate] libertate patriae TU. memoriam] memoria B. Erectheus| 
erecteus Oxf., eritheus T, ericteus O, aerictheus M. Jiliaeque] O, illi aeque B, 
jiliae hi aeque M, filie eque Oxf. Leontidum] V,, Leonaticum Oxf. Z, ex- 
cept Leonarticum H. Aewxépiov] Clavel, Leochorion B, Leuconon T, Leo- 
corion others. Alabandenses quidem] BM Oxf., alabandis is quem H, 
alabandes is quidem 0. Alabandum] Alabandi H. quos| nos B. non | 
om. B. ut] om. Oxf. ei] eius B. molestus] Oxf., molestius BR 
[Or.’s C]. esse confirmaret| confirm. esse UT. 

XX. dea est] Oxf. [Or.’s V, deest Or.’s V']. errantes| om. Oxf. nume- 
rum] naturam R. Arqui] OR, arcui Oxf., arei B, arcus UTHNV, anus I, 

MC: Iii, 4 





atqui L, arci others. speciem quia causam] OUT Oxf. Z, causam quia spe- 
ciem V;. habet| Ernesti, habeat Z, except om. H. Thaumante] Thawmantem 
B, et athamante H, tamuante C, Taumante R, Thaumate V, text V,. esse] 
Oxf., om. CRV, Jris esse Ant. Augustinus. nata] O, natus C. Arcus | 
arquus R. coloratis| Davies, coloratus Z Oxf. 0. centauros] cen- 
taurus B. rettuleris| retuleris BCRV, intuleris H. dei putandi| det 
putandi sunt TH Oxf., sunt dei putandi V. SJluctibus| fructibus Oxf. [Or.’s 
PV]. consuerunt] T, consueuerunt HLN. Ian] Tam BHMO, Tamen NV, 
text Vj. Sin] BL [Or.’s ABCEP], in U Oxf. HV [Or.’s V], ni M, nisi CR, Si O 
Heindorf. mare] H, mater Oxf. T BHLMCV, et mater I, text V,, matri O. 
etiam quem] etiamque BO, etiam om. I, etiam et quem V, text Vj. Maso| 
Marius H, Marso marsus C, Marso UY Oxf. others, Naso V,. in augurum] 
mauguren Oxf. Anienem] R, anemonem UT Oxf, BLNC, anemorie H, anenio- 

- nem MV, Anionem V, Heind., Almonem Ursinus. Nodinum] nodutum 



H, adumen N, nodnium R. in inmensum] in om. B, immensitatem aliquam 
LUY. reciptemus| O, recipimus B, accipiemus MV, text Vj. horum] 
BHMO, corum nomina O. 

XXI. illos] om. Oxf. etiam] agam TL, agi etiam U, om. C. ti] hi 
TH, duos (ii being read as a numeral) UMCRV,, om. Oxf. Arcadia] Archadia 
C Oxf. [Or.’s EV], ex archadiam 0. patre Aethere] p. aetherae B, de patre O. 
Caelo] Caelio UY. Minervam] iniveram Oxf. Cretensem] cretens est B. 
Atvécxovpo] Dioscorte B Oxf., Dioscoridae HLV, dioscoridem YT, vistoride I, 
Dioscorce M, discordiae N, Dyoscori C, Dioscuroe R, Dioscuri V,, diescoure O. 

rege Jove] J.r. T. "Avaxes] Swainson, anacthes B, anathes 0, anacet HN, 
ana tres 1, Anactes Oxf. MCRV, anaces V,, “Avaxres Clavel. Tritopa- 
treus| UY Oxf. MRV, Trito patreus B, Tricopateus I, T'ritropatreus C. Tri- 
topatreus...nati] om. HLNO. Fubuleus] Oxf., eubules B, euboleus UI. 
Dionysus] Dionisius BC [Or.’s BCEV], Dyonysius M, Dionysius RV. duo] 
C, om. others. et Leda] ex Leda NV, text V,, et ex L. UY. a non- 
nullis] an non nullis B, Antenulus MR. Alco] O, Alco ILV, a leo N. Me- 
lampus] manelippus I, mencilapus L, malapus O. et Tmolus| Davies, 
Emolus TBILOV, ciuolus H, emollus N, Euiolus MR, evio lis Oxf., Eureolus U, 
et Emolus C, Eniolus V,. filii] Oxf., filius N, [ili Or.’s AV#]. altero 

et Neda] Creuzer, altero natae et B, alte nata H, altero nata et Oxf. 
TILMCV, altitonante et N, altero nata ex UR, altero et ex Vj, altero natae Baiter 
omitting natue before Iove. Thelxinoé Aoede Arche Melete] theixinone 
cede archemel et hae B, ethei none noe de archamelote H, torxineo est de archime- 
lete I, tetvinoe de archimelete T, teixinoneo edearche melete U, tersimeone de archi- 
melete O, teixineone de archimenalete L, Theixinoneo Edearche Melete MR, 
eisimoneo edearche melete N, etheixinoneo et edearche et melete C, Thelximone — 
edearche melete V, teximus eo ede arche melete Oxf. et Mnemosyne...tertiac | 
om. H. Mnemosyne] nemosine T Oxf. BMCRV, memorie N, Mnemosine V,. 
tertiae] Gronovius, tertiae Joue tertio UBMNCRV Oxf., tertia a Ioue Terphopierie 
I, Tertio Ioue tertio pieriae LY and (omitting 2nd tertio) 0. PHCT Oc Omics 
Pierio HV, pyerio N, om, &. Pierias| plerias B Oxf., pilia H, pelias I, pere- 
lias L, proelias 0, prelias T. et eodem] BHIV [Or.’s V7], eodemque C, eodem 
Oxf. [Or.’s V'] others. quo] quos B Oxf., quod T. proximae] IM, maxime 
V, proxime O others. quia] Oxf., co quod MC. appellatum] BO, appel- 


latus Oxf. MV. Hyperione] hyprione B, ex pione I, Hipione R, hisperione 
Oxf. Volcano Nili] woleanoni B. Heliopolis] Oxf., el. B [Or.’s AC]. 
is| [corr. fr. his Or.’s V], his B, om. L. quem] Oxf., qui LMCRV,. Cerca- 

phum Rhode peperisse dicitur patrem Ialysi Camiri Lindi unde Rhodit] Swainson, 
acantorhodi p. d. ialisyeameri tinderhodi B, (lacuna) p. d. et alist cameritinde 
rhodi H, a cantu redi se periisse d. Thalista meritui derthodi If (only that T 
ends with tinderthodi), acantu redi p. d. thaliscei meritindetthodi L, acantii rodi 
p. d. talisca meritum tertodi 0, Achanto (Athanto R) peperisse Ialyst Cameritinde 
Rhodi MRU (only that U has camerinde), achanto rodi p. d. yliasi chamerintide 
rodi N, dicitur genuisse achandorodi hialisi chameri tinderhodi ©, a canto rodi p. 
d. ialyst cameritraderodi Oxf., Achanto Rhodi p. d. Ialysi cameritinde rhodi V. 

quintus—fertur] om. Oxf. Colchis] colohis B, Cholchis ©, Aeetam] 
etam BC, aeram H, oetam MV, aeream N, Oetham R, et amet Oxf. Circam] 
B Oxf., certam O, cicam N, Circen R, circem V. 

XXII. Caelo] caelio UY. Apollinem] dicunt Ap. natum C. Nilo] 
MRV, in Nilo Oxf. TBIOC, et in L. Phthas| Opos B, Apis C, Opas Oxf. UTO 
others. esse Aegypti] egipti esse Oxf. UT, Aegyptii esse C, esse Aegyptii V, 

[Or 6: Vv 10 traditur] fertur HN, dicitur LUY. Menaeno] Swainson after 
Creuzer, me malio B, Memalio HMRV Oxf., menalaio L, manalio O, in emalio NC, 
Mimatio V,. Die] uia I, dia NOV (Or.’s P] UY (the two last also put natus 
before Dia). obscenius] obscenis UT. Coronidis] Davies, foronidis 
BLOC, Phoronidis Oxf. HRV,, feronidis M, phoroni diis N, pheronidis V. is | 
Oxf. [Or.’s V7], his B [Or.’s BV]. idem] Item B. tertius Jove tertio 
natus] tertio jove tertius natus Oxf. [Or.’s A?]. Maia] mala B Oxf. mola H. 
Penelopa] B Oxf., Penelopana N, Penolapa R, Penolopa V, [Poenelopa Or.’s AV]. 
Pana] B, om. THLONC [Or.’s A?P]. natum] natos C. ferunt] fuerunt 
B. nefas| nephas CR [corr. from nefans Or.’s AV]. Pheneatae] feneatae 
B Oxf. [Or.’s CV], jinere H, fenete C, feneate V [Or.’s E]. gui] argentum in- 
wenisse et adds R, Argum dicitur interemisse] interemisse argentum dicitur 
Oxf. Argum] BO, argentum HM. Aegyptum profugisse] B, Aegypto pro- 
fuisse H, Aegypto praefuisse UTLONCV, Aegyptum praefuisse MR Oxf. Thoth] 
theyr BM, them THI, tem O, thein LV,, thei N, their UCRV Oxf. eodemque] 
eodem MCRV [Or.’s V]. Apollinis] Ap. filius C. Arcades] archades 
[Or.’s V] Oxf. HCV, text V,. specillum] Oxf., speculum BUTNOV [Or.’s PV?]. 
obligavisse] alligasse ILUT. Cynosuris] 0, gynosuris B Oxf., gignosuris C, 
ginosuris M, Cinosuris V, text Vj. Arsippi] arsipi B, Arisippi TV,. Arsi- 
noae] Ars filius C, Arsinoe V [Or.’s ABC]. alvi dentisque evolsionem] om. B. 
lucus] O Oxf., locus H [Or.’s V"], lucis N. 

XXIII. Apollinum...Venere tertia (60)] om. L. is| his B, om, M. antea 
e] [Or.’s ABCV] Oxf. BMCR, ante e [Or.’s EP] ION, ante ex V. esse] om. B. 
Corybantis] chorib. BC, Corib. V, text V,. Delphos] delfos Oxf. Noor] 
nomonem UH, monnonem I, Nomion V,, nomionem T Oxf. others. pennatum] 
[Or.’s BE] THC, pinnatwm others. genuisse dicitur] genuit UT. notior } 
maior V, text V,, [nitior Or.’s V"}. accepimus] accipimus UT [Or.’s P]. 
tertiae pater Upis...Cupidinem secundum natum accepimus (59)] om. B [Or.’s C]. 
tertiae] tertia H. pater Upis] Oxf., pater rupis H, patempis I, pater Opis Vj. 
saepe Graeci] Graect saepe UT early edd, Upim] wperum H, iupiter I, 







Opim V,. Dionysos] dionysios THV, dionisios € [Or.’s E], dyonisios [Or.’s 
A’P]. Nysam] Nisam Oxf. CV [Or.’s V]. Cabiro] ea primo H, Capro 
UMRV,, Capreo N, Caprio CV Oxf., capio 0, caprino T. cui Sabazia] cuius 
abameas insti H, cuius Abazea IMR Oxf., cujus abazia T, cuius ab area NC, cuius 
abarea VOU, cuius henazea V,. Nyso] Swainson, Niso Z. Thyone] chione 

59 N, Thione CR [Or.’s BE]. Elide] eli MV, Celi R, text Vj, eliatae O. Elide 
delubrum] elidulubrum Oxf. vidimus] 0, uidemus UMN [Or.’s V"]. Mer- 
curio] mercurius Oxf. tertia] tertio Oxf. [Or.’s B]. Et Diona] et Diana 
BN Oxf., a Diona C, et Dione V, text Vj. et Marte] marte Oxf. Anteros | 
Oxf. BO, ante ros H, Antheros V, [anteneros Or.’s A*B*]. Syria] Scythia H, 
Siria C, sirio Oxf. Cyproque] V,, cyroque UBH, ciroque TICR, siroque Oxf., 
Cyrroque MV, cirraque N. proditum] praedictum V, text V,, traditum UT. 
apollinis] Oxf., Apollonis [Or.’s AV"]. Aegyptii] egiptiis B. Saitae | 
alete B, selatae TH, salete UMOCRYV, solete Oxf., sallete N, text Vj. quam | 
quae B. a] UTBO, om. Oxf. M. Coryphe Oceani] corufescem 
B, coru ferociani Oxf., corrufice Oc. N, Corufe Oc. [Or.’s X] UC, Coruphe Oc. R, 
Coriphe Oc. V. Kopiav] Corian BMR, corio N, Coriam Oxf. others. ferunt| 
nominant Oxf. Pallantis] palantes Oxf., palantis UY. pennarum] C, 

60 pinnarum others. + qui idem est] quidem est Oxf. Z, except om. I. An- 
teros] antheros Oxf., [anteneros Or.’s A*B*], antenneros 0. atque haec] et 
haec Oxf. aliaque| atque Oxf. MCRV, om. UTBHIL, et N. non refellunt | 
non om. HLT. quicque] quidque B. 

61 XXIV. Num] non H, nonne Oxf. huius modi] ILM'N, eius modi BM?CRV 
Oxf., huius H. aut enim in nobismet insunt] Oxf., in nobis autem insunt T 
and (adding met before insunt) LO. yt mens... optandae nobis sunt] om. LY, 
ut fides, &c.] ut om. throughout H. ut spes| om. CRU. ut salus ut] 
salus H Oxf., et salus et 0. rerum] om, MCV. utilitatem] utilitate 
MCRV Oxf. video] widetis UHV,. video etiam] video om, MCRV Oxf. 

62 in eis] Oxf., in his UT. explicatio| LMO Oxf., explanatio BC. Exsec- 
tum] B, exectum L, etectum N, Caelum] Caelium CRVU, Caelum—jilio om. T. 
vinctum] wictum N, iunctum V, text V,. ita] Z, except om. N, vos ita Heind. 
from Cod. Glog. it qui] BO Oxf., [hi qui UT Or.’s BP, ti quiqui Or.’s A'EV!, 
ii quiquam Or.’s C]. vortit] suertit THV!, wertit others. minatur | 
minuatur LNT. quid Veiovi] quidne Ioui UHCV,, quidue Ioui Oxf. MRV, 
quidne Iouis N, quid Jovi YT. ductum] dictum BHY. magis tw mtht 
natare visus es] (reading videris for visus es UT), tu mihi magna narrare uideris L, 

63 tu mihi uere uisus es N, tu mihi magis natare uisus es C. vocabulorumque] C, 
uocabulorum others. quique ita appellati sint] C (except cuique), quique ita 
appellatum sit B, quique ita appellant cum sit Oxf., quisque ita sit appellatus H, 
quique ita appellatus sit L, quique ita appellantur unde sit M (and U, only reading 
appellatunde), quisque ita appellatus sit NO, quicque ita appellatur unde sit R, 
quique ita appellati sit V, quicque ita appellati sit V,. atque] adque B. 

XXV. non modo] N, non solum ©, modo om. Oxf. others. ad] et Z Oxf. UT, 
et Orbonae ad Manutius from MSS. of Maffeus and Sigonius and so the 
Bologna edition of 1494. Larum] Larium V,, larum est Oxf. Exquiliis|’ 
HLMO Oxf., equilus B, esquiliis CR, ex quibus U, “exemplar guerini habet ex 

64 quibus” V,. a philosophia pellatur] M Oxf., a philosophi appellatur B, a philo- 


sophis appellatur HILONUY, a philosophis pellatur Hervag. et] Swainson, ut 
Z, atque Moser. dicamus digna dis inmortalibus] dicali usu igna his inmor- 
talibus B, dicali usu ignais immortalitatibus Oxf., dicamus digna dis om. (lacuna) 
H, dicali usu ignaris inmortalibus TIL and O reading mortalibus, dicali usu loqua- 
mur UMOR, dic alio usu igneis immortalibus N, dicali usu loquimur ignaris mor- 
talibus V, dicali usu is interpreted ‘‘more usitato loquendi ac uulgari” by Vj. 

quod...quod] Ernesti, quid...quid Z Oxf. autem] etiam MCRV. cum] 
om. Oxf. per mare] O Oxf., permanere B. pertinentem H, pergentem 
TLONV [Or.’s P]. idem de Cerere] id detrahere H, [idem decedere Or.’s V"]. 
suspicione] suspitione HIL Baiter, so Fleckeisen in Plautus but see Corssen 1. 56. 
Itaque] idque B. est] om. B. ut et esse] MOHL, et ut esse B Oxf. 
discere| discedere B, disce cognoscere H, discere et cognoscere R. possim] Oxf., 
[possum Or.’s E]. quales| BO, quam quales RV Oxf. [Or.’s V?]. eos | 
om, R. deorumne] Oxf., deorum B, an deorum H. providentia] M Oxf., 65 
prudentia TOB. consulantne di] BC, consulantne de OL, consulaturne MR, 
consulantne H Oxf. others. partitione| participatione C, partione Oxf. 
vobis] nobis Oxf. U. et tis] CR [Or.’s B°CV], ex his H, et his UY Oxf. others. 
fateare| fatur a te 0. nequaquam] nec ILY. istuc| M, istud HNO. 

istac ibit] his tacebit B, ista haec ibique Oxf., isthac ibit H, citabit I, ista citabit 
LO, istaec ibit MV, is tacebit C, ista stabit T. 

XXVI. An Medea] Swainson, Niobem B, om. H, An Niobe UTILV,, an 66 
iobem M, anioben Oxf., aniobe 0, molem N, Inobem C, anniobe R, a niobe V. 
parum] LV,, parumne Oxf. others. volt esse quod] om. Oxf. esse] om. 
BHMOCRVUY. volt] uolo V, text V;. ita dat] om. O. se res] feres Oxf. 
versus] usus H, verus UT. Ille traversa] ille transfusa H, ille transuersa 
Oxf. ULMNR, ille inquit transuersa C, illa tamen uersa V, illa transuersa Vj. 
mente| in mentem HN. mi hodie] Oxf., mihi hodie BHRV, hodie om. L, hodie 
micht N, michi hodie C. pernitiem] Oxf. dabo|] dabis B, om. Y. 
luctum] lucrum H. exitium] M, exitum BHLO Oxf. vos| nos B. Medea] 67 
itidem Media C. ut] om. H Oxf. puerum] quercum Oxf. articulatim] 
particulatim UTO. dispergit] dispargit MRV, text V,, cf. Corssen 11. 399. 
dissipatos] disputatos B [Or.’s C]. ut] et UYHV,, om. L. tardaret | 
traderet LN. salutem] ipsa generaret add ILY. pareret] Oxf., pararet 
MORV, praestaret U. ut] et B. ne ratio quidem] nec r. quidem MV,, 68 
nec r. quid V. 

XXVIII. inlexe] illexe Or.’s V? Oxf. HMO, illese U, illexie LY, ilexe Or.’s V!, 
illesisse N, illexisse CV. re in] Oxf. [Or.’s ABEPV], in re in B [Or.’s C1, in re 
UT Or.’s C7]. coinquinari] O Oxf., quo inquinari B, conquinari H, coinqui- 
natu R. regias contaminari] regiam cont. Oxf. UIMRV, om. C. ac 
misceri] Ribbeck, admisceri ZUY. At] Oxf., Ad HLCY. id] id quidem U. 
caelestum] scelestum HI, caelestium V. stabilimen] stabilimum H, stabili- 
mentum NR, stabilimem C. Quem clam] UTR, Quem clari H, Quem dat N, 
quem dant Oxf., Quem dicunt C, Quendam BMO others. Thyestem] thiestem 
BV, thiesten C, hyestem Oxf., thyestes UY. clepere| depere BH, Cleopatra N, 
marg. only C. ausum esse] esse ausum HN, aussum esse C, ausus est UT (est 
after regia U). Qua] a qua UTBHLM, aqua Oxf., esse aqua 0, At qua R. 
in re] inire U. conjugem cepit| adjungere tempus O, referta] refercta M. 69 


saepe| Manutius, semper 2 Oxf. UT. omnino] animo B, datam] natam 
HNY. Ut] om, B. spe] spem B, saepe H. est] Schémann, sit 
70 Oxf. U0Z, except sunt H. salutaris| salutaria H. tam] om. UY. dis} 

_Oxf., is C, his V. iis [Ors Cl, lis. V Oxi. 1 | OL.s BBP). ulli sunt esse] M, 
ulli sint esse Oxf, B, welis interesse H, ullis interesse LY, ulli interesse O, illi sint 
esse N, 

XXVIII. nemini] nulli UY. Quisquanine| M Oxf., quisquam BH, quis TO 
[Or.’s BI. istuc] istud Oxf, O. nocere Deianira] O, n. demaira Oxf., [n. 
Dianae ira Or.’s B], nocere de laniaria L, D. nocere R. cum ei] O, cui B, 
Pheraeo\ ferro N, phereo V, ferreo . Tasoni is] Oxf., tason his B, Iasoni HN, 
Iason CO, Zason is R. potuerant] Oxf. [-runt Or.’s V7], poterant CVY. si 

71 is] si his B [Or.’s P]. aut suscipitur] Oxf. T, aut scelus suscipitur UHRV,, 
aut suspicitur C. id est] uel B. vera| uera est RV,|U. a deo] adeo 
RV. bonam] bona B (YT, which also has ratio and bona below). nobis | 
vobis Oxf. Non enim ut] non ut enim B, ideo ne sicut cui H. Quid] 
quin B. potius] notius M [Or.’s V], nocuis Oxf, nocentius C, craven 
is M [Or.’s B], his [Or.’s E] TY. his] is © [Or.’s AV’, tis CV]. 

XXIX. Medea] O Oxf., Mledia LN. commemorabantur] M, commemora- 
batur Oxf. B, commemorabitur O. heroicae| Oxf., haeroicae V, [hieroicae 
Or.’s V]. inita subductaque} Oxf., wicta subductaque UMR, inita seductaque N, 
prouictaque C. ratione| persona uel ratione ILT, after ratione Oxf. inserts 

72 from below qui in amore—inopia, comicae| MO, comitiae N, comice B. 
saepe] Madvig, semper Z Oxf. after Hunucho, Oxf. om. quid—redeam. 
vero] om. B. Synephebis] sine febis B, sine febris Oxf. suave] si aue B, 
[st avo Or.’s C]. in liberos] illiberos B, in libros ©, nec amet] MO Oxf., 

73 necari et B, necom, H. tui] sui [Or.’s V'] Oxf. UMCRV, text V,. fructu] fletu 
H. = avertas| aduertas H. nomen| numen T. parco patre] Oxf., patre parco 
CRV,, patre pareo V. dissipes| BIUY, dissipas Oxf. others, dissipis O. 
neque ut inde] neque unde BU'T, nec autem H, neque quid inde Oxf. CR, nec quid 
inde VU?. ad eum] after machinam UY. commoliar| commolior [Or.’s P] 0. 
fallaciae] facile Oxf. Phormio| formio Oxf. Cedo| Oxf. om. B, credo YT. 
sunt mi] mihi sunt CRV, sunt TV. consilia omnia] o. c. mthi UY. 

74 XXX. sessum] sensum BO. it praetor] item precor B, ita precor L, in te 
precor O, ite precor MUYT Oxf. others. At id] Schtitz, ad Oxf. TBILOC, 
a MRV, id Davies. At id se Q. Sosius splendidus| assecutus Sosius U, asse- 
cutus festus H, assequitur Q. S. splendidus N, Q.] Quintus B, quare O. 
transcripserit] Oxf. IMC, transscripserit BL, transcripsit HNU. LL. Alenus} 
lalenus B, Lucius Alenus 0, Valerius H, L. Aienus MC Oxf., Labienus U, L. 
Labienus R, L. Aiemus V, L, Allienus V,. chirographum] cyrografum B 
[Or.’s BCE], cyrographum Oxf. MRV, cirographum C. homine] nomine IL. 
Tolosani] Oxf. [Or.’s EPV] HRV, tolossani B [Or.’s ABC], tholosani NC. Tugur- 
thinae] iugurtinae BV Oxf. [Or.’s V]. Tubuli] tribuli UH, tabula N, rubuli 
Oxf. capta]| rapta Oxf. iudicandam] indicandam Oxf. U. Pedu- 
caea tum] peduceatum © Oxf. veneni| C, wenena Oxf. UT others. de fide | 
de ex fide LO. tutelae] BO, wt utile H, tam utile M, tam utiles Oxf., et utile N, 
tum tutelae R. Jiduciae] f. id est depositi L. ex empto] exempto RV 
[Or.’s A]. Plaetoria] letoria BLMOCRV,, latoria Oxf., lectoria INVUY. 


everriculum] BO, et uerriculum Oxf. UMCRV, uerticulum N, uerriculum Vj. 
everriculum malitiarum omnium] om, H. Aquillius] B, Aquilius C, acquilius 
Vv. a dis] odiis Oxf. sementim] B, seueritatem L, stam Oxf., sementem 75 
UY others, Corssen 11. 223. rationem] ratione Oxf. malitiam] malitia B, 
et malitiam RV. facinus] facimus Oxf., facinusque UY. illa anus| anus 
illa Oxf. Caesa accidisset abiegna] caesae accidissent ab igne Oxf. BC, caesae 
occidisset H, cecidissent abiegnae UO, cecidissent ab igni LY, caesae cecidissent 
abiegnae MRV, sese cecidissent N, caesa cecidisset abiegna Vy. ipst] tipsis B. 

XXXI. gubernator vim] gubernatorum B. etst hi] M Oxf., et sibi B, et 76 
hii B, etsi ii R, et si is O, etsi L. tamen] tam Oxf. si ista] Oxf. [Or.’s 
v2, sed ista Or.’s BV']. ais] animis T. dedisses| BO, dedisse H. qua] quia 
Oxf. Phaéthontem] phetontem Oxf., fethontem B, fetontem C, Phaetontem 
RV. aut] Oxf., aut ut C. Hippolytum] hyppolitum BV, ippolitum C. 

a] om. B. Ut] Davies, et Z Oxf. UT. esset] Madvig, est Z Oxf. UT. 77 
Aristo Chius] Aristo Cius B, Aristoycus L, Aristochius V Oxf., Aristo Cous Vj. 
asotos| afotos Oxf. acerbos e] acerbose Oxf., accerbo sew B, a ceruo et ©, 
acerbos et URV. schola] scola CV [Or.’s EV]. philosophorum—qui se] 
om. B, philosophos] 01, philosophus 07, philosophis Z. tis] his UTV Oxf. 
[Or.’s P, is Or.’s AB, hiis Or.’s V]. rationem] ratione Oxf. illam] 0, 78 
aliam B Oxf. dari] dali B. meracius| inertius V, meratius V, [Or.’s 
AC]. sic vestra ista] si curam istam B. providentia] Oxf. B, prudentia 
OR [Or.’s V*]. dederit| dederim B, dedit H. nomen] numen Davies. 

XXXII. after philosophorum om. majus—ponantur Oxf, quibus] om. 79 
Oxf. MRV, rest Vj. vos| nos B. after valere sic om. non—nemo 
sit Oxf. Ac] At V. nimis] om. UT. Telamo] calamo N, 
Telamon CV. locum totum] locum om. B. cur] ut B, quur H, om. 

C, utrum UV Oxf. male] om. Oxf. sin] si H. bonis] om. 80 
H, bonus is Oxf. duo| duos HCRV Oxf. Scipiones] Oxf., sipiones B. 
Hispania] hysp. B, Spaniam L. Maximus] Marius H, maximis Oxf. Han- 
nibal] B Oxf., Hasdrubal 0. Paullum] Paulum B. Poenorum crudeli- 
(ati) c..p. UY. praebitum] proditum H, [praeditum Or.’s B], traditum C, 
vetera] vera Oxf. [Or.’s V']. Drusus] drusos Oxf. Vestae] bestae B. 

est Q. Scaevola] Oxf., est quae Sc. B, Scaeuola est C, est Seuola V, est Quintus 
Scaevola U. ante etiam] etiam autem C, etiam ante UTV [Or.’s P]. perfi- 
diosissimus| perfidissimus N, perniciosissimus C, G.| GaN; O:|.0m-B10r 7s 
C]. iubere] iwuere B, jubet Oxf. deficiat] H, deficiet LOUTBN, me deficiet C. 81 
minus si] O, minus Oxf. commemorem] communi more H. Cur] Quur H. 
Marius] arius B. septimum] M Oxf., septimus B, septies THINOV,, decies L, 
septimo C. Cinna] cigna B. at dedit] at tedit C, [addedit Or.’s B}, 
-addidit B"]. 

XXXII. impedirique] impedireque B. cruciatu] cruciato B. sup- 
plicioque Q.] supplicioque quo T, supplicio C, [supplicio quae que Or.’s AV], sup- 
plicioque RV Oxf. Varius] Marius H. si] 0, sic BMV Oxf., sed UHLCRV,. 
quia] quidem T. ferro] febro H. Metellum] metallum H. poenas | 
poenis B. quadraginta] xl RV. annos Dionysius tyrannus] Dyonisius 
t. annos UYBILMC, annis D, t. HN, Dionysius t. annos Oxf. RV. opulentis- 




sumae] opulentis sume? B. multos] B, multas UYOLH. Graeciae] genere 
LN. Jjlore] om. L. At Phalaris] At phalatris B, ac Phalaris UTHRV, 
ad falaris M [Or.’s V], text V,, a. t. falaris Oxf. sustulit] tulit C, substulit 
Vv. acerbe] Oxf. O, acra ui H, [acerue Or.’s APV?]. Anaxarchum | 
O, anxarcum B Oxf. [Or.’s ACE, anxarchum Or.’s V]. Democriteum] Oxf. 
BORV, Democritum [Or.’s B] LY, diometricum 0, Democritium others. ex- 
carnificatum] excarnificatos TL. Eleae| helene H, [elete Or.’s A], eluce cce O. 

morti| mortem N, 

XXXIV. Harpalum] C. harpalum B, arpalum O. felix] 0, jfilica B, 
summus UHRV,, foelix I, fulia M Oxf., infelix panphilia N, in silua C, in Pam- 
phylia felix Heind. fanum] phanum Oxf. secundissimo vento] secun- 
dissime MV, secundissimum ©, text Vj. cursum] cursu B. ridens] om. 
RV. Idque| Lambinus, atque OUT Oxf. Z, except at quae V. qui cum 
MO Oxf., qui quod B. Peloponnesum] ML, peloponensum B Oxf. [Or.’s ABCV, 
pelopemensum E], pelopensem O. detraxit] Oxf., [detraxum Or.’s V]. or- 
narat| ornorat B. e manubiis| O Oxf., e manubiis is H, e manibus UIN, 
e om, C, ex m. V. Carthaginiensium] Cath. B [Or.’s C], Cart. Oxf. [Or.’s V] 
C, Carthaginensium V [Or.’s A, Karthaginensium Or.’s E]. Gelo] 0, Hiero 
IVUT. aestate| aestatae B. grave| grauem BYHOV Oxf. aptum] UM 
Oxf., om. BHOI, aptius (after tempus) T. omne] Oxf., omni B. anni | 
animi Oxf, diceret] deberet H. Aesculapii| MO, Aesculapi B. Epi- 

84 dauri] BO Oxf., Mpidaurei N, Epidaurii R. Idem] Iam Oxf. UBHMRV, 

Idemque ©, etiam Gulielmius, om. TO. . auferri| Oxf., aufferri R, auferi O 
[Or.’s BV!]. cum] N, quod BOY Oxf. others. Bonorum] beatorum H. 
pateras| patinas H. coronasque] CMORV Oxf., coronas B, et coronas H. 
quae| om. OL. simulacrorum.,..sustinebantur] s...sustinebant O [Or.’s P], 
simulacra...sustinebant TH. esse enim] enim om, MR. precaremur | 
precamur B. ab tis] ab hiis Oxf. [Or.’s V, ab is A, ab his BEP]. haec] 
haec omnia HR. edixisse| Oxf. dixisse BHLO. quicque] O, quique B, 
quodque RV, quisque UV, Oxf. sacri] a sacris Oxf. ZO. ad impietatem| 
Oxf., ad impletam B, quum adimpleta esset H, ad om. TLO, cum impietatem 
fecisset N. adiunxit] BO, auxit C, [injunrit Or.’s C}]. 

XXXV.  tabescentem] tabescente B, intabescentem LYU. atque] Oxf. 
in tyrannidis rogum] in Tympanidis rogum B, in timpanidis rogum YT, in Tym- 
panidis H, in Tympanidis regum I, in timpanidis regnum L, in tipanidis rogum 
Oxf., in typanidis rogum UM, in timpadis rogum N, in tumpadis rogum O, in 

85 timpanidis rogo ©, ‘al. in tympanidiis” Vj. et recte] UMRV, et om. T Oxf. 

BILC, recteque HN. esset| essent B. qua| quasi B. Ut enim] 
HLBO, Et enim [Or.’s V'] MCR Oxf., Etenim V, text Vj. ratione| Oxf., 
[rationem Or.’s AlV!]. divina] Bouhier, divina in homines Oxf. Z, except 

86 divina et hominis I. di| diine B. agellos] aiellos L, angelos N. uredo| 

urendo B. —grando] Oxf., [glando Or.’s V*]. cuipiam] TBO, quicpiam 
M, quidpiam H, quippiam LU Oxf. others. id Iovi] ideo in deos H, id noui C. 
ne] nec H. quidem] quia nec H. P. Rutilii sim HBL, p. retulii sum O, 
protulissem B, rutili M, rutilium Oxf. questus| Oxf., quaestus M [Or.’s AB], 
conquestus UY. 


XXXVI. hoc] haec UYHN, hic C. fructuum] Oxf., [ fructum Or.’s A'V']. 
id donum] Oxf., id om. MRV, rest V,. aucti] acti Oxf. nacti] B, only 87 
here. fortuiti] fortuitu B [Or.’s C]. tum dis] tamen diis C, [cum diis 
Or.’s E]. nostrae laudi assumptum] a.n. l. UT, [n. a. l. Or.’s P]. um- 
quam] magister N. At] aut H, ut Oxf. [Or.’s V7 “eadem manu’”’]. in- 
columis] incolumes B. et maximum] et om. V. ob eas] ab eas ©, [abeas 
Or.’s V#]. decumam] decimam H. vovit] deuouit L, novit Oxf. esset] 88 
essent] B. Pythagoras cum] Protagoras Oxf. in] om. B. quiddam 
novi] quiddam nouum HN, nout q. C. immolavisse] Oxf. BCR, immolasse 
OUT others. Apollini] apolloni B. Delio] Delphico H, [Deli Or.’s B']. 
hostiam] hostem N. sanguine] sanguinem B. petendam] putandam 
Oxf. quamvis licet] B, quamvis [Or.’s V7] Oxf. ULMORV, quamvis enim C, quis 
a Menti] nostra H. sita] ita BHMNRV Oxf. UT. prosperitates | 
prosperitas B. 

XXXVII. non] enim C. numquam] umquam B. bonos] bonus B. 89 
boni] om, M. arripimus attribuimusque] HLBO, ascribimus attribuimusque 
Oxf. UMNRV,, attribuimus ascribimusque C, ascribimus attribuimus V. Samo- 
thracam] B, Samocreta L, samocratam 0, Samotraciam CV, Samothraciam U Oxf. V, 
and others. dOeos] atheus UTBRV, archeus H. atque ei] ait ei LUY, 
ait eique O. quidam] 0, quidem R [Or.’s B?]. amicus] atticus UTIL, 
ornatus Oxf., eticus QO. multi] HM Oxf., multis BLO. tempestatis | 
potestatis B. in portumque] importunumque B. fit] sit R. NUS= 
quam] miseria B. naufragia] naufragium V. in eandem] in in eandem 
Oxf. navem] LO, nauim HN [Or.’s P]. ostendit eis] offendit ei L. 
quaesivitque] quae sui atque B. tis] his [Or.’s BP] UT Oxf., [hiis Or.’s V!, 
is Al. 

XXXVIII. At deo] 0, ac deo H, adeo L, [at deo with t in ras. Or.’s A]. ne] 90 
nec B. poenas| poenam HC. expetantur| L, expectantur OH [Or.’s V1], 
expectentur [Or.’s V7] Oxf. ULMNRV, exspectentur C. eae] haec H, heae C, 
hac UTRV [Or.’s P]. a nepotibus a] ac nep. a B, et nep. ac C, ac nep. ac R 
Oxf. B, a nep. ac V, a nep. O. civitas ulla] illa ciuitas HC, ulla civitas 
UY. condemnaretur] condempnaretur © [Or.’s V1]. avos| B, anus 
others. Tantalidarum] tantaludarum B, Tantali datus H, tanta ludorum 
I, Tantali N. quinam] quam Oxf. internicioni] internecioni BRV,, 
interemptioni N, interneconi C, internectioni V Oxf. paretur| pateretur Oxf., 
[pararetur Or.’s B corr, fr. paret]. mortem] morte B. Myrtili] Mirtili 
BC, imquam L, Mystili RV, text Vj. luendis—poetis] om. Oxf. satias] L, 
satietas BHCUT, societas N, sacietas V, saucias 0. supplict [Or.’s BC], sup- 
plicii BCLORV [Or.’s V, supplitii A, supplicy E]. et flagitia before ab utris- 91 
que UY. dicuntur LO, dna (dnr) H, [om. Or.’s P]. enim quem] enim Oxf. 
iambus] iambis BHC. continebat] continebit HN, retinebat L. Aegisthi] 
Aegisti BO, egisti V, egisthi V,, agesthi Oxf., [aegesthi Or.’s V]. cum] om. C. 
causam] causa B. requirimus} requiri H. paene] om. B [Or.’s C], 
poenae MV, [pene Or.’s B]. vocem] a deo add UCRV (from above). ego] 
ergo MCUY. Hippocrate] hyppocrate B, ypocrate Oxf. [Or.’s CE, ippocrate 
ABV]. judico] Oxf. LO, [judicio Or.’s VP"). ab Apolline] ab oepolline B, 
pocius ab App. C. a Lycurgo| a licurgo BV,, a liggurgo ©, Alycurgo R, a 






liqureo V. Critolaus] Coriotolaus N, Cryt. V, [critolavus Or.’s AV?]. in- 
quam] imquam B, nunguam N, inquit C. Corinthum] [corhintum Oy.’s AV], 
Corintum B, chorinchum ©, Corynthum V. Carthaginem] RV [Or.’s ABV], 
Cartag. B, chartag. C. Hasdrubal] IMR, Asdrubal BHV, Astrubal L, hanibal 
N. duo] duos BV [Or.’s V7]. maritumae| Mauritaniae H, maritimo L. 
effoderunt] effodere R, effuderunt Oxf. aliqui] B, aliquis HR, alicui LMOV 
Oxf. UY. deus| Lambinus Cod. Reg. of Davies and Cod. Fa. of Moser, dewm 
Oxf. Z, except diuum C. At] aut B, Oxf. certe] terrae H, om, C, 

XXXIX. deus om. V. ut enim] et enim R. Jingi] BO, jfigi MV Oxf. 
Ota s Vil, mutarique] mutari HLN. Neque] nec B. materiam | 
HL, materia Oxf. BOV, text V,. hanc] Oxf., haec BHLYO. posse] potest 
Ate nescit] nescis B. Wie) vice a Omaee ty eas| om. HR, aeas V. 
ne] etiam HR. gentes] HRV, sentis BILMCCV Oxf. [Or.’s PV]. COn- 
temnet] LO, contemnit HV,, contempnet C [Or.’s PV]. persequi idem] BO, 
persequi qui idem UC Oxf. [Or.’s V"], p. qui tidem RV. somnia] sompnia 
Oxf. BLO, omnia HMNCRV. Idcirco haec] Idcirco haec omnia TH, iccirco 
omnia haec V,U. tecum] tactum B. suscipt dicitis oportere] d. s. op. ©, 
s. op. d. V. non esse eam] eam om. TOR, eam non esse V. Fac] facit 
MR, fac ergo U. esse] curae (abbr.) Oxf. distentam] discentem I, dis- 
tantem L, distinctam N, distantiam MCR Oxf. deos] om. B. praeficit] 
praefecit CV Oxf. [Or.’s EV]. habui de natura] den. habui B. expli- 
catus] explicatis B, explicationes YT, 

XL. jfinem] fecit finem IUT, finem fecit MRV, f. fecisset C. Lucilius 
autem] et L. etiam L, Lucilius Balbus autem N. in eam] B, meram H, in 
airt O, in aream istam TI, in aeram istam L, in meram Oxf. UMRV, ‘‘al. in aram” 
marg. M, contra meram N. providentia] provintia B. providentissime | 
BM, praestantissime OL. nobis diem aliquem] Oxf. BV, nobis aliquam diem N, 
michi diem aliquem ©, diem nobis aliquam R. enim mihi] enim hoc H, enim 
hic [Or.’s P] T, enim hoe mihi UV. focis] foris MV, text Vj. diligen- 
tiusque] diligentius enim H, [diligentius Or.’s P]. cingitis] Oxf., [cincitis 
Or.’s AlV!]. desert a me dum] de seria medum Oxf. spirare]| sperare C. 
nefas| nephas Oxf. nos] vos Oxf, ab] B, a HON [Or.’s C, ad Or.’s B]. 
levia] Oxf., [levi Or.’s V']. 


BOOK Til. 


Introduction. Cotta regards the Stoic doctrine as deserving of 
more serious attention than the Epicurean. For himself he is content 
to believe as his fathers did: vf the Stoics profess to base their religion 
on grounds of reason, they must be prepared for criticism. 1 1—11 6. 

Ch.1§1. neque tam refellendi: ‘though not so much with the view 
of refuting you, as to ask for explanation’. For the adversative use of 
neque cf. above 11 95 nec tamen exissent; I 107 nec ea forma; Off. 1117 
deinceps se scripsit dicturum, nec exsolvit quod promiserat; Sall. Cat. 24 § 3 
aetas tantum modo quaestui neque luxuriae modum fecerat ; Nep. Them. 10 
§ 4 ait morbo mortuum, neque negat fuisse famam venenum sua sponte 
sumpasisse ; Caes. B.G. vil 62 § 8 (hostes) collem ceperunt, neque nostrorum 
nilitum impetum sustinere potuerunt (which is contrary to Hand’s rule that 
only the form nec is used by Caesar in this sense); Mayor on Plin. Lp. 
11 1§9; Hand Zwrs. Iv p. 104, Draeg. § 318. 7. | 

suo cuique judicio: the boast of the Academics, cf. 1 10. 

id sentire, quod tu velis: ‘to take the view which you would like 
me to take’, see Roby § 1536. 

§ 2. nescis: ‘you can’t think how eager I am to hear you’. For cum 
see Index. 

§ 3. sic mehercule: ‘yes, (I hope so) indeed, for I have a much more 
difficult task before me now’. Cf. Phil. 11 44 visne igitur te inspiciamus 
a puero? Sic, opinor, with Mayor’s n. Sch. quotes fin. 111 9, where see 

qui tandem: qui is also found without the verb below, § 36 gui magis 
(vultis), § 40 qui meliora (censetis). Cf. Dumesnil on Leg. 1 35. 

pugnare: see.I 75 n. and, on the question of the sincerity of Epicurus, 
I 85, 86, 123 with nn. 

invidiae : cf. invidiae detestandae gratia 1 123. 

ludere : 1123 ludimur ab homine, Tuse. 11 45 nos ab eo (Epicuro) deri- 
deri puto. 

60) BOOK III CH. I § 4 

$4. etiam si minus vera, tamen: Orat. 1109 non intellego quam ob 
vem, si minus lla subtili definitione, at hac vulgari opinione ars esse videa- 
tur; Phil. 1 78 ut cognosceret te, si minus fortem, at tamen strenuum. 

apta inter se: cf. 19 n. 

cogito—refellere: so Div. 11 144 proficisct cogitans, cf. Att. 119 Antium 
me cogito recipere, Hor. Hp. 1 2. 50, A. P. 144, Suet. Ver. 18. 

de singulis rebus—an universam: the contrast between the two 
methods of argument, that by continuous speech and that by analytical 
cross-examination, and the preference of Socrates for the latter, is familiar 
to the readers of the Protagoras and other dialogues of Plato. 

quae parum accepi: ‘which I did not quite catch’. For the use of 
ace see ex. i bi anid oS. es ve IT 2. 

ego vero: ‘to be sure’; so below § 5. 

$5. optime: cf. below § 20 and Reid Acad. 1 25 bene facis. 

ducet oratio: Sch. compares below § 43 dedusit oratio. 

Ch. 11. oratione—quae me cohortabatur: for similar personification 
cf. below § 85 invita in hoc loco versatur oratio. 

et Cottam esse et pontificem: cf. 11 2, 168. 

quod eo valebat: ‘the point of which was’ (lit. ‘the force of which 
pointed in this direction’); cf. Div. in Caec. 62 ista quaestura ad eam rem 
valet, ut elaborandum tibi in ratione reddenda sit; Hor. Sat. 11. 73 nescis 
guo valeat nummus; [Nipperdey on Nep. Them. 2 § 7 hoc responsum quo 
valeret; ib. 4 § 4 hoe eo valebat ut cogerentur; Quintil. 12 § 16; in Pliny 
and medical writers val. is frequently followed by ad. J. E. B. M.] 

opiniones, quas a majoribus accepimus: so Cic. in his own person 
Div. 11 148 majorum wnstituta tueri sacris caerimoniisque retinendis saprentis 
est; Harusp. Resp. 18 ego vero primum habeo auctores ac magistros religio- 
num colendarum majores nostros ; quorum mili tanta fuisse sapientia vide- 
tur, ut satis superque prudentes sint, qui ulorum prudentiam, non dicam 
assequi, sed quanta fuerit perspicere possint...deinde etiam cognovi multa 
homines doctissimos scpientisstmosque et dixisse et scripta de deorum immor- 
talium numine reliquisse: quae quamquam divinitus perscripta video, tamen 
ejus modi sunt, ut ea majores nostri docuisse illos, non ab illis didicisse 
videantur, see the whole passage ; also V.D. 161, 62 nn., 111 43, Leg. 1 19, 
Liv. xxx1x 15 (the speech of the Consul about the Bacchanalia) nu//i 
umquam contioni, Quirites, tam non solum apta, sed etiam necessaria haec 
solemnis deorum comprecatio fuit, quae vos admoneret hos esse deos, quos 
colere venerari precarique majores nostri tnstituissent, Tholuck on Heathen- 
ism p. 37 Eng. tr. in Clark’s Cabinet Series. Though this civilis theologia 
had sunk into a mere lifeless profession at the time when Cic. wrote, and 
was therefore adopted as a convenient screen by the Sceptics (see the 
passage from Sext. Emp. cited on I 62) and treated with deserved contempt 
by Seneca ap. Aug. C.D. v1 10; yet to Socrates and even to Plato it was 
still a valuable support of religious belief. See Xen. Mem. 1 3 § 1,1v 4 
§ 16, where Socrates bids his hearers follow the Delphic rule and worship 

BOOK III CH. I § 5, 61 

God in the mode ordained by the State (vou@ moAews), and the memorable 
vow in the Phaedo p. 118; and for Plato’s own view Leg. 717, Rep. 427, 
not to mention the somewhat ironical passage in the 7imaeus pp. 40, 41. 
We find Cotta’s dislike of reasoning on religion, his patronizing of the old 
tradition, exactly reproduced in the ‘Times’ for Aug. 23, 1879. ‘‘Men of 
the world and especially statesmen are content to accept tradition as it 
stands, to treat it with the respect which springs from customary rever- 
ence and historic feeling; but any attempt to make it the subject of 
inquiry or debate, to change it in reference to this disputed doctrine, or to 
defiantly flaunt it as the symbol of that new-fangled opinion, can only 
inspire them with grave sorrow at the strange and distorted perspective of 
the theological mind.” Precisely what Cotta might have said of any 
attempt to reform the religion of Rome. 

Coruncanium: named along with Scaevola as a high authority in re- 
ligious matters I 115, as especially dear to the Gods 11 165. Cic. cites an 
opinion of his Leg. 1 52. 

P. Scipionem: the editors generally understand this of P. Scipio 
Nasica, cos. B.c. 191, surnamed Optimus, because he was deputed, even 
before he had held office, as the worthiest citizen, to receive the statue of 
the Idean Mother at Ostia. It would seem however that it is his son, 
P. Scipio Nasica Corculum, mentioned above 11 10, who is here referred to. 
He became Pontifex B.c. 150 and is elsewhere described by Cicero as a 
master both of civil and pontifical law, see Or. 111 184 haec fuit P. Crassi... 
haec Tr. Coruncanii, haec proavi genert mei, Scipionis, prudentissimi homi- 
Nis, saprentia, qui omnes pontifices maximi fuerunt, ut ad eos de omnibus 
divinis atque humanis rebus referretur. The speaker here is Crassus; his 
son in law is P. Scipio Nasica, praetor B.c. 94, son of Nasica, who was 
consul B.c. 111, grandson of Nasica Serapio, the opponent of Gracchus, 
and great grandson of Corculum. (Optimus would have been not proavus 
but abavus of Crassus’ son in law.) Compare also Cato 50 quid de P. 
Lneinii Crassi et pontificit et civilis juris studio loquar aut de hujus P. 
Scipionis qui his paucis diebus pontifex maximus factus est, i.e. in B.C. 150, 
the date of the supposed dialogue, Brut. 79, 82. I cannot find anything to 
show that Optimus was distinguished as a lawyer. [Pomponius’ statement 
to that effect (Dig. 1 2,12 § 37) cannot be trusted, as he evidently con- 
founds Optimus with a much earlier Nasica. R.] 

P.Scaevolam: see1115n. Cic. reports judgments of his Top. 4, Leg. 
11 52, 53, 57, Dom. 137; cf. Herenn. 1119. He was father of Q. Scaevola 
mentioned below § 80. 

habeo C. Laelium...quem audiam: cf. Sest. 20 habeo quem opponam 
labi ili, ib. habebit senatus quem sequatur. This is C. Lael. Sapiens, friend 
of the younger Africanus, as his father had been of the elder. He is 
named along with Coruncanius and others 11 165, and is the chief speaker 
in C.’s dialogue on Friendship. 

sapientem : ‘a Stoic philosopher as well’; cf. Lael. 6 te...non solum 

62 BOOK (lkeOHs Th, seo, 

natura et moribus, verum etiam studio et doctrina esse sapientem, non ut 
vulgus, sed ut eruditi solent appellare sapientem ; Off. 11 40 is qui sapiens 

illa oratione nobili: the aureola oratiuncula mentioned below § 43. 
C. Licinius Crassus had proposed to transfer the election of the augurs 
from the College to the people: the proposal was thrown out owing to the 
eloquent speech of Laelius, then praetor (B.c. 145), de collegiis. Allusion is 
made to the same subject in Lael. 96 dlius vendibilem orationem religio 
deorum immortalium nobis defendentibus fucile vincebat ; R.P. Vi 2 oratio 
Laeli quam omnes habemus in manibus (ostendit) quam simpuvia pontificum 
dis tmmortalibus grata sint Samiacque capedines; Brut. 83 oratio Laelit 
de collegiis non melior quam de multis quam voles Scipionis. 

principem Stoicorum: Zeno is called princeps investigandue veritatis 
above 1 57. 

omnis populi Romani religio: on the triple division here given cf. 
Leg. 1 30 discriptio sacerdotum nullum justum religionis genus praectermittit. 
Nam sunt ad placandos deos alit constituti, qui sacris praesint sollemnibus, 
ad interpretanda alii praedicta vatum,...maximum autem et praestantissi- 
mum in re publica jus est augurum; Leg. 1 20 sacerdotum genera sunto 
tria, unum quod praesit caerimoniis et sacris, alterum quod interpretetur 
Jatidicorum et vatum effata incognita,...interpretes autem Jovis O. M. publici 
augures signis et auspicis postera vidento foll.; in Harusp. Resp. § 18 we 
find the third head subdivided, (majores nostri) statas sollemnesque caerimo- 
nias pontificatu, rerum bene gerendarum auctoritates augurio, fatorum 
veteres praedictiones Apollinis vatum libris (= Sibylla here), portentorum 
explanationes Ltruscorum disciplina (= haruspices here) continert putarunt. 
We find the same division in Varro Antig. ap. Aug. C.D. v1 3, where it 1s 
said that Varro distinguished three classes of persons engaged in religious 
duties, treating (1) de pontificibus, (2) de auguribus, (3) de quindecim viris 

tertium adjunctum sit: see Index under asyndeton. 

portentis et monstris: cf. 11 7. 

Sibyllae interpretes: cf.1110n. The number of the keepers of the 
Sibylline books was originally two. In the year 367 B.c. by the Licinian 
Rogation they were increased to ten, of whom five were to be plebeians. 
Afterwards the number was raised, probably by Sulla, to 15, known as the 
xv sacris faciundis. Their duty was to interpret the Greek verses into 
Latin, for which purpose they were assisted in early times by Greek trans- 
lators (Zonaras vil 7, cited by Marquardt Rém. Alt. vi p. 367), but more 
especially to find some meaning appropriate to the circumstances of the 
time. Cf. Div. 1 4 furoris divinationem Sibyllinis maxime versibus contineri 
arbitrati eorum decem interpretes delectos e civitate esse voluerunt; Liv. x 8 
§ 2 decemviros sacris fuciundis, carminum Sibyllae ac fatorum populi hujus 
interpretes, antistites eosdem Apollinaris sacri...videmus ; Liv. Xxi1 9 pervicit 
ut, quod non fere decernitur nist cum tactra prodigia nuntiata sunt, x vird 

BOOK Ill CH. I § 5. 63 

libros Sibyllinos adire juberentur ; Varro R.R. 1 1 ad cujus libros...publice 
solemus redire cum desideramus quid faciendum sit nobis ex aliquo portento ; 
Div. 1 110 quorum (i.e. the Sibylline verses) interpres nuper falsa quadam 
hominum fama dicturus in senatu putabatur, eum quem re vera regem habe- 
bamus (i.e. Caesar) appellandum quoque esse regem, si salvi esse vellemus ; 
see also Cat. mr 9, 11, Fam. 14 § 2, 7 § 4, Lact. 1 6. 

Romulum auspiciis: above 1 9 n.; &.P. 1 16 auspicirs plurimum 
obsecutus est Romulus. Nam et ipse urbem condidit auspicato et omnibus 
publicis rebus instituendis qui sibi essent in auspices ex singulis tribubus 
cooptavit augures (Numa increased the number from three to five, ib. 16); 
Div. 1 30, 11 70, 80. 

Numam sacris constitutis: Liv. 119 (Wuma) deorum metum injicien- 
dum ratus est...sacerdotibus creandis animum adjecit...pontificem legit eique 
sacra omnia exscripta exsignataque attribuit foll., Orat. 111 73. 

fundamenta jecisse : for the belief that Rome owed her power to her 
religion, see 118 n. and the speech of Camillus against the migration to 
Veii in Liv. v 52 urbem auspicato inauguratoque conditam habemus: nullus 
locus in ea non religuonum deorumque est plenus; ib. 51 invenietis omnia 
prospera evenisse sequentibus deos, adversa spernentibus; Liv. xu 1 § 11 
favere pietati fideique deos, per quae populus Romanus ad tantum fastigit 
venerit. | 

placatione: cf. Of. 11 11 deos placatos pietas efficiet et sanctitas. The 
word placatio occurs also in T'usc. 1v 60, Div. 11 36 quae tam subito facta est 
deorum tanta placatio? [Plin. V. H. vir 70 § 183 lautissima deorum pla- 
catio. J. E. B. M.] and in Augustine. 

§ 6. nulla ratione reddita credere: on the appeal to Faith v. Reason 
see below § 9 and § 13; Grote’s Plato 1p. 261. Lactantius 0 7 cites this 
passage and argues against it. The Sceptics acted on Cotta’s principle, 
as we learn from Sext. Emp. P.H. 1 23 rots pawopévois otv mpooéxovres 
Kata THY Biatixny THpnow adofacrws Biodper, ib. II 1 § 276 perv Bio Kara- 
KodovOobvres adokactws dapév eivar Oeovs Kal oéBopev Oeovs Kai mpovoeiv 
avrovus pape. , 

Ch. m1. desideras : ‘what is the argument you are looking for froin me ’. 

quadripertita : in 11 3. 

velles docere: ‘you endeavoured to prove’, so below § 18, implying 
that the endeavour was unsuccessful. 

exspecto, quid requiras: ‘I am waiting to know what it is you de- 
mand’, Cf, Zusc. 1v 46 eaxspecto quid ad ista (respondeas). 

Ch. 111 § 7—ch. vim § 19. 

a. If this belief is necessary and universal, as the Stoics allege, it 
is worse than useless to attempt to rest it on argument, which simply 
raises doubts as to the validity of the belief. § 7—S§ 10. 

+4 BOOK If CH, iit § 7: 

§ 7. primum quicque: I 77 n. 

si id est primum—doces: ‘if the first point is that, on which there is 
almost universal consent, and which I for my part can never cease to 
maintain, viz. the divine existence, still even as to this, of which I am fully 
persuaded on the authority of our ancestors, you allege nothing to show 
why it is so’. On the adversative asyndeton (mihi quidem after inter 
omnes) see Index. On esse deos explaining id see I 2 nn. on quod trahimur, 
quod continet. 

exuri: so Mss. The metaphor was thought too violent, and various 
emendations have been offered ; (1) exim? mentioned by Davy., adopted by 
Ba. and Sch., who cites (Opuse. 111 p. 380) Tac. Ann. vi 22 plurimis mortali- 
bus non eximitur quin primo cujusque ortu ventura destinentur, aud by Cobet 
(V. LZ. p. 463), who compares Plat. Rep. U1 p. 412 B dogav ex rhs dcavoias 
eEapeto Oa; (2) erui by Walker, who compares Aéé. x11 36 fanuwin fiert volo 
neque id mthi erut potest (where however Wesenberg reads eripz), and Lact. 
11 6 § 10 omnes religiones radicitus eruisti, where the metaphor is helped by 
radicitus ; (8) excutt by Mu. after Ernesti and Lamb. as in Juse. 1 111 
hance eacutere opinionem mihimet volui radicitus ; (4) exvut by Moser, Orelli, 
Klotz, &c., comparing Tac. Ann. VI 25 vitia exuere, to which Sch. objects 
that, though the word is naturally used of a man’s putting off a bad habit 
for himself, it would not be Latin to say vitia ex mente exuuntur ; (5) exire 
by Lamb. and Heind. who compares Sen. Benes. 111 38 numquam e memoria 
hominum exire, but here we want to express something more than a mere 
passing out of the mind from forgetfulness; (6) Lamb. also suggested ewxser? 
comparing Colum. x11 58 radicem exserito, but there is no instance of the 
word used metaphorically in this sense. Of these emendations the first 
mentioned seems to me decidedly the best, but is the Ms reading absolutely 
inadmissible?) We have a similar expression in Dio Chrys. Iv p. 152 ov8’ 
av mupt tis exkadoat BovdAouevos (could eradicate principles once securely 
fixed in the mind), dddd Kay eumpynon tis Tov dvOpwror, pévoe av adtod Ta 
Sdypara ev TH Wux7n, and for the Latin we may compare Aen. vi 740 aliis 
sub gurgite vasto infectum eluitur scelus aut exuritur igni; Dav. cites Seneca 
Ep. 69 § 3 amorem exurere conatur, where however Haase reads exuere ; 
August. Lecl. Cath. 30 tantus caritatis ardor innascitur ut exustis omnibus 
citiis &., Ambros. Spur. Sanct. prooem. p. 115 Caro Domini Spiritu repleta 
divino peccata omnia exureret. The converse inuro is more frequently 
found in the metaphorical sense, as in Planc. 29 signa probitatis inusta, 
Liv. 1x 8 § 13 vivet semper in pectoribus quidquid praesens necessitas 

quid est—cur: ‘what reason is there for you to come to me for in- 
struction!’ Cf. 1115, and below § 47, also 1 3 quid est quod n. 

aggredior ad: 1 57. . 

rudem et integrum: ‘untutored and unprejudiced’, cf. Orat. 1 218 
jateor (oratorem) nulla in re tironem ac rudem...esse debere; Att. vir 25 
admones ut me integrum servein. 

BOOK II CH. HI § 8. 65 

§ 8. egone: cf. 1 16. 

in ista partitione: cf. m 4 and 23. The Ms reading perspicuwm in 
istam partem probably originated in the insertion of perspicuuwm from the 
following line, and the loss of the last syllable of the abbreviated partione 
before the following ne. Ba. omits the words, but it seems natural to 
allude to the partitio mentioned in § 6. 

dixisses—esset : Subj. as subordinate to Indirect Question, and esset 
also because it implies ‘in your view’ (dpa). [I should rather take dixisses 
to be Subjunctive because following quod in the sense of ‘though’. See 
Gr.1714. RJ 

argumentis onerare judicem: ‘to overwhelm’, cf. 2 Phil. 99 omnibus 
eum contumeliis onerasti, Hor. Sat. 1 10. 10 verbis lassas onerantibus aures. 

eam facultatem=ejus rev facultatem; see n. on quam similitudinem 
It 27. 

tu autem quod quaeris similiter facis: so all mss; edd. read qui id. 
I prefer the former : the point is not the person, but the inquiry; ‘as to 
your inquiry you are acting just as if you were to ask’. So Forchhammer 
p. 25. [Cf below § 41 quos dicts, Orat. 1 254 quod dicis, 246 quod accusas, 
247 quod putas, and Roby §§ 1743, 1749. R.] 

altero coniveam: the verb con. is most commonly used absolutely of 
the person closing his eyes in sleep, ‘winking’ in the old sense of the 
term ; it is rare to find it with an abl. of the eye though Apuleius has 
ciliis alterna conivens Met. x 17. It is also used of the eye itself, as pos- 
sibly in 1 143. 

Ch. Iv § 9. quam simile—tu videris: see n. on Cotta viderit 1 17; 
and cf. below 15, 70, 90, Div. 11 108 vide quaeso quam sint ista similia, nam 
mihi non videntur. [So in Greek dyn, dWeobe, od (or avros) ay eideins, cf. 
S. Matt. xxvit 4, 24, Acts xv 15, Epictet. 11 5 § 30, Iv 6 § 11, Antonin. 
Vv 25, x113. J. E.B.M.] 

evidens—de quo conveniat: ‘palpable, self-evident, so that all are 
agreed about it’. The word ev. is still somewhat technical, and is not 
found in the speeches of Cicero. 

perspicuitas: Cic. gives this and evidentia as alternative renderings 
of évapyeva Acad, 11 17, 46. 

hac subtilitate sermonis: ‘in a philosophical argument of this kind’, 
see ‘Abstract’ in Index. 

cur coniveres...causa non esset: there was a reason for not con- 
fusing what was self-evident by the addition of arguments, for ratiocina- 
tion and intuition are diverse: there would have been no reason for 
refusing to look with both eyes, since they both tell the same tale. 

obtutus esset : tense suited to context as in I 45 cum aeterna esset, see 
n. on Ir 2. For obtutus see Div. u 120 quodam obtutu oculorum duo 
lucernae lumina pro uno videri; Orat. 111 17. 

sapientem esse vis: see II 30, 36, &c. 

lumina—perforata : ‘lights (windows) pierced from the mind to the 


Maco, 5 

66 BOOK IL CH: 1v3 U0: 

eyes’. Lumina is technical in this sense, see Vitr. Iv 6, Pro Domo 115 
se luminibus ejus esse obstructurum [and regularly in the Digest, as in 
vir 2. R.]. Hence often used for eyes, e.g. Zuse. v 114. Compare for 
the figure Z'usc. I 46 nos enim ne nune quidem oculis cernimus ea quae 
videmus ; neque est enim ullus sensus in corpore, sed, ut non physici solum 
docent sed etiam medic, qui ista aperta et patefacta viderunt, viae (Aristotle’s 
mopor) guast quaedam sunt ad oculos, ad aures, ad nares a sede anime 
perforatae, ut facile intellegi possit animum et videre et audire, non eas 
partes quae quasi fenestrae sint animi...nunc quidem, quamquam foramina 
illa quae patent ad animum a corpore callidissimo artificio natura faubricata 
est, ‘still in the mortal body they are liable to be blocked’. This is attacked 
by Lucretius 111 359 dicere porro oculos nullam rem cernere posse, sed per 
cos animum ut foribus spectare reclusis, desipere est, where Munro quotes 
Sext. Emp. J/ath. vir 130 on Heraclitus év d€ eypnyopdot madkw dia Tov 
aidOnrikav mopev aonep Sia Tiv@v Ovpidwy mpokvwas (0 ev nuiv vovs) Kal T@ 
mepléxovte ovpBaray royikny evdverar Suvapw, and ib. 350 of b€ adryy (Thy 
Stavorav) etvat Tas aidOnoets Kabarep Oia Twev bray Tov aicOnTnpiwy Tpo- 
KUmTovocay, ns oTdcews Hp€ev Stpatev te Kat Aivnoidnuos, and agrees with 
Lassalle in thinking that the illustration originally came from Heraclitus. 
The earliest statement of the doctrine which makes the mind the active 
agent in sensation, is the famous line attributed to Epicharmus (Mullach 
fr. Phil. 1 p. 144) vots opp kai vods axover: Ta\Aa koa Kai TuPAad, quoted by 
Arist. Prob. XI 33 yapirOcioa alc Onots Stavolas Kabarep dvaicOnrov rovov 
€yel, WoTEp Elpntat TO vous Opa «.t.A.. We find the same doctrine in Plato 
Theaet. 184 B ‘if anyone should ask, how we see and hear’ eto dy, 
olwat, Oupaci Te kat wot, but we want something more exact, okomet yap, 
amokptols ToTepa OpOoTEepa, © Opapev TovTO elvar OPOarpovs 7) Oe ov dpaper, 
kal @ dkovowev wta 7) Ov’ ov axovouey; it would be strange if we had a 
number of independent senses, and if these were not all referred to some 
one form, whether we call it soul or not, whereby we perceive through the 
others as instruments (dAd pur) els plav teva iSéav wdvta Tadta Evyteiver 7 Sua 
TouT@yv olov opyavev aicOavoueba boa aicOnra). Similarly Aristotle Jfot. 
Anim. 6 ratra O€ mayra (i.e. all motives) dvayera eis votv Kat 6peEw: Kal yap 
9 pavracia kai 7 aicOnors THY adtiy TO VO ywpay €xovor KpiTLKa yap Tavra. 
Strato, the disciple of Theophrastus, called attention to the fact that 
impressions of sense are unheeded, if the mind is occupied, but are some- 
times capable of being recalled afterwards by a mental effort, cf. Plut. So/. 
nim. p. 961, where we have Strato’s proof that ov aic@avecOar 7o mwapa- 
Tav Gvev Tov voew vrapyet. Epicurus opposed this because he feared to 
allow any independent action to the mind; yet, as we have seen in 1 49, 
he held that there were ‘deiform’ images which were perceptible by the 
mind alone. The Stoic view is given by Chrysippus ap. Gal. Hipp. Plat. 
622 foll. 7 Wuxy mvetpa ore cvpputov Hiv cuvexes mavTl TA Gepate SujKov... 
TavTns oUy TOY peEpav éxdoT@ SiateTaypévoy popio Td SujKov atts eis Hv 
Tpaxetav aptnpiav dorny gapev civat, To d€ eis opOadryovrs bWiv. The five 

BOOK III CH. IV § 9. 67 

senses were included in the eight faculties into which the Stoics divided the 
soul, cf. Diog. L. vir 110, Sext. Emp. Math, 1x 102 waca ai éri ra pépn rod 
Odov earrocreAdopuevar Suvdpets Ws dro TLWos THYHS TOU HyewoviKod earrocTéA- 
Aovra. These were compared to the arms of a cuttle-fish (Plac. Phil. 
Iv 21). The Wuyrxov mvedpa residing in the brain travelled along the 
nerves to the organ of sense and thus caused sensation; Plin. V.H. x1 54 
en oculis animus habitat...animo videmus, animo cernimus: oculi ceu vasa 
quaedam visibilem ejus partem (the visual faculty) accipiwnt atque trans- 
muttunt (according to the Stoic theory of the ékBorAn radiorum, on which 
see II 83 nobiscum videt n.); Theophil. Corp. Hum. tv 8 foll. rv apyjy dd 
TOU KaOnkovrTos vevpov Tov e& eyKedadov Tov padakod Toinodpevol, emer? Kal 
Tavta Ta vevpa...€xmepvKact xopnyelv Tots opOadpois tHv dpacwv. On the 
general subject compare Plato Alcb. 1 p. 129, Galen Hipp. Plat. 622 foll., 
Lact. Opif. 5, Salvian Prov. 3, Butler Analogy 1 1 “So far as it can be 
traced by experimental observations, so far it appears that our organs of 
sense prepare and convey on objects in order to their being perceived, 
in like manner as foreign matter does, without affording any shadow of 
appearance that they themselves perceive”; Reid’s Philosophy p. 246 with 
Hamilton’s n. D*, Huxley Llem. Phys. p. 17 ‘the brain is the seat of all 
sensation and mental action’. 

sat erat: see 145 and 1 19 longum est n. 

auctoritates contemnis: as Cotta himself also, in his Academic 
capacity, professed to do, cf. 110 non tam auctores &c. Cf. Plin. Zp. 1 20 
ule mecum auctoritatibus agit. 

§ 10. rationem me meam: I have ventured to insert me, as it gives a 
more natural force to contendere (‘allow me to put my argument side by 
side with yours’), like Rose. Am. 93 quidquid tu contra dixeris, id cum defen- 
stone nostra contendito: ita facillime causa Sex. Roscti cum tua conferetur ; 
and is perhaps better suited to patere. Otherwise we should have to give 
it a metaphorical meaning, as in Rose. Am. 136 quis erat qui non videret 
humilitatem cum dignitate de amplitudine contendere, where however the 
abstract stands for the person contending. 

argumentando dubiam facis: Sch. cites Proclus on Plat. Zim. 
p. 416 Schn. 6 wavra drodeckrixad vevouixds atvtiy padiota thy amddecew 


Ab. The sight of the heavens does not, as a fact, produce a 
beltef in the Stoic God of nature. S§ 10, 11. 

haec: ‘all we see around us’. 

regantur: the Imperfect would have been more in accordance with 
usage, especially as suspexissemus has already been attracted to the tense 
of the principal verb, cf. n. on obtutus esset § 9, and 11 1. 

aspice—Jovem: see on 114. Iam glad to see that L. Miiller rejects 
Ritschl’s sublimen. 

68 BOOK tl OH, ty Sab )s 

§ 11. quasi vero—appellet : ‘as though any of us gave the name of 
Jove to him whom you describe as sublime candens, rather than to the God 
of the Capitol’. Traditional mythology supplied the conscious belief of 
the mass : so far Cotta is right ; but the Stoics were right in regarding 
that mythology as itself bearing witness to an older belief out of which it 
had sprung. One chief source of that earlier belief in a superhuman Ruler 
was the sight of the heaven, its immensity, its splendour, its order, its 
terror ; and so far as mythology was associated with the religious instinct, 
that old belief still survived under the forms of mythology: see passages 
quoted on 11 4 cum caelum suspeximus, Seneca N.Q. 11 45 ne hoc quidem 
crediderunt (imperiti) Jovem, qualem in Capitolio et in ceteris aedibus coli- 
mus, mittere manu fulmina, sed eundem quem nos Jovem intellegunt, rectorem 
custodemque universi, animum ac spiritum mundi, operis hujus dominum et 
artificem; and the grand words of Tertullian Test. nim. 1 commencing 
consiste in medio, anima...te simplicem et rudem et impolitam et idioticam 
compello, qualem habent qui te solam habent, lam ipsam de compito, de 
trivio, de textrino totam foll. But ‘men became vain in their imaginations 
and their foolish heart was darkened’; the ignorant Roman deified the 
image of Jupiter or Minerva, as his ignorant descendant in the present 
day deifies the image of a Saint or a Madonna. Thus it was thought 
that one image would be jealous of the honour done to another image of 
the same God, cf. Suet. Oct. 91 cum dedicatam in Capitolio aedem Tonanti 
Jovt assidue frequentaret, somniavit quert Capitolinum Jovem cultores sibi 
abduct foll., and Scott’s description of Louis XI in Quentin Durward. 

Ac. General opinion is a strange ground to allege for a philo- 
sophical conviction, especially on the part of those who hold the 
‘vox populi’ to be the ‘vox stultorum’. § 11. 

omnium esset: for the argument from general consent see 1 5 nn. 

opinione stultorum: cf. 1 23, m1 79, Div. 1 81 quasi vero quidquam 
sit tam valde quam nihil sapere vulgare, aut quasi tibi ipsi in gudicando 
placeat multitudo ; Philodemus de Mus. in Zeller tv 253 ‘the Stoic cannot 
rely on the Consensus Gentium, as he holds the mass in contempt’. The 
argument is met in a different way 162. We have the Stoic rejoinder in 
Sext. Emp. 1x 63 foll. ‘not only the mass, but the wise, the poets and 
philosophers, admit the Divine existence ; and as, in debating matters of 
sense, we should trust the evidence of those who possessed the keenest 
sight and quickest ear, so in matters of reason we should trust the wisest’. 

insanos: cf. Parad. 1v 6re was adpov paiverat. 

Ad. The ‘epiphanies’, to which the Stoics appeal, are mere 
rumour unconfirmed by evidence. S§ 11—13 (cf. nn, on 1 6). 

Ch. v. in Salaria: in 1 6 it is said that Vat. was coming from Reate 
to Rome. This agrees with Varr. R.R. ut 2 § 14 certe nosti materterae 

BOOK Hl. CH V.<S EI. 69 

meae fundum in Sabinis, qui est ad quartum et vicesimum lapidem via 
Salaria a Roma? Quidni? inquit, ubi aestate diem meridie dividere 
soleam cum eo Reate ex urbe. It was the road by which salt was conveyed 
from the salt-pits near Ostia into the interior; hence called Salaria. 
The same name was given to the gate which was afterwards known as 

nescio quid: a phrase of contempt, heightened here by the omission of 
the verb, ‘and then—something or other about the fight of the Locrians’. 
(Cf. 11. 6.) There is the same contemptuous reference to the opponent’s 
arguments in Div. 11 48 habes et respersionem pigmentorum et rostrum 
suis et alia permulta. Cf. 193 nescio quid dissentiret. The preceding at 
enim easily suggests the understood narrabas. 

homines homine natos: ‘the very patronymic proves their mortal 
origin’ ; but according to the common tradition it was only Castor who was 
son of Tyndareus, Pollux being the offspring of Jupiter; and the name 
Dioscuri, familiarly used of both, might have supplied an equally valid 
argument for their divinity. In Homer however (Od. x1 299) both are 
sons of Tyndareus. For the construction cf. 1 103 igne nasci, also 1 42 
mortales ex immortali procreatos n. 

recens ab illorum aetate : elsewhere Cic. makes Homer a contempo- 
rary of Lycurgus, i.e. about 300 years later than the date usually assigned 
to the Trojan war (Z'usc. v 7, &. P. 1118); other writers, e.g, Crates, sup- 
posed him to have belonged to the generation succeeding the fall of Troy 
(Grote’s Hist. c. xx1). For the constr. cf. Varro &.&. 1 8 § 2 pullum 
a partu recentem, Liv. xxI 16 hostem recentem ab excidio opulentissimae 
urbis, [Sen. Cons. ad Marc. 1 8 vulnera recentia a sanguine. J.E.B.M.]. 

sepultos: the reference is to //. 11 243, where the poet comments on 
Helen’s wonder at the absence of her brothers; os aro, rots & 6n Karexev 
vaivoos aia év Aaxedaipom avr Pirn ev rarpids yain. 

cantheriis: ‘geldings’, from the Gr. xavOnAu0s, ‘beast of burthen’; 
r and l being interchanged, as in grando=yddafa, hirundo=yxenrd0v, 
vermis=edpus. The cantherius was strictly opposed to the war-horse 
(Varro &. 2. 117 § 15), and the word is here used mockingly, as cabaillus 
for Pegasus by Juvenal mi 18, and fons caballinus for Hippocrene by 
Persius 11. [Add to exx. in Lexx. Varro Men. fr. 5 Biicheler, Tertull. 
Apol. 16, Arnob. v 11, Auson. Epist. xx1 39, Hieron. Zpist. xxvit 3, in Jona 
c 4, J, E.B.M.] 

nullis calonibus: ‘without lackeys’. Abl. of Attendant Circum- 
stances, Roby § 1240 foll. See Paul. Diac. Festus p. 62 M. Calones 
militum servi dicti qui ligneas clavas gerebant, quae G'raect Kara vocant. 

princeps: sc. senatus. I do not know whether this is stated elsewhere. 
Cato was then (B.c. 168) in his 65th year and in the height of his activity. 
In the following year he pleaded the cause of the Rhodians in a speech 
which he inserted in his Origines. Much in the same way Cic. ridicules 

70 BOOK Ill cH. Vv § 11. 

the idea of a sailor being privileged to receive a revelation denied to the 
younger Cato, Varro, and Cicero himself (Div. 11 114). 

ergo et illud: Miiller (Adz. Crit.) compares Leg. 1 33 quibus ratio a 
natura data est, isdem etiam recta ratio data est, ergo et lex; Fin. 11 27 
ergo et probandum. Seen. on 1 72 et non praedicantt. 

in silice: ‘the basaltic rock’, cf. Lucr. vi 683 (of Etna). Regillus was 

the crater of an extinct volcano near Tusculum (Frascati). “It is now 
a small and weedy pool, surrounded by crater-like banks and with much 
lava and basalt about it, situated at some height above the plain, on the 
right hand of the road as you descend from the high ground under La 
Colonna (Labicum) to the ordinary level of the Campagna in going to 
Rome”. Arnold Hist. of Rome 1 p. 120. We may compare Hippocrene 
supposed to have been scooped out by the hoof of Pegasus. Livy with 
all his fondness for marvels says nothing of the aid of Pollux at Regillus. 

§ 12. probari potest: the eternity of the soul is affirmed m 62 cum 
remanerent animi atque aeternitate fruerentur. This was opposed to the 
doctrine of the older Stoics (Zuse. 1 77 diu mansuros aiunt animos, semper 
negant), but still more to the Academic arguments given below §§ 29—34. 
We must probably take probari in the sense ‘may be approved of, allowed’, 
as in Acad. 11 99 tale visum nullum esse ut perceptio consequeretur, ut autem 
probatio, multa... Sapiens multa sequitur probabilia, non comprehensa...sed 
similia veri; quae nisi probet, omnis vita tollatur. 

§ 13. aedem dedicatam : vowed by Postumius the dictator (Liv. 11 20), 
dedicated by his son (Liv. 1 42). I follow the Mss in giving the praenomen 
in full, as in Liv. m 21 § 2, and am doubtful whether ab should not be 
omitted, see Roby § 1146 on Dat. of Agent. The strict force of the Dat. 
would be ‘P. had a temple dedicated’. 

senatus consultum: granting him lands and immunity (11 6). 

proverbium : see n. on Locr? 11 6. 

his auctoribus: ‘when there are such authorities as these’, Abl. of 
Attendant Circumstances, Roby § 1240. 

rumoribus: Abl. of Instrument. For the thought cf. Div. 11 27 hoc 
ego philosophi non esse arbitror, testibus uti, qui aut casu veri aut malitia 
Jalsi fictique esse possunt: argumentis et rationibus oportet, quare ita quid- 
que sit, docere, non eventis ; 11 113 auctoritatem nullam debemus commentici’s 
rebus adjungere. 

Ae. Dwination, cited by Cleanthes as a proof of the Divine 
Existence, is utterly fallacious, and would be of no advantage, if true. 
§$ 14, 15. 

Ch. vr§ 14. sequuntur quae futura sunt: it would seem from a com- 
parison with Bk. 11 that not many lines have been lost here. In 1 6 the 
mention of the prophetic voices of the Fauns (below § 15) follows imme- 
diately on Sagra; Navius (below § 14) appears in 11 9; Decius (below § 15) 
in 1110; the illustration from medicine (below § 15) in m 12. Thus the 

LP Te FT Oe eee FS PFE Ee Oe 

BOOK III CH. VI § 14. 71 

points omitted by Cotta are the terms of divination, the list of ancient 
seers, the evil consequences of neglect of divination as shown in Roman 
history, the recent increase of irreligion contrasted with the respect for 
religion in ancient days. Again, comparing the argument against divina- 
tion in Div. 11 20, we have there first of all a proof that divination is im- 
possible : ‘since everything happens by fate, and divination is, by defini- 
tion, concerned only with the fortuitous, therefore it is concerned only 
with the non-existent’, (see the same argument Fat. 17 foll. nihil fiert quod 
non necesse fuerit, et quicquid fiert possit, id aut esse jam aut futurum esse, 
nec magis commutari ex veris in falsa ea posse quae futura sunt quam ea 
guae facta sunt): then follows in § 22, just as here, a proof that, even if 
divination were possible, it would be useless; nay, knowledge itself, as 
distinguished from the vague warnings of divination, would be useless, 
atque ego ne utilem quidem arbitror esse nobis futurarum rerum scientiam. 
It seems probable therefore that in the lost sentences Cicero had been 
discussing the defeat at Thrasymene, just as in Div. 11 22 aut igitur non 
fato interiit exercitus, aut, st fato, etiamsi obtemperasset auspiciis, idem 
eventurum fuisset ; and we may suppose the argument to have run ‘what 
good would Flaminius have done if he had observed all the omens, since 
all things happen by fate and the future follows the past by an unchange- 
able necessity ?’ (necessario or some such phrase having been lost before 
sequuntur, cf. Fat. 44 omnia fiant causis antecedentibus et necessariis). 

ne utile quidem est scire: this is very impressively shown Dvv. l.c. 
by the fate of the members of the so-called first Triumvirate. Dicaearchus 
(Dw. 1 105), Favorinus (Gell. xtv 1), and Diogenianus (Euseb. Pr. Ev. 
Iv 3) wrote treatises to the same effect. Hence it follows that the gift of 
divination would be a sign of malevolence, not of favour on the part of the 
deity, Div. 11 54 hoc ne homines quidem probi faciunt ut amicis impendentes 
calamutates praedicant, quas uli effugere nullo modo possint, ut medici foll. 

extremum solacium: cf. Hesiod Op. et D. 96 povyn & atroO: ’EAmis év 
appynktotot Soporow evdov éuuve, and Naglesb. WV. Th. p. 382; Cic. Catil. Iv 
8 eripit spem, quae sola in miseriis hominem consolari solet; Att. 1x 10 § 3 
ut aegroto, dum anima est, spes esse dicitur; Sen. Contr. v 1 § 2 spes est 
ultimum adversarum rerum solacium; Ov. Pont. 1 6. 29 foll. 

quod—verum fuerit id esse fatum: see nn. on 1 40, where Chry- 
sippus identifies Jupiter with fatalem necessitatem, sempiternam rerum 
futurarum veritatem ; also 155 quicquid accidat id ex aeterna veritate flux- 
asse dicitis. 

quis invenit—quis notavit: the same objections are raised in Div. 1 
28 and 80 quo modo haec aut quando aut a quibus inventa dicemus? Etrusct 
habent exaratum puerum (i.e. Tages, mentioned Div. 11 50) auctorem disci- 
plinae suae: nos quem? “Is it Attus or Romulus or some barbarian ?” 
The Greeks ascribed the invention to Prometheus, Aesch. Pr. 492 foll. 
Quintus arguing in favour of divination says (Div. I 85) nee vero quicquam 
aliud affertur, cur ea quae dico divinandi genera nulla sint, nisi quod diffi- 


i BOOK III CH. VI § 14. 
eile dictu videtur, quae cujusque divinationis ratio, quae causa sit. He 
therefore endeavours first of all to prove that it is true in point of fact, 
whether it can be explained or not. 

notavit: ‘took note of the different fulfilments’. Cf. above 1 166 
usus notucit (ostenta), Div. 1 94 Arabes...cantus avium et volatus notave- 
runt, ib. 11 91 notant sidera natalicia Chaldaet. 

fissum jecoris: the liver was considered the most important of all the 
exta for the purposes of divination. We learn from Ezekiel xxi 21 that it 
was consulted in Babylon. Plato makes it the organ of dreams during life 
and of augury after death (Zim. 71 foll.). One face of the liver was called 
pars inimica, 1.e. relating to the enemy, the other pars fuiiliaris, i.e. re- 
lating to the person interested ; each face was divided by a fissum or limes, 
and the omen was favorable according to the direction and regularity of 
the division and the richness of the vessels, cf. Div. 11 28 quo modo est 
collatum inter ipsos, quae pars tnimica, quae pars familiaris esset, quod 
jissum periculum, quod commodum aliquod ostenderet ? ib. 32 fissum fami- 
liare et vitale tractant; caput jecoris ex omni parte diligentissime conside- 
rant; Lucan I 621 cernit tabe jecur madidum, venasque minaces hostili de 
parte videt ; pulmonis anheli fibra latet parvusque secat vitalia limes; Liv. 
vul 9, Seneca Vedip. 363, Bouché Leclercq Iv 69 foll. 

cornicis cantum: cf. Div. 1 12 omittat urgere Carneades, quod faciebat 
etiam Panaetius requirens, Juppiterne cornicem a laeva, corvum ab dextera 
canere jussisset ; ib. 1 85 ‘what reason has the augur to assign cur a dextru 
corvus, a sinistra cornie faciat ratum ?’ , 

sortes: divination by lots (cleromancy) was familiar to the Hebrews, 
as in the case of Achan, Jonathan, Matthias ; and to the Greeks, as in the 
selection of a champion to meet the challenge of Hector, see Bouché 
Leclercq 1189. It was however much more prevalent in Italy, and thus 
the word sortes is often used in a secondary sense of any kind of oracle ; 
so that Cic. has to distinguish in Div. 1 70 sortes eae quae ducuntur, non 
illae quae vaticinatione funduntur. Usually the lots were little wooden 
tablets placed in an urn, situla (see above 1 106). A set of bronze lots with 
sentences inscribed on each have been found near Patavium and are sup- 
posed to be the lots of Geryon consulted by Tiberius (Suet. 77). 14). The 
inscriptions are given in Mommsen’s Corpus I pp. 267—270 and in Bouché 
Leclercq iv 155. There were sortes also at Caere, the shrivelling of which 
was esteemed a bad omen (sortes extenuatas Liv. Xx1 62. Leclercq seems 
to adopt Lamb.’s emendation extaeniatas, i.e. ‘loosened from the bundle’, 
see his vol. Iv p. 146); at Falerii, of which Livy tells us (xx11 1) sortes 
sua sponte attenuatas unamgue excidisse ita scriptam ‘Mavors telum suum 
concutit’; at the fountain of Clitumnus (Plin. Zp. vit 8); but above all 
in the temple of Fortuna Primigenia at Praeneste, of which Cicero gives 
the following account (Div. 11 85): quid enim sors est? idem prope modum 
quod micare, quod talos jacere ; tota res est inventa fallaciis foll. He then 
proceeds to give the legend of the place, how a certain Numerius Suffustius 

BOOK III CH. VI § 14. 73 

was bidden by a vision to cut through the rock in a certain spot, upon 
which sortes erupisse in robore insculptas priscarum litterarum notis. ‘The 
lots were placed in a sacred chest, from which they Fortunae monitu puert 
manu miscentur atque ducuntur. In other shrines the lots have ceased to be 
consulted, but Praeneste still retains its fame among the vulgar; which 
gave rise to the remark of Carneades nusqguam se fortunatiorem quam 
Praeneste vidisse Fortunam’. The oracle of Praeneste recovered its old 
repute in the general revival of superstition under the Empire, see Suet. 
7ib. 63. In the third century of our era the old wooden lots were ex- 
changed for the sortes Virgilianae (Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 4, Trebell. Poll. 
Claud. 10, Vopiscus Firm. 3). We read of lots being employed in the temple 
of Zeus at Dodona (Div. 176). Lots were in use also with the strolling 
fortune-tellers of Rome (sortilegz), to whom we find contemptuous allusions 
in Div. 1 132, Hor. Sat. 1 9. 29,and 113. See on the general subject Mayor 
on Juvenal 1 82, Marquardt 111 pp. 93, 94, 99, 100, 101, Van Dale de Orac. 
c. 13, Bouché Leclercq l.c. 

quibus ego credo: cf. n. on § 5 opiniones quas a majoribus accepimus, 
and Div. 11 28 (haruspicinam) ego reipublicae causa communisque religionis 
colendam censeo ; but such expressions are a mere pretence ne communia 
jura migrare videatur, as Quintus says, Div. 1 8; and, in the second book 
of the De Div., Cicero makes no secret of his own disbelief in omens of all 
kinds, see 11 16 nondum dico quam haec signa nulla sint, fissum Jecoris, 
corvi cantus, volatus aquilae, stellae trajectio, voces furentium, sortes, somnia, 
also §§ 41, 127, 147. 

Atti Navii: above 11 9. But in the Academic argument of Div. 11 
80 we read omitte lituum Romuli, contemne cotem Atti Navii. Nihil debet 
esse in philosophia commenticiis fabellis loci. 

praesertim cum: the mistakes of the diviners make it more difficult 
to conjecture how the science grew up (gui ista intellecta sint, lit. ‘how 
these portents got to be understood’). We find divinus in the sense of 
‘prophetic’ in Horace Od. 111 27. 10 imbrium divina avis imminentum . 
then as a substantive Liv. 1 36 age dum, divine tu, inaugura; Div. 1 9 
nescro qui ille divinus ; Fat. 15 Chaldacos ceterosque divinos. 

§ 15. at medici falluntur: see m 12. 

quid simile: ‘in what respect does medicine resemble divination ?’ lit. 
“is medicine a similar thing and divination (a similar thing)?’ cf. above 
§ 9 on quam simile. For the omission of the verb cf. Hor. Sat. m 3. 99 
quid simile isti Graecus Aristippus? Heind. and Wopkens supply est: 
Day. supplied habet, in accordance with the more common construction 
found in Div. 1 65 quid simile habet passer ans; Fam. 1x 21 quid simile 
habet epistula aut judicio aut contioni? Cotta’s objection will not really 
hold water. Experience may show a connexion between different sets of 
phenomena, though we may have no theory to account for the connexion, 
or even though it militates against accepted theories. 

Deciorum: 1110. For exx. of vicarious sacrifice among the ancients 

74 BOOK UMeCH Wie 40: 

see Lasaulx d. Suhnopfer d. Griechen u. Rémer cited by Thomson Lectures 
on the Atonement nn. 23 and 25; Mayor on Juvenal vill 257; Nagelsbach 
N. Theol. pp. 196, 355; Trench /ulsean Lectures p. 206 (on dappakoi, 
kaOappara, arorporaor) ; Spencer's n. on Orig. Cels. 1 31, Perizon. on Aelian 
V.H. x11 28. Instances in the Bible are the hanging of the descendants 
of Saul by David 2 Sam. xxi, the sacrifice of the son of the king of Moab 
2 Kings in 27. The most famous in Greece are Iphigenia at Aulis, Alcestis 
and Codrus. For the daughters of Erechtheus and Leos see below § 50. The 
vicarious principle is stated by Livy vit 10 § 7 (Decius) omnes minas 
periculaque ab dis superis inferisque tr se unune veriit; by Caesar B.G. v1 16 
(of the Gauls) pro vita hominis nisi hominis vita reddatur non posse aliter 
deorum immortalium numen placari arbitrantur; by Virgil Aen. Vv 815 wnum 
pro multis dabitur caput; Lucan 11 306 (Cato’s speech) O utinam caelique 
deis Erebique liberet hoc caput in cunctas damnatum exponere poenas...hic 
redimat sanguis populos, hac caede luatur quicquid Romani meruerunt 
pendere mores. [Nep. X 10 § 2 ut eum suo sanguine, si possent, cuperent 
redimere. J.E.B.M.] Plutarch (Morals p. 815 D) speaks of it as the duty of 
a ruler to take upon himself all the evil which may threaten the common- 
wealth, and gives instances in which such generosity has been successful 
in averting evil. Origen (Ce/s. 1 31) compares the Crucifixion with the self- 
sacrifice of the Decii: ‘He who was crucified voluntarily embraced this 
death in behalf of mankind, as others have died for their country, or to 
avert famine or other calamities in accordance with the mysterious law of 
nature ws éva Oikatov vrép TOU KoLVOU aTobavorta ExovTiws aToTpoTLAaT pods 
éurovety avrwv Sapovior évepyovvrayv otpods 7 adhopias 7 Svomdoias k.t.A. 
So Philo (Abr. c. 33) of the sacrifice of Isaac. 

tanta iniquitas: compare the indignant lines in which Lucretius 
speaks of the sacrifice of Iphigenia 1 84 foll. The objection could not but 
make itself felt, as the reason and conscience grew in freedom and en- 
lightenment. It is repeated below § 90 ‘you make the Gods exact penal- 
ties from the guiltless’, O miram aequitatem deorum! ferretne civitas ulla 
latorem istius modi legis, ut condemnaretur filius aut nepos, si pater aut avus 
deliquisset ? Arnobius vit 40 repeats it in reference to the case (mentioned 
Div. 155) where a rustic was punished by the death of his son for disobe- 
dience to a command received in a vision, guisquam est hominum qui fuisse 
wlum deum credat, tam injustum, tam impium, nee mortalium saltem con- 
stituta servantem, apud quos nefas haberetur magnum, alterum pro altero 
plecti, et aliena delicta aliorum cervicibus vindicari? We find the same 
protest against a mechanical view of sacrifice in the Bible, ‘ Will the Lord 
be pleased with thousands of lambs? shall I give the fruit of my body for 
the sin of my soul?’ (Micah vi 7); ‘The soul that sinneth it shall die’ 
(Ezek. xviii 4). As an objection against the Christian doctrine of the Atone- 
ment it is discussed in Butler’s Analogy 1c. 5 and is thus stated by him : 
‘The doctrine of Christ’s being appointed to sufter for the sins of the world 
represents God as being indifferent whether he punished the innocent or 

BOOK III CH. VI § 15. 75 

the guilty’. His answer (limited by his choice of the analogical argument) 
is that it is at all events in accordance with the order of nature; the 
innocent suffer both voluntarily and involuntarily for the sins of the 
guilty. It is in fact a consequence of the solidarity of mankind : the good 
or the evil done by one spreads through all; and the more so, the more 
the one stands forward as representing the race or the community, peccant 
reges, plectuntur Achivi. In its human aspect an act of atoning self- 
sacrifice is the highest and most inspiring manifestation of generosity and 
nobleness, the magnet which draws all men upwards ; in its divine aspect 
it is God’s acceptance and forgiveness of all, as sharing in the goodness of 
one; while for the individual it is, irrespective of all further consequences, 
the attainment of his highest ideal, the consciousness of the favour of God 
and the gratitude of men. But all this of course implies more than the 
mere opus operatum of sacrifice ; it implies the spirit of sacrifice, not only 
in him who devotes himself, but in all who are to share in the benefits of 
the sacrifice. 

placari populo: cf. use. Iv 37 quietus animo est sibique ipse placatus. 

otparnynua: the Mss give the word in Latin letters, and so it is printed 
in Wesenberg’s ed. of Att. v 2 Rufio noster strategemate hominem percusstt. 
Val. Max. has a section (vit 4) headed strategemata. 1. and 8. cite as exx. 
of its use all the references given under the heading strategema in the 
index to Duker’s ed. of Florus, but, as far as I am aware, the word itself is 
not used by that writer. In the fourth book of Frontinus, which is a sort 
of appendix dealing with extraordinary kinds of orparnynparika in contrast 
with the ordinary rules of strategy treated of in the earlier books, mention 
is made of the self-devotion of Decius (Iv 5 § 15). But there can be little 
doubt that the action was done with a genuine belief in its religious 
significance, not from the ‘political’ motives assigned by rationalizing 
Academics; cf. the explanation of the divine honours paid to Erechtheus 
(below § 50), of the institution of augury (Div. 11 43 hoc fortasse ret publicae 
causa constitutum est). The word imperatorius, which is here made equiva- 
lent to the Greek orparny:xor, is freely used by Cic. for anything which 
belongs to or befits a general, as of the eagle eye of Marius (Balb. 49) dle 
imperatorius ardor oculorum., 

nam Fauni: a harsh instance of the transitional use of nam, for which 
see I 27, 11 67 and Index. 

quid sit nescio: cf.116n. The doubt as to the nature of Faunus is 
easily explained from the inconsistent voice of tradition. Was he an old 
king of Latium, or an ancient bard or seer, or is he the Greek Pan, or 
a Latin God of fertility, or merely a tricksy ee Or is he indeed any 
thing more than an echo ? 

Af. Of the remaining three arguments of Cleanthes, the two 
which deal with the blessings of life and the order of the heavenly 
bodies will be treated under the head of Providential Government (C); 

76 BOOK ili Cu. vit § 16. 

the third, which deals with the awe-inspiring phenomena of nature, 
was doubtless effective in producing a belief in the Gods, but is far 
from proving that belief to be valid. §§ 16, 17. 

Ch. vir § 16. quattuor modis: in 1113. The order however, as Sch. 
observes, is changed, the 2nd cause of book II (ev commodis) being here 
placed 3rd, as Cotta proposes to defer its consideration along with that of 
the 4th cause, and no doubt both of these causes may be fitly considered 
under the head of Providence, so as to avoid the repetition occasioned in 
the second book by the treatment of the same topic under different heads. 
But the question being whether the universe does or does not exhibit signs 
of a creative and administrative intelligence, Balbus is certainly justified in 
protesting, as he does below, against the postponement of his strongest 
arguments and the assumption in the meanwhile that the opposite has 
been proved. It is possible that the subject was really thus divided by 
Carneades, who of course had not the argument of Posidonius before him 
to answer: he may have briefly considered the argument from consensus 
and then gone on to examine the proof of the providential government of 
the world. 

ex perturbationibus: 11 14. This cause corresponds to the Meteorolo- 
gical Theory of mythology advocated by Kuhn and others, which is thus 
stated by Max Miiller (Lect. vol. 11 p. 519): ‘Clouds, storms, rain, lightning 
and thunder were the spectacles that above all others impressed the 
imagination of the early Aryans, and busied it most in finding terrestrial 
objects to compare with their ever-varying aspect... The coming and going 
of the celestial luminaries they regarded with more composure because of 
their regularity ; but they could never cease to feel the liveliest interest in 
those wonderful meteoric changes, so lawless and mysterious in their 
visitations, which wrought such immediate and palpable effects for good 
or ill on the lives and fortunes of the beholders’ (abbreviated). 

ex commoditate rerum quas percipimus = ex commodis rebus (or com- 
moditatibus) quas p. 

ex constantia: this corresponds to the Solar Theory thus described 
by Max Miiller (p. 518): ‘I consider the regular recurrence of phenomena 
an almost indispensable condition of their being raised, through the charms 
of mythological phraseology, to the rank of immortals, and I give a pro- 
portionately small space to meteorological phenomena, such as clouds, 
thunder and lightning, which, although causing for a time commotions in 
nature and in the heart of man, would not be ranked together with the im- 
mortal bright beings, but would rather be classed either as their subjects 
or as their enemies’. For my own part I consider the Stoical theory, which 
recognizes both of these causes, as well as the animism of Tylor and H.Spen- 
cer, to be truer and more philosophical than any of the partial theories. 

§ 17. sint necne sint: this is not exactly the point. Cleanthes is 
dealing with a question of history not of philosophy, and is merely cited 

BOOK Ill CH vil § 17. 17 

by Balbus to explain the fact of the consensus. Still the terrible pheno- 
mena of nature, no less than the regular movements of the heavenly bodies, 
are an evidence of the existence of superhuman power at work in the 
universe, just as divination, if true, would be an evidence of superhuman 
wisdom ; and these are a part of our idea of God. 

caelique constantia: this is discussed in Section B below § 23 foll. 

Ag. The argument of Chrysippus, on the evidences of super- 
human power in the universe and on the beauty and harmony of the 
universe, is reserved for the same section (C), as also the syllogisms of 
Zeno, the physical discussion on the properties of heat, and the other 
arguments in favour of the divinity of the universe and the heavenly 
bodies. (Section C is unfortunately lost, but the arguments re- 
ferred to are partially discussed out of their order in B §§ 21—26, 
35—37.) §$ 18, 19. 

§ 18. eodem illa differemus: said with reference to all that follows, 
including not merely the clause gued—melius but also guaeque—compara- 
bas, et cum—afferebas, Zenonisque conclusiones. For the pl. dla cf. 1 20 ula 
palmaria. In this most awkward sentence eodem is taken up again in the 
phrases in eam partem—differemus, in idem tempus reservabo. 

quod Chrysippum dicere: cf. 11 16 and below §§ 25,26. For Relative 
explained by following clause see I 2 and Index. 

quaeque comparabas: ‘ your comparison (11 17) of a beautiful house to 
the beauty of the world’, lit. ‘what in the case of a beautiful house you com- 
pared’, &c., a kind of concrete for abstract, as when we say victus Caesar 
for ‘the defeat of Caesar’, cf: 11 115 quae ut fierent ratione equerunt n. 

et cum: inir19. The connecting particles are intentionally careless, 
as though to throw contempt on the argument and imply a want of logical 
connexion, cf. Dumesnil Leg. 11 14 n. on scripserunt, and above § 11 my n. 
on nescio guid. It is unnecessary to supply anything (as Sch.) between 
lla differemus and cum afferebas. Strictly speaking the cwm-clause should 
of course state the circumstances of the principal action, but, as we have 
seen in the phrase audivi cum diceret (n. on I 58), it may stand for an 
extension of the object of the verb, being used there instead of a participle, 
here instead of a relative clause. 

Zenonis : 11 20 and below § 22 foll. 

acutulas: [add to Lexx. Apul. Met. v1 27. J. HE. B. M.] the diminutive 
of contempt, like forticulus used of Epicurus in Juse. 11 45; contortulis con- 
clusiunculis, of the Stoics (ib. 11 42); pungunt, quasi aculeis, interrogatiun- 
culis, of the same (fin. Iv 7); carunculae vitulinae mavis quam imperatori 
vetert credere, of the haruspices (Dw. 11 52). 

physice: the adverb, as shown by 11 23 id ipsum rationibus physicis 
confirmari volo; cf. Div. 1 110 altera divinatio...physica disputandi subtili- 
tate referenda est ad naturam deorum, Div. 1 126 non id quod superstitiose, 

(8 BOOK II CH. VII § 18. 

sed id quod physice dicitur, [also Serv. on Aen. x 5, 834. J. E.B.M.]. So 
we have Stoice in Div. 11 8 (accurate et Stoice Stoicorum sententiam defen- 
disti); dialectice and rhetorice in Fin. 117. It is strange that the edd. 
should take the vocative of the noun, which would be out of place 
here, and moreover is regularly used of the Epicureans, see 1 77 tu hoc, 
physice, non vides with the nn., also 1 83, 148. The Stoics prided them- 
selves on being dialectici. 

nudius tertius = nwnc dies (arch. num dius) est tertius. See n. on 
hesterno die 11 78, but here it is implied that a whole day had intervened 
between the second and third books, unless Cicero for the moment im- 
agined that he was referring here to the first book. 

docere velles: see above § 6, and below § 20 ostendere velles. 

quare—mentem haberent: it seems best to make this clause depend 
on dicta sunt (as Heind. and Sch.). So taken the sentence exhibits the 
same confusion between the objective and subjective statement (quare 
mundus haberet instead of quare mundum habere confitendum esset), of 
which we have seen exx. before, as in 11 13 (notiones confused with causas) 
and 11 167 magnis viris prosperae res, si quidem satis dictum est, n. Below 
we have (§ 23) nihil affert quare mundum ratione uti putemus, which might 
similarly have been contracted into nihil affert quare utatur. In the pas- 
sage referred to (11 29—44) Balbus did not attempt to show why the uni- 
verse was intelligent, but gave reasons for believing that it was so. It is 
worthy of notice that Cotta here speaks of the argument in favour of the 
intelligence of the universe and stars as included under the general head 
deos esse, thus confirming the view I have taken in opposition to Hirzel 
vol. 11 p. xxi foll. 

Ch. vit $19. interrogaturus: ‘about to examine my argument’, 
From the Socratic elenchus the word cnterrogatio gets the sense of ‘syl- 
logism’, cf. Fat. 28, Madv. Fin. 139 and Reid Acad. 1 5. 

tacitae: ‘without discussion’. Cf. the passive signification of caecus, 
surdus, &c. 

separantur : as by Cic. himself in his treatises on the subject. 

agere confuse: cf. Reid on de. 1 47. 

Ch. vii § 20—ch. xxv § 64. 

a. Criticism of particular arguments of Zeno, Chrysippus and 
Xenophon stated in previous Book. §§ 20—28. 

(1) When tt is said ‘the universe is best and therefore divine’, 
there is an ambiguity in ‘best’; we may allow it to be most beautiful 
and most useful, but how most wise? tf, as Zeno says, because what is 
wise is better than what is not wise, why not on the same principle 
a mathematician or musician? §$§ 20—23, 

BOOK III CH. VIII § 20. 79 

§ 20. nullos esse: ‘that they were non-existent’, see Index. 

a consuetudine : see 11 45 (commencing the second section of the argu- 
ment) in reference to the difficulty of conceiving Gods in other than human 
shape. Chrysippus wrote a treatise against Custom, xara SuvnOeias, Plut. 
Mor. p. 1036. | 

quo nihil melius esset: cf. 11 46 mundo autem certe nihil est melius. 
The Subj. is due to Orat. Obl. (Roby § 1740) ‘than which, you said, nothing 
is better’. 

modo possemus: (that might be the case) ‘could we but imagine the 
world to be alive’. For similar ellipsis ef. nisi forte 1 98, nist vero below 
§ 27, Roby § 1626. 

§ 21. quid dicis melius? ‘what meaning do you attach to that 
word?’ lit. ‘what quality do you call by that name?’ cf. 1 89 quid est istuc 
gradatim ? 

si pulchrius: as asserted in 11 47, 58, of the mundane sphere. 

aptius ad utilitates : as shown in II 49. 

sapientius : as in 11 47 and more particularly in 11 36, 39. 

nullo modo prorsus : Madv. on Fin. 11 15 says that prorsus, when joined 
with the negative in whatever order, always increases its force, as in Plaut. 
Trin. 730 nullo modo. potest fiert prorsus quin dos detur; see Munro on 
Lucr. 1 748, where nec prorsum=et prorsus non. Sch. wrongly asserts the 
same of non omnino, which, like ov ravv, is found either in the weak or the 
strong signification, non being sometimes used to negative the adverb, 
as in Plaut. Asin. non omnino jam perit; est reliquom quo peream magis ; 
and Cic. Att. 11 23 § 2 non omnino quidem sed magnam partem. 

non quod difficile sit: the Subj. marks that the reason assigned is not 
vouched for by the speaker. See Roby § 1744. 

Ch. 1x. nihil est mundo melius: the argument, given in 1 21, 46, 
is borrowed ultimately from Plato Zim. 30: ‘The Creator sought to make 
all good and beautiful in the highest degree, and perceiving ovdev avonrov 
Tov vouv éxovTos OAov OAov KaAALOV EvecOai ToT epyov, voov & av xwpis Wuxns 
advvarov mapayevécba To, he therefore made the world (gov euyuxov evvour 
re’. Cotta is right in complaining of the vagueness of the argument of 
Balbus, but his comparison is illegitimate, as Sch. observes; since the 
relation of rerum natura to mundus is a relation of identity, while that of 
terrae to urbs nostra is a relation of whole to parts. As to the particular 
comparison, it is of course absurd to speak of the material city as being 
better than any thing on earth. A single human being, a single object 
possessed of life is better and more wonderful. If on the other hand we 
mean by the city a community of men, we may then think of it as the 
highest thing on earth, but this will only be because we regard it as the 
highest earthly embodiment of reason. 

ne in terris quidem: like ovd¢, ne quidem has two senses, a stronger 
and a weaker ; here it is the latter, ‘neither is there anything on earth 

8() BOOK Ill CH. 1x § 21. 

superior to Rome’; cf. 171 n., also Caes. B.G. v 44 §5 ne Vorenus quidem 
sese vallo continet ; B.C. 11 33 ne Varius quidem dubitat copias producere ; 
Madv. § 457, and Index. 

idcirco in urbe esse rationem: it is the same argument as is used in 
11 47 to prove the rationality of the world. | 

quoniam non sit: repeated in guod—memoria. The Subjunctives are 
required, because they are subordinate in Orat. Obl. 

in formica—mens: but in 1 34 and 133 it is denied that brutes have 
mind or reason, Compare however 11 29 on guiddam simile mentis. For 
the comparison of the ant see n. on 1 79. 

concedatur—sumere: cf. below § 36 quo modo hoc, quasi concedatur, 

§ 22. dilatatum a recentioribus coartavit : the mss here have simply 
dilatavit, but this is in flat contradiction to 11 20 huec, quae dilatantur 
a nobis, Zeno sic premebat, and to Parad. 1 2 Cato in ea est haeresi quae 
nullum sequitur florem orationis neque dilatat argumentum: minutes inter- 
rogatiunculis, quasi punctis, quod proposuit eficit. Heind. followed by Sch. 
proposed to understand the word in the sense of ‘to generalize’, ‘to cover 
a large surface’, but dilatare is regularly used of rhetorical amplification, 
never of logical extension, cf. Orat. 1 163 perfice ut Crassus haec quae coar- 
tavit et peranguste refersit in oratione sua dilatet nobis atque explicet ; Brut. 
309 ala justa eloquentia, quam dialecticam dilatatam esse putant; Part. 
Orat. 23 (conversa oratio) ita tractatur ut aut ex verbo dilatetur aut in 
verbum contrahatur oratio. It appears to me therefore that some words 
have been lost, and I find a confirmation of this idea in the reading of the 
oldest Ms (V) dilata lavit, and in the epithet vetws which suggests a lost 
antithesis. If the archetype had three lines as follows, the second would 
be easily omitted : 


§ 23. vestigiis concludere: vest. being here nearly synonymous with 
cvemplo, IT am disposed to treat it as an Abl. of Manner. In its more 
literal use, as in the phrase vestigzis sequi, it is better taken as an Abl. of 
Place (Roby § 1177), while in the phrase vestigiis invenimus (Verr. VI 53) 
it should be classed as Abl. of Means. 

litteratus igitur est mundus: the objection is taken from Alexinus, 
a philosopher of the Megaric school, famed for ingenious quibbling, who 
flourished early in the third century B.c., and was a keen opponent of 
Zeno. It is thus stated by Sext. Emp. 1x 108 76 mounrixoy Tod pn rointiKot 
kal TO ypappatiKoy TOU pH ypappatiKOU KpeiTTOY éaTL...ovde Ev bE KOLO 
KpeiTTOY €oTLVv? TomTLKOY apa kat ypappatiKoy eat 6 Koopos. ‘To which 
Sextus appends the answer of the Stoics : ‘What is animated and rational 
is absolutely better than its opposite, but the grammatical and poetical is 

BOOK III CH. Ix § 23. 81 

only relatively better, that is, in relation to such a creature as man, 
provided there is nothing to counterbalance it ; e.g. Aristarchus the gram- 
marian is inferior to Plato who was not a grammarian’. The real flaw in 
Zeno’s argument is the ambiguity of the minor premiss: the world, as we 
see it, is not the best thing we can imagine; but it suggests to us a per- 
fect cause, which we may believe in, though we cannot see it. If we 
include this first cause in our idea of the universe, then we may say that 
the universe in its entirety, not as known to a finite being at a particular 
moment, must be best; and we may also say that, self-consciousness being 
a higher condition than unconsciousness, there must be self-consciousness 
in the universe. 

et quidem mathematicus: ‘aye and’, implying that this is even a 
greater absurdity than the former. There is no reason for the correction 
atque idem, see n. on I 41. 

denique—postremo: 1 104 n. 

dixti: for the syncopated form see Roby § 662, Munro on Lucr. 1 233, 
Madv. Fin. 11 10, Plaut. Hun. 322 amisti, Ter. Andr. 518 dixti, Catull. 
41.14 masti, Aen. I 201 accestis, IV 682 exstinxti, Propert. 1 3.37 consumpsti, 
Hor. Sat. 1 7. 68 evasti, 11 3. 273 percusti. Cicero uses this colloquial 
abbreviation Att. XIII 32 and Caecin. 82, the latter of which is referred to 
by Quintilian 1x 3 § 22 Pisonem alloquens Cicero dicit ‘restituisse te dixti’ tpsum ‘diate’, excussa syllaba, figura in verbo. 

nisi ex eo: this is Heind.’s emendation, approved by Madv, Adv. 1 
243 n. and Sch. Append., instead of the Ms sine deo, The syllable ni 
would easily be lost after the rz of fiert, and st ex eo would quickly suggest 
sine deo. The objection to the Ms reading is that the opposition between 
God and nature (though occurring below § 24, and not in itself un-Stoical, 
cf. 11 75 n.) is here out of place, being interposed between two ironical 
arguments to prove that the world is itself a master of science and art. 
And, though deus is sometimes used as equivalent to mundus, yet the 
phrase sine deo fiert (which occurs below of the tides) is not appropriate to 
the argument here referred to, unde hane (mentem) homo arripuit? 
cetera mundus habebit, hoe unum, quod plurimi est, non habebit ? (11 18). 
If we accept this change of reading, it seems necessary also to read alam 
for ullam. 

sui dissimilia effingere : the reference is to such passages as II 22 cur 
mundus non animans judicetur cum ex se procreet animantes ? ex oliva 
modulate canentes tibiae nascerentur, num dubitares quin inesset in oliva 
tibicinn quaedam scientia ? 

earum artium homines: cf. Rosc. Am. 120 omnium artium puerulos, 
Plin. V. 7. 1x 8 § 8 Arion citharaedicae artis, xxv 4 libertum suum Lenaeum 
grammaticae artis, also VII 39, 40, Xxx 2. 

nihil igitur: ‘after such a reductio ad absurdum it is on there is 
nothing in his argument’. 

Mc LIL 6 

8? BOOK Til CH. bx § 23. 

salutarius: the occurrence of this epithet along with others referring 
to the beauty and order of the universe is confirmatory of the Ms reading 
distinctionem utilitatem in 11 15, The comparative sal. is said to be 
am. Ney. 

Ba. (2). Again, when it is said the regular movements of the 
stars prove them to be divine, it is simply the regularity of nature ; 
on the same principle we should call tides or intermuttent fevers divine, 

§8 23, 24, 

ne stellae quidem: weak sense, as above § 21, see Index. 

quas tu innumerabiles: ‘in countless numbers’. For the inclusion 
of an adjective, belonging to the antecedent, in the relative clause as a 
subpredicate, cf. 11 89 natura quam cernit ignotam, It 136 calore quem 
multum habent, UI 93 deos qui a te inumerabiles explicati sunt. 

reponebas: ‘you were for reckoning among the Gods’. On the regu- 
larity of the heavenly movements cf. 11 43, 49, 51, 54—56, esp. 54 quae cum 
in sideribus videamus, non possumus ea ipsa non in deorum numero re- 
ponere N. 

§ 24. omnia quae—ea: see Index under Pleonastic Demonstrative. 

Ch. x. Euripo: the currents of the Euripus were proverbial, but 
rather as signifying irregularity.than the opposite; cf Plato Phaedo 90 
mavra Ta OvTa aTExvas @oTEp ev Etpin@ dv@ kal KaTw aTpéderar Kal xpovov 
ovdeva év ovdert péver, Aeschin. Ctes.’ p. 66 (of inconstancy) mAelous Tparo- 
pevos Tpomas tov Evpimov map ov @ket, Arist. Lith. 1X 6 trav Totter (the 
good) péver Ta BovAnuata Kal ov petappel @oTep Evpumos, Liban. Lp. 533 
pn pe voulons Evpurov, Cic. Mur. 35 quod fretum, quem Euripum tot motus, 
tantas tam varias habere putatis agitationes commutationesque fluctuum, 
quantas perturbationes et quantos aestus habet ratio comitiorum? Liv. 
XXVIII 6 fretum ipsum Euripi non septies die, sicut fuma fert, reciprocat, 
sed temere in modum venti, nune huc, nunc illue verso mari, velut monte 
praecipitt devolutus torrens rapitur. A story grew up in later times that 
Aristotle, then living at Chalcis, put an end to his life through vexation at 
his inability to explain the cause of these currents (Justin M. Coh. ad 
Gent. 36, Eustath. ad Dion. Perieg. 475, cited by Ideler on Arist. Jeteor. 
18). The account given in the Dict. of Geog. is as follows: ‘It remains 
but a short time in a quiescent state, changing its direction in a few 
ininutes and almost immediately resuming its velocity, which is generally 
from four to five miles an hour either way. The results of three months’ 
observation afforded no sufficient data for reducing the phenomena to any 
regularity’. Strabo says of it (Ix p. 618) wept d€ rhs wadeppolas Tod Evpimou 
TOTOUTOY LOVOY EiTrelY ikavoV, OTL EmTakis peTaBadrAcw act Kad nucpav ExaoTny 
kat vuxta: thy O€ airiay év GAXots oxerréov. Pliny, after giving an account 
of tides generally, adds (11 97) guorumdam tamen privata natura est, velut 
Tauromenttant Kuripi et in Euboea, septies die ac nocte reciprocantis. 

BOOK III CH. X § 24. 83 

Mela however (11 7) says it ebbs and flows seven times in every twelve 
hours, cf. Seneca Herc. F'. 377, Herc. O. 779, Troad. 838. The word got to be 
used of any channel (Xen. Hell. 1 6 § 22) and hence of a conduit, as in Cic. 
Leg. 1 2 ductus aquarum quos isti nilos et euripos vocant. On tides see 
above 11 19 nn. [Cf. Aesch. Ag. 191 madippoxdas ev Avridos rézots. 
Swainson. ] 

freto Siciliensi: the word fretwm is sometimes used distinctively of 
the straits of Messana. Strabo tells us some explained the currents there 
by the supposition that the two seas, of which they formed the junction, 
were on different levels, dua rodro rods evpimous powders efvat, paddtora S€ Tov 
kara Sexediav ropOpov, dv dnow (Eratosthenes) ouovomadeivy tats Kata Tov 
’Oxeavov mAnupupiot Te Kal Gum@reot Sis Te yap peTaBaddew Tov poty Exd- 
atns jpépas Kat vu«ros foll. Thucydides (Iv 24) seems to identify it with 
the Charybdis of Homer, d:a crevornra d€ Kai ek peyddov redayav rod Te 
Tuponvxod kal Tod SixeAtkov eominrovaa 7 Oadacaa és avro kul powdns odca 
eixorws xadern evopniobn. Allen cites Lucr. 1 721 angustoque fretu rapidum 
mare dividit undis Italiae terrarum oras a finibus ejus (Siciliae). Lucretius 
also uses the word metaphorically in 1v 1030 and vi 364, where Munro 
says ‘fretus expresses at once the strait joining two seas and the swell and 
surging common in such cross-seas’, See Varro quoted on fretorum 
angustiae II 19. 

fervore: ‘boiling’, as in Lucr. vi 437 prorumpitur in mare venti vis, et 
fervorem mirum concinnat in undis. 

Europam Libyamque: the fretum Gaditanum or Herculeum. The 
line, which is assigned to Ennius Ann. vu by L. Miiller p. 34, is also 
cited in Zuse. 1 45 i qui Oceani freta illa viderunt, Huropam &e. It was 
near Gibraltar that Posidonius investigated the phenomena of the tides, 
see above 11 19 nn. 

vel Hispanienses vel Britannici: ‘either on the coasts of Spain or 
Britain’. We have seen above (11 19 n., cf. Strabo mr 5 p. 261) that 
Aristotle explained the Atlantic tides by the peculiar nature of the Spanish 
coast, The tides of Britain were noticed as extraordinary by Pytheas 
(Plin. WV. H. 11 99), cf. Caesar B.G, Iv 29. 

fieri non possunt: ‘is it impossible for them to occur?’ This gives 
a better sense than nonne read by most ss, which would mean ‘may they 
not occur ?’ 

ordinem conservant: what is the value of the argument from regu- 
larity? It shows that there is something more than chance or caprice at 
work. But constantia is never regarded as being the sole and sufficient 
reason for belief in the rational government of the universe. It might be 
the necessary result of some original law of matter. The instances by 
which Cotta endeavours to throw ridicule upon it are themselves indu- 
bitable proofs of a steadily acting cause. 

ne tertianas quoque febres: the ms reading quidem is capable of a 
good sense in itself, limiting the assertion, like Gr. ye, to the particular 


84 BOOK III CH. X § 24, 

kind of fever ; but it is hardly likely that Cic. would have used ne—quidem 
in any but the idiomatic sense. I have therefore followed the other edd. 
in reading guogue. The comparison with intermittent fevers may have 
been suggested by the common term circumitus (mepiodos), See above It 49 
and Cels. 11 12 eas febres quae certum habent circumitum et ex toto remit- 
tuntur. On the kinds of intermittent fevers, quartan, tertian, quotidian, 
see Plin. viir 50 certis pestifer calor remeat horis aut rigor, neque horis modo 
sed et dicbus noctibusque trinis quadrimisve, etiam anno toto; Lydus Mens. 
II p. 51 wAeovacavros pev mupos TupeTos yiverat, Gudnuepwwos O€ depos, TPL 
ratios 5€ vOatos, Terapraios Sé yjs, Mayor on Juv. Iv 57 quartanam sperantt- 
bus aegris. As we read below § 63, febris was deified, though not for the 
reason ironically suggested here. 

reversione et motu: cf. Ac. 11 119 motus mutationemque, below § 27, 
Div. 11 94, and see Index under ‘ hendiadys’. 

ratio reddenda est: ‘have to be explained’. The Stoic would reply 
that that was what he meant by calling them divine. The fact that all 
things were rational proved that the universe was ordered by reason, and 
to this reason he gave the name of God. 

§ 25. quod cum facere—deum: ‘in cases where you are unable to 
give a rational explanation you have recourse to the Deity’. 

in aram confugitis: the same metaphor is used by Archytas ap. Arist. 
Rhet. ut 11 ravrov etvae Scaurntny xai Bopov: em audw yap To ddikovpevov 
karapevyes 3 Caecin. 100 cum homines vincula vitant, confugiunt quasi ad 
aram tn exsilium ; p. Red. in Sen. 11 nisi in aram tribunatus confugisset ; 
Verr. 113 and 8 ad aram legum confugere. We have the literal sense in 
Tusc. 1 85 Priamum, cum in aram confugisset, hostilis manus tuteremit. 

Ba. (3). Zhe arguments of Chrysippus are equally weak, He 
uses ‘better’ in the same vague way, and does not distinguish between 
reason and nature. It is no presumption in man to believe that he is 
himself rational and that the stars are composed of brute matter. 
The comparison of the universe to a house beys the question. §§ 25, 26. 

Chrysippus: 1116. For e¢=‘and then’ cf. 1 50, 93. 

callidus: fr. callum ‘hardened skin’, itself used metaphorically by 
Cic. Tuse. 11 86 ipse labor quasi callum quoddam obducit dolort; hence 
calleo ‘to be hardened’, as in Fam. iv 5 § 2 in illis rebus exercitatus aniinus 
callere jam debet atque omnia minoris aestimare ; and concallesco ‘to become 
hardened’, Att. Iv 16 § 10 locus ie animi nostri concalluit. From this 
sense we get the further meaning ‘practised’, ‘expert’, like tritus, rpiBoyr, 
rpippa, cf. Catil. U1 17 prudentes natura, callidi usu, doctrina erudit? ; and 
the pun in Plaut. Poen, 111 2. 2, and Pers. 11 5. 4 vide sis calleas. Callum 
aprugnum callere aeque non sinam. We find it joined with versutus 
(‘adroit’, ‘dexterous’, ‘dodgy’) Of. I 108, 11 10, 111 57, Caecin. 55, 65. 
For the derivation cf. Plaut. Apid. 11 2. 35 vorsutior es quam rota figularis. 

BOOK Ill CH. X § 25. 85 

There is no particular reason for these verbal distinctions here. But 
Cicero was in Augustine’s phrase verborum vigilantissimus appensor ac 
mensor (cited by Trench on Words Lect. 4), of which we have an example 
in the forms beatitas, beatitudo proposed by him in 1 95; still more in the 
discussion on the word invidentia (Tusc. 111 20), non dixi invidiam, quae 
tum est cum invidetur, ab invidendo autem invidentia recte dict potest ut 
efugiamus ambiguum nomen invidiae, quod verbum ductum est a nimis 
tntuendo fortunam alterius, ut est in Melanippo, and so on for some lines ; 
after which he returns to his subject. 

igitur : resumptive, see on I 44. 

in eodem, quo illa: for the subaudition of the preposition with the 
relative, when it has been expressed with the demonstrative, see above 
I 31 n., Mayor on Cic. Phil. 11 26, Madv. § 323 obs. 1 [also on Fin. 1 32, 
Fabri on Liv. xx11 33 § 9, Beier on Cic. Of.1112. J. E.B. M.]. 

errore versantur: ‘have their being in the same error’, cf. I 43 in 
maxima inconstantia versantur opiniones ; 1 87 Aristonis magna in errore 
sententia est; Tusc. 1 107 vides quanto haec in errore versentur ‘what a 
mistake underlies all this’. 

§ 26. praestabilius=praestantius 11 16, 45. See below on patibilem, 
§ 29. 

quid inter naturam et rationem intersit: ‘what a distance there is 
between reason (such as we know it in man) and the unconscious opera- 
tions of nature’, This refers both to the argument of Chrysippus 11 16 
(tn homine solo est ratio &c.) and to that of Zeno just cited. 

distinguitur: on the change from the Act. to the Pass. Swainson 
compares Madv. /%n. 11 48. 

idemque: Cotta here separates the two arguments which are appa- 
rently blended in 11 16, where see nn. He has just given the former ‘if 
there is anything in the universe beyond man’s power to make, that which 
made it must be God’: he now gives the latter, ‘if God does not exist, 
there is nothing in the universe superior to man ; which is absurd’. 

sint ; Subj. because subordinate to negat esse. 

id—nihil homine esse melius: on the explanatory clause in apposi- 
tion to Demonstrative see above § 7 sz id est primum. 

Orionem et Caniculam: see nn. on 1 113. Canc. is here used for 
Sirius, as in Hor. Od. 117, 111 13, not for the Lesser Dog-star (Procyon), 
as by Plin. V.H. xviit 68 cited on 11 114. As usual, Cotta confuse agit. 
The question is not here as to the divinity of each constellation, but as to 
the rationality of the universe. Cotta’s argument merely comes to this, 
_ there are parts of the universe which are irrational and unconscious and 
_ therefore inferior to man. 

si domus—debemus: see 1 17 nn. 

aedificatum : cf. nn. on 119 aedificart mundum, 1 4 fabricati; and for 
omission of esse Acad. 11 126 ne exaedificatum quidem hune mundum divino 
consilio existimo, and Index under ‘ellipsis’. 

86 BOOK III CH. X § 25. 

a natura: see on 11 33. The promise here made is not fulfilled in 
what remains. 

Ba. (4). Nor is there more weight in the assumptions that the 
rational soul of man must have proceeded from a rational soul in the 
universe, and that the harmony of nature can only be explained on the 
supposition of one divine Governor. Both are spontaneous products 
of nature acting according to her own laws, SS 27, 28. 

Ch. x1 § 27. unde animum arripuerimus: cf. 1118 nn. and Dw. It 
26 naturale (genus divinandi) quod animus arriperct extrinsecus ex divini- 
tate, unde omnes animos haustos aut acceptos aut libatos haberemus. The 
same form of argument is used by F. W. Newman (Reply to Eclipse of 
Faith p. 26): ‘Being conscious that I have personally a little love and 
a little goodness, I ask concerning it, as concerning intelligence, where did 
I pick it up? and I feel an invincible persuasion that, if I have some 
moral goodness, the great Author of my being has infinitely more’ (cited 
by Mansel Bampton Lectures p. 197). 

et ego quaero: for the ironical e¢ cf. 1 79 n., below § 82 et praedones, 
and Cato 25 diu vivendo multa senectus quae non vult videt. Et multa 
fortasse quae vult. 

unde orationem: the same kind of frivolous objection as we had 
before in § 23. Granted reason, you have its developments and applications. 

ad harmoniam canere: cf. 1 19 concinentibus mundi partibus n. 
‘Pythagoras believed that the intervals between the heavenly bodies cor- 
responded to those of the octave and that hence arose the harmony of the 
spheres, which mortals were unable to hear, either because it was too 
powerful for their ears, or because they had never experienced absolute 
silence’, Ane. Phil. p. 10; cf. Plato Rep. x 617 ‘upon each of the eight 
circles stands a Siren, who travels round with the circle uttering one note in 
one tone, and from all the eight notes there proceeds a single harmony. 
At equal distances around sit the Fates clothed in white robes, chanting 
to the music of the Sirens, Lachesis of the past, Clotho of the present, 
Atropos of the future’; Zeller 1 398, 11 6538, Cic. &.P. vi 18 (after being 
shown the planets Scipio asks) quis est qui complet aures meas tantus et tam 
dulcis sonus? Mie est, inquit tlle, qui intervallis disjunctus imparibus, sed 
tamen pro rata parte ratione distinctis, impulse et motu tpsorum orbium 
eficitur et acuta cum gravibus temperans varios aequabiliter concentus effictt ; 
nec enim silentio tanti motus incitart possunt...Summus ile cacli. stellifer 
cursus, cujus conversio est concitatior, acuto et excitato movetur sono, gra- 
vissimo autem hie lunaris atque cnfimus..alli autem octo cursus septem 
eficiunt distinctos intervallis sonos (which we imitate on our musical instru- 
ments)...Hoc sonitu oppletae aures hominum obsurduerunt...sicut, ubi Nilus 
ad illa, quae Catadupa nominantur, praecipitat ex altisstmis montibus, ea 

BOOK III CH. XI § 27. 87 

gens, quae illum locum accolit, propter magnitudinem sonitus sensu audiendi 
caret; Plin. V. H. 11 22, Shaksp. I of Ven. v. 1. 60 ‘ There’s not the smallest 
orb which thou behold’st, but in his motion like an angel sings, still 
quiring to the young-eyed cherubins ; such harmony is in immortal souls; 
but whilst this muddy vesture of decay doth grossly close us in, we cannot 
hear it’. Aristotle (Cae/. 11 9) argues against the Pythagorean harmony of 
the spheres. 

ista sunt: the soul with all its faculties, which you referred to as 
proving a divine Originator. 

artificiose ambulantis: cf. 1157 naturam ita definit ut eam dicat ignem 
esse artificiosum ad gignendum progredientem via. The change of phrase is 
intended to be ludicrous, ‘artistically walking nature’ instead of ‘the 
movement of the artistic fire’. Ambulo is however used of inanimate 
objects, as by Cato &. R. 1 3 amnis qua naves ambulant; of the Nile by 
Plin. V. H. v 10; of light, ib. xxxvit 47, where it is said of a precious stone 
inclusam lucem transfundit cum inclinatione, velut intus ambulantem ex alio 
atque alio loco reddens [of machinery, ib. xviit § 317. For artificiose cf. 
Ambr. Of. 193. J. E. B. M.] 

omnia cientis—mutationibus suis: Cotta here gives to artificiosus a 
different meaning to that which it bore in Zeno’s definition of nature, 
actually contrasting it with natural, as in Div. 1 72 (genera divinand?) non 
naturalia sed artificiosa. 

§ 28. itaque gives a reason for suis. The character impressed 
on the universe comes from nature herself, not from any adventitious 

convenientia: cf. 11 54 hance in stellis...convenientiam temporum...con- 
veniens constansque conversio ; and, for the passage generally, n. on 11 19 
consentiens conspirans continuata cognatio. 

cognatione continuatam: so mss. Edd. put both words either in 
Abl. or Acc. But why may we not translate ‘connected by relation- 
ship’? We have omnes artes quast cognatione quadam inter se continentur, 
Arch, 2; (animus) deorum cognatione teneatur Div. 1 64, cf. Plato Meno 81 
dre ths picews ovyyevovs ovons, with the remarks in Grote’s Plato 11 p. 17 
(where parallels are cited from Leibnitz); Porphyr. V. Pyth. § 49 ré airvov 
Ths ovpmvolas kal THS cupTabelias TY Oov...€V TpoTnyopeveay, Kal yap TO ev 
Tols KATA pLépos Ev ToOLODTO UTapPYXEl, NYw@pEvoY TOis pépegL Kat OUpTVOVY KATA 
peTrouciay Tov mpeTov aitiov. Consentio and conspiro are frequently joined, 
as in J’usc. v 72 (in friendship we see) consilium omnis vitae consentiens et 
paene conspirans ; Fin. V 66 conspiratio consensusque virtutum ; Fin. I 20, 
Oecon. 1. 

illa vero cohaeret—naturae viribus: if we keep the Ms reading, dla 
here can only refer to natura, some edd. have therefore proposed to make 
it plural, reading continerentur, cohaerent, permanent ; but Cic. is not very 
careful about avoiding repetitions, cf. below § 34 natura...ex naturis...quo 
naturae vi, 11 25 puteis jugibus n., Div. 1 112 e monte Taygeto extrema 

88 BOOK Ill CH. XI § 28. 

montis quasi puppis avulsa est: moreover we find the sing. iz ca just below. 
On vero see I 86 n. 

naturae viribus, non deorum: but to the Stoic, as to the Christian, 
nature was merely the manifestation of God; cf. Lact. 1 8 melius Seneca 
vidit nil aliud esse naturam quam Deum. Cum igitur ortum rerum tribuis 
naturae ac detrahis Deo, in eodem luto haesitans versuram facis. A quo 
enim fiert mundum negas, ab eodem plane fiert mutato nomine confiteris. 
Balbus carefully distinguishes the meanings of the term ‘nature’ Ir 81, 
and is quite willing to ascribe to nature the ordering of the universe, 
provided that by ‘nature’ we understand vim participem rationis, and not 
vim quandam sine ratione cientem motus in corporibus NECESSUPIOS. 

quasi consensus: see on 11 19; gwas? is merely a modest way of intro- 
ducing his equivalent for the Gr., cf. Reid on Cato 47 quasi titillatio= 

Bb. Carneades’ argument showing that no animal can be eternal 
(and therefore that the God of the Stoics is a figment). Ch. xm § 29 
—ch, xrv § 34, 

(1) Whatever is corporeal must be discerptible. § 29. 

Much of the following argument is found in Sext. Emp. rx 187 foll. It 
is there employed undisguisedly to disprove the existence of the Gods, not, 
as ostensibly here, to disprove the Stoic view of their nature, cf above 
§ 20 cum ostendere velles quales di essent, ostenderes wullos esse. Sextus 
begins, not simply by assuming, but by proving, that the God of the Stoics 
must be an animal, ro yap (gov tod py (dou Kpeirrov. Whatever may be 
the value of the argument, it does not touch the main point of the Stoic 
theology, the belief in the mundane Deity ; for this did not prevent them 
from maintaining the doctrine of the corruptibility of the world, in opposi- 
tion to the Aristotelian doctrine of the eternity of the world ; cf. Diog. L. 
Vil 141 @Oaprov etvar toy Kocpov ate yevntov, ob Ta Te pépn Pbapta eae 
kal TO oAov: Ta dé pépy TOU KOopou POapra, eis GAAnAa ydp peraBadree 
@Oapros apa o kécpos (see below Bb (3)). kat ef te emidextixdv éote Tis 
€s TO xelpov petaBorns, POaprov éotu Kal 6 KOopos apa: éEavypovrat yup 
kat €€vdarovra, Zeller Iv p.152n. But how is this consistent with their 
doctrine that the world is God, (@ov déavarov? The explanation is that, 
though the form is transitory, the substance is eternal. The world, as it 
exists at any moment, will be destroyed in the next conflagration, but the 
flame, which destroys it, is itself the seed of the new world which rises out 
of the ashes of the old; cf. Zeno (Stob. Eel. p. 322) rv trav dvt@v mporny 
vAnv wacav aidioy Kal ovTE TrElw yryvopevny ovTE €AaTTM, TA S€ pépN TadTNS 
ovK det Tavra Siapever GAda Scarpeic Oar Kai cvyxetcOat, also Chrysippus ibid. 
and ap. Plut. St. Rep. p. 1052. More fally pseudo-Philo Je. Mund. 2 ovdeis 
ovTws €otly evnOns Bate aropew ef 6 Kdopos eis TO pH dv POeiperat, GAN 
ei O€xerar thy ék ris Suaxoopyoews peraBorry, ib. 3 of S€ Sre@iKot Kdcpov 

BOOK III CH. XI § 28. | 89 

péev eva, yevécews S€ adtod Oedv airiov, POopas Sé pykere Oeov, adda Thy 
imdpyovoay ev Tois over Tupods dkapdrov Svvapw...e€ ns madiy avd avayévynow 
koopov cuvicracba mpopnbeia Tod Texvirov. Svvarat S€ KaTa ToUTOUS O pEV 
Tis KOTpos aidtos, 6 Oe POapros AێyerOar, POapros pev 6 Kata Thy Siakdopnow, 
didios S€ 6 Kata THY exmUpwow madtyyevetias Kal Trepiddots abavatiCopevos 
ovdérore Anyovoas, Zeller Iv p. 153 nn. It may be well to note here that 
the Stoics used the term odpa in the widest sense, including not only 
what we should call matter, but God, the soul, even the affections and 
virtues, which they defined to be the material soul affected in a particular 

Ch. x1t § 29. Carneades: we have a specimen of his anti-Stoic 
polemic in Acad. 11 119 foll. After a short statement of the Stoic g@voto- 
Loyia (hunce mundum esse sapientem, habere mentem quae et se et ipsum 
fabricata sit et omnia moderetur, moveat, regat &c.) he proceeds cur deus 
omnia nostra causa cum faceret—sic enim vultis—tantam vim natricum 
viperarumque fecerit ? cur mortifera tam multa ac perniciosa terra marique 
disperserit ?,..Negas sine deo posse quicquam. Ecce tibi e transverso Strato, 
qui det isti deo immunitatem magni quidem muneris. Negat opera deorum 
se uti ad fabricandum mundum. Quaecunque sint, docet omnia effecta esse 
natura. Compare also Sext. Emp. P. HW. m1 1, Zeller tv p. 504° foll. 

dissolvitis: cf. Div. 11 11 quomodo mentientem, quem Wevdopevov vocant, 
dissolvas ? more common in this sense than solvo, which we find Fin. 1 82 
quomodo captiosa solvantur. 

si nullum—possit: ‘if all bodies are liable to death, no body can be 
eternal ; but there is no body which is not liable to death, none even that 
is indiscerptible or incapable of decomposition’. Since, as Mady. has 
remarked, the gist of the whole paragraph is to prove nullum animal esse 
sempiternum, and the argument of Carneades in Sext. Emp. 1x 138 foll. 
proceeds on the assumption that God is an animal, we should rather have 
expected animal instead of corpus sempiternum ; and so in fact Ba. reads, 
but see the following notes. For ne—quidem cf. Deiot. 36 nec unguam 
succumbet inimicis, ne fortunae quidem. 

Bb.-(2). Whatever is possessed of soul is capable of feeling, and 
whatever is capable of feeling is liable to impressions from without, 
and therefore to destruction. § 29. 

We may compare with this argument Sext. Emp. 1x 146 kai py 7 
aigOnos érepolwats Tis €otw: aunxavoy yap TO Ov aicOnoeds Twos avTidap- 
Bavopevoy (quod per sensum aliquid apprehendit) pH éreporodobat...ei ody 
aig Oaverat 6 Oeds, Kal Erepowovrau: ef S€ Ereporortat, éErepooews SexTiKOS €oTe 
kat petaBoAns...mavtTws Kal THs é€ml TO yxetpov peraBorjs, and therefore 

cumque omne animal: this seems to be introduced as a new inde- 
pendent argument, but I am inclined to think that in the original it must 
have been joined with the preceding, thus: ‘you say God is an animal ; 

90 BOOK III CH. XII § 29. 

every animal is a compound of body and soul; body is discerptible and 
therefore perishable ; soul is sensitive and therefore liable to suffering and 
death ; therefore on both grounds every animal is mortal’; in Gr. some- 
thing like this: may (dov caparikov Té €ote Kal Yuyekov, To S€ TopartiKoy 
Siadvutov, TO S€ Wouyxixdv wabnrov, maOntiKov apa Kai Siadvtov TO Cov, TO Oe 
Towwvtoy mav Oynrov. The reasons why I am disposed to join the two argu- 
ments are (1) that the conclusion at the end of the section evidently has 
reference to both, and (2) that the twofold nature of the argument serves 
to explain the verbiage and repetition which mark the whole paragraph. 
I think however that in any case we must transfer the sentence ergo 
itidem—aeternum and place it before cumgue omne animal. We thus bring 
together connected clauses and get some reason for the logical particles : 
ergo draws the special conclusion from the discerptibility of body to the 
discerptibility of the animal, in the same manner (7tidem) as the more 
general conclusion of the mortality of the animal was inferred from the 
perishableness of the body. Again, atqguz will introduce the minor premiss 
after the major s¢ omne animal tale est, thus: ‘if all animals are sensitive, 
there is none which is not liable to be affected from without, and if every 
animal is of this nature, none is safe from death ; but every animal (is of 
this nature, i.e.) is framed so as to be exposed to the action of external 
forces ; therefore every animal is liable to death and discerptible’. 

patibilem: here with an active force ‘capable of suffering’, as in Lact. 
11 9 patibile elementum, like praestabilis above § 26, cnsatiabilis 11 98. In 
the only other passage in which it is used by Cic. it has a passive force, 
Tusc. WV 51 patibiles dolores=tolerabiles ; so impetibilis, Fin. 1 57. Com- 
pare Arist. Anim. 11 11 § 11 76 aicOdverOa macyew te eoriv, ib. IT 5 7 
atoOnos €v TO Kweicbal Te Kal racxew oupBaiver...doKet yap addolwais Tis 
eva. But Ar. guards against the inference that what is capable of feeling 
is necessarily perishable, ib. 115 § 5 ro macyew To pev POopa tis vr Tod 
evaytiov, TO S€ GwTnpia paddov Tov Suvapet GvTOs Ud Tov evTeNexeEla OVTOS, 
Stob. “el. 158 (Diels p. 456). Cf. Reid on Acad. 1 41 comprehendibile. 

eorum : sc. animalium understood from omne animal. Sch. compares 
Fin. Ww 57 cumque omnis controversia aut de re soleat aut de nomine esse, 
utraque earum nascitur, Where Madv. cites Of. 1 41 totius cnjustitiae nulla 
capitalior. See also Tuse. 1v 65 in tota ratione ea quae pertinet ad animi 
perturbationem, una res videtur causam continere, omnes eas esse in nostra 
potestate ; so in Leg. 140 jure aliguo is followed by quae st appellare au- 

accipiendi aliquid extrinsecus: but the Stoics expressly denied that 
there was anything outside which could affect their mundane deity, cf. 11 
31, 35 nn. Plato’s doctrine of sensation is thus summed up in Plac. Phil. 
Iv 8 (Diels p. 394): Pl. defines ataOnors to be Wvyfs nat coparos Kowwviay 
mpos Ta exTos: 7 pev yap Sivas Wuyjs, TO & Spyavov cwpmatos: aug Se 
dia havracias dvtiAnmrica trav EoOev. On the force of accipiendi cf. acct- 
pere plagam 1 70 and below § 32 accipiat interitum. 

BOOK III CH. XII § 29. 91 

quasi ferendi et patiendi: is this C.’s explanation of accip, extr. 
(€£wOev NapBavew), or is it simply a translation of rot maoyew, for which he 
may have thought patiendi by itself to be not sufficiently general? On the 
use of guasi in introducing a translation see above § 28. Perhaps the Gr. 
may have been something as follows: ovdév éore (Gov dre pn TH TOV AaBeiv 
te €Ewbev, rodir éotl Tod mdoyxeww, avayKn exeTar ef SE wav (Gov ToLovTor, 
ovdev €orat Cdov adbaproy. 

Bb. (3). Whatever is composed of changing elements is itself 
liable to change and therefore perishable, but the four elements of 
which all animals are composed are changeable and perishable ; there- 
Sore all animals are mortal. §§ 30, 31. See Diog. L. vir 141 cited 
above under Bb (1). 

§ 30. ut enim, si omnis cera—item nihil argenteum—similiter 
igitur : ‘as, if liquefaction were a property of wax, there could be nothing 
made of wax which would not exhibit this property, and in like manner 
nothing of silver (which would not do the same), if liquefaction were a 
property of silver; so—’. For the use of zgitur in the apodosis Sch. cites 
§ 33 nullum igitur animal aeternum est, and Invent. 1 59 quodsi melius 
geruntur ea quae consilio quam quae sine consilio administrantur, nihil 
autem omnium rerum melius administratur quam omnis mundus, consilio 
aguur mundus administratur. It is not unfrequent in Plautus and Lac- 
tantius, see exx. in Hand’s Twrsell. s.v. So ergo below § 51. 

cera commutabilis: wax is the stock example of ddXoiwars, see Arist. 
Phys. Vil 3 p. 245 b ‘we do not call an object fashioned in a particular way 
by the name of the material of which it is composed, e.g. we do not call a 
statue bronze, but of bronze, nor a pyramid wax, but of wax; but the 
material itself we call by the same name however it is altered, for whether 
solid or liquid we still call it bronze and wax’; so Cael. 11 7 p. 306 (an 
example of peraoynudtiots) kabarep €k TOU avTOv KNpOv ylyvoiT Gv adaipa Kai 
KvBos, Anim. IL 1 § 7 ov Set nreiv ef Ev n ux Kal TO OGpa, Borep ovde 
Tov Knpov Kal ro oxjpa, Plut. Mor. p. 1075 (the gods, with the exception of 
Zeus, are according to the Stoics) rnkrots domep knpivovs if) Karrirepivous, 
Ov. Met. xv 169, Cic. Orat. 11 177. [Plin. Zpist. vir 9 § 10 ut laus est 
cerae, mollis cedensque sequatur si doctos digitos jussaque fiat opus, et nunc 
enformet Martem castamque Minervam, nunc Venerem effingat, nune Veneris 
puerum; Hor. A. P. 163 cereus in vitium flectt. J. E. B. M.] 

si ea, e quibus constant omnia quae sunt: so (partly following Ba.) 
I correct the Ms reading s? omnia quae sunt e quibus cuncta constant. It 
seems absurd to speak of the four elements mentioned below as omnia ; 
and in any case guae sunt would be out of place in reference to them. 
La would be easily lost before e, and if omnia quae sunt got misplaced, it 
would be natural to insert cwncta before constant. 

Si esset corpus aliquod immortale, non esset omne mutabile: the 

OZ BOOK III CH. xiI § 380. 

connexion between mutability and mortality is denied by Herm. Trism. 
ap. Stob. Eel. 1 35 p. 702 ray odpa petaBAnrov, od Tay copa StadvTov, also 
by pseudo-Philo with special reference to the mutability of the four ele- 
ments. After citing Eurip. (fr. Nauck 836) yopei & cmicw ta pev ex yaias 
ivr és yatav, ra © aw aidepiov Bdacrovta yorns eis ovpavoy modov HABE 
maw: Ovnoxee © ovdev TaY yryvopevwv, Stakpivopevoy S Ado pos tidAdr@ 
popdiy idiay drédecEev, he continues 6 Kkdcpos apuétoyxos ata€ias eotiv, apiorny 
yap Ogow Kat évappovioy Ta Tov KOopou ElAne TavTa, ws EkagTov KaOaTrep 
marpiit diioyapovy pry  (nreiy dueive peraBodny’ ‘Earth is in its natural 
place in the centre, water is poured around it, while the lighter elements 
air and fire are placed in order above, so that, if dissolution never occurs 
but where there is an interference with the natural order, there is no 
cause for dissolution in the world’ (/ne. Mund. p. 498). Again he cites 
Heraclitus Wuyxjs Oavaroy Vdap yevérOa, Vdatos Oavatov yhv yeverOa (Byw. 
fr. 68) and explains Oavaroyv ov thy eis array dvaipecw dvopatwy, adda THY 
eis €repov oToLyxetoy petaBodrny, amapaBAntov O Kal Guveyovs THS avTOKpaTOUS 
icovopias Tavtns det Pvdatrroperns, and a little below rd dé dackew Gru POei- 
petal, py Tvvopwrtoy eoti dvaews eipyov (p. 509). This constant flux is 
described by Balbus (11 84) as the life-giving circulation of the universe. 
He does not however pronounce on the question of its eternity. 

etenim shows more fully the reason why all bodies must be mutable 
and therefore perishable. 

§ 31. intereunt: see the passage cited above from Heraclitus. 

Bb. (4). very animal is susceptible of pleasure and pain, but 
that which is susceptible of pain is susceptible of death. SS 32, 33. 

Ch. x1 § 32. quod neque natum sit et semper sit futurum: ‘alike 
without beginning and end’. Philo (Ine. Mund. p. 489) distinguishes 
three views in regard to the eternity of the universe, ray peév didioy rov 
Koopov dauevwy ayevntov te kal avodeOpoy (the Peripatetics); radv dé é& 
évavtias yevntoyv te kat POaprov (the Epicureans and Stoics in different 
ways); While Plato held that it was yevnrov cai apOaproy, not meaning by 
this (as Philo explains) that it had an actual origin in time, but that its 
existence depended on the will of the Demiurgus. 

omne animal sensus habet: so Arist. Part. An. ut 4 § 17 rd G@ov ai- 
cOjnoe oprotat, and again Anim. 1 2 § 8 drov aio Onars, kat AVaN TE Kat ySovN. 
For the following argument cf. Sext. Emp. 1x 139 e? yap eiot Geol, (oa elo 
ef O€ (Ga cio, aicOavoyvra wav yap (Gov aig@nocews petoyn voeira Coy. 
ei O€ aia Gavovrat, Kal muKpacovrat Kai yAvKacovTat...yAuKaCopevos O€ Kal TiKpa- 
Copevos evapeotynoet Til Kal dvoapeatnoe. Svoapectay O€ Tiot kal oyANTEws 
€atat SexTiKos Kal THs emt TO xelpov peTaBoArs: ei S€ ToiTo, POapros eotuy, 
also ib. § 70 immortality is inconsistent with pains and tortures, ézeimep 
mav TO adyovv Oyntoy eorw. (The expression émt 7d yelpov petaBoAn is 
borrowed from Plato Rep. 11 381 ‘if God changes, it must be for the worse, 
since he is absolute perfection,’ cf. Aug. in Joh. Ev. xxtit 9 guidquid et a 

BOOK Ill CH. xuit § 32. 93 

meliore in deterius et a deteriore in melius moritur, non est deus.) A similar 
argument was used by Panaetius (ap. Cic. Zwusc. 1 79) to disprove the 
immortality of the soul ; nihil esse quod doleat, quin id aegrum esse quoque 
possit ; quod autem in morbum cadat, id etiam interiturum ; dolere autem 
animos, ergo etiam tinterire. It was criticized by Augustine C.D. xx1 3 
cujus rationis est dolorem facere mortis argumentum, cum vitae potius sit 
indicium ? ‘The reason why we find pain kill here is because the con- 
nexion between soul and body is not strong enough to sustain the shock ; 
but the soul will live on in spite of pain.’ The Platonists and Peripatetics 
made the concupiscent part of the soul mortal ; hence Virgil (Aen. v1 730) 
hince (i.e. ex terrenis artubus moribundisque membris) metuunt cupiuntque, 
dolent gaudentque. 'The Stoics considered all emotion to be of the nature 
of disease, Tusc. Iv 23 foll. ex perturbationibus primum morbi conficiuntur, 
quae vocant ili voonpata...Hoc loco nimium operae consunutur a Stoicis, 
maxime a Chrysippo, dum morbis corporum comparatur morborum anima 
similitudo. Trismegistus ap. Stob. Hel. p. 192 denies that feeling must 
necessarily be of both kinds. 

nec potest jucunda accipere, non accipere contraria: ‘cannot re- 
ceive the one without the other’. The initial negative applies to the 
combination of the two things; cf. below § 35 non intellego quo modo 
calore extincto corpora intereant, non intereant umore &c. For the Asyn- 
deton see Index and n. on I 20 cujus principium. 

accipiat interitum: cf. above § 29 accipiendi aliquid n. Here it is 
the translation of POopas gorat Sextixds Sext. Emp. 1x 145. 

§ 33. praeterea: the particle is misleading here. What follows is 
simply the preceding argument put into a negative form. 

sin autem, quod animal est: I see no reason for the change of quod 
into guid (Heind. Mu.). The argument proceeds regularly : ‘if there is 
any thing of such a nature as not to feel pleasure or pain, it is not a living 
creature ; but if all that is living must feel them, and that which feels 
them cannot be eternal (and, as we said, all living creatures feel); then it 
follows that no living creature is eternal’. Walker omits the clause et 
omne animal sentit before the conclusion, on the ground that it is otiose 
and would in any case require ea. Logically he is right, but a certain 
degree of laxity is excusable in a dialogue, and logical exactness can hardly 
be called a characteristic of Cicero’s writings. For igitur in the apodosis 
see above on § 30. For e¢ with minor premiss cf. 1. 110, Draeg. § 311. 14. 

quod ea sentit: the ms reading sentiat might be understood as giving 
an indefinite force to the Relative ; but as the definite statement prevails 
throughout the passage, it seems more natural to suppose that the mood 
was assimilated by an error of the copyist to the preceding necesse est sentiat. 

Bb. (5). Every animal has instinctive likes and dislikes for that 
which is in accordance with, and that which is contrary to, its nature ; 

9 4 BOOK III CH. XUI § 33. 

but that which is contrary to nature is destructive to life; therefore 
every animal is liable to destruction. § 33, 

The same argument occurs in Sext. Emp. 1x 143 ef aio@avera...éo7e Twa 
ra ka@ éxaotnv aicOnow oiketotvra avTov Kal adXdotpLovyra, and, if so, éore 
twa TO Oe@ dxAnpa, hence yivera ev TH ew TO Xeipov peTaBoAy Oeds, BaTE Kal 
ev POopa, cf. Arist. Lthet. 1 11 vroxeicOw thy nSommy Kivnoiv twa THs Wuxns Kat 
Kataotacty aOpoav kal aiaOnrny els THY Urapxovaay Piow, AUmny S€ TovvavTiov. 

appetitio et declinatio: see nn. on 1 104, 11 34 besti’s dedit cuin quo- 
dam appetitu accessum ad res salutares &c. 

quod autem refugit: it has been proposed to read a guo, but ref. is 
often used transitively by Cic., e.g. Caecin. 22, Verr. v 50, tose. Am. 45. 

Bb. (6). Sensation, whether pleasurable or painful, when it 
reaches a certain point, is destructive to life. § S4. 

§ 34. cogi: cf at. 9 ex eo cogi putat, Leg. WU 33 ex quibus id quod 
volumus efficitur et cogitur. So dvaykn and dvaykafo of demonstrative 

quin id: cf. 1 24, and Index under Pleonastic Demonstrative. 

amplificata interimunt: so Arist. Anim. 11 13 ‘the other objects of 
sense, such as colours, sounds and smells, do not by their excess destroy 
the sensitive animal, but only the organ’, 7 6€ rev anrav imepBoArn oiov 
Seppav Kat Wuxypev kat oxAnpaey dvatpet TO Cdov...divev yap apns Sédeckrat 
dre advvatov etvar Cdov, S10 ) TOY anTaY VrEepBorn Ov povoy TO aiaOnTHpLov 
pOeiper adda kal Td (Gov, Mag. Mor. 15 § 4 gore © y apery 4 OK vo 
évdelas Kal vmrepBorjs POecpoméevn. ore Se  Evdera kal UrepBorr) POeiper, Toor 
iSeiv €or ek Tov aidOnaewy (So Spengel for 7Oixodv). For exx. of death from 
excessive joy see Val. Max. 1x 12 § 2, Plin. WV. #. vir 53, Gell. 111 15. 

Bb. (7). All things must be either simple or compounded of 
different elements. A simple animal ts inconceivable: tn a compound 
each element has a tendency to fly apart to its proper sphere, so that 
decomposition ws mevitable. § 34. 

The argument occurs in Sext. Emp. 1x 180 <i 6€ capa eativ, rrou 
oUyKpma eoTw ek TOY aTA@Y CTOLXElw@Y, 7) aTAODY €oTL Kal GTOLYELOdES THpLA’ 
Kal ef pev ovykplua €oTl, POaprov eorTu Tay yap TO KATA GDUVOOOY TWaY dmToTeE- 
Aeabev avaykn Starvopevoy POciperOa. ei S€ amdody eat copa, Tor wip 
eat 7) anp 7) vOwp 7) yt Crotov © ay 7 TovT@y, avyxov éeote Kal Gdoyou: 
émep arorov. As the argument is closely connected with Bb (3), and is 
introduced by etenim, and as § 82 begins with announcing the speaker’s 
intention to have dene with the previous argument (ut haec omittamus) 
it is natural to suppose that it may have got misplaced here: it stands 
alone in Sextus, being interposed between an argument to prove that virtue 
cannot be ascribed to God (see below § 38) and the sorites by which it is 
attempted to prove that it is impossible to draw the limit between what 
is divine and what is not (sce below § 39 foll.). 

BOOK III CH. XIV § 34. 95 

Ch. xiv. etenim: if we transfer this argument to the end of § 31, 
etenim would have its common force, and give a further reason why an 
animal must be mortal owing to its bodily constitution. As it stands, it 
no doubt gives a further confirmation of the general conclusion nullum 
animal aeternum est, but it is not specially connected with the preceding 
argument. Moreover it follows another efenim, and the phrase imnumera- 
bilia sunt at the beginning of § 34 suggests a sort of final summing-up. 

animalis: ‘aerial’, as in 1 91. 

ne intellegi quidem: just so Velleius objects to the doctrine of 
Anaxagoras (I 27) aperta simpleaque mens fugere intellegentiae vim videtur, 
and to Zeno (1 36) aethera deuwm dicit, si intellegr potest nihil sentiens deus. 

concretum: Ba. and Mu. accept Dayv.’s correction concreta, but after 
the parenthesis it is not unnatural that enimans should be substituted in 
thought for natura animantis, cf. nn, on It 114 quem after flumen, 11 92 
mota after ignes. 

naturis: in this sentence the word natura bears three different mean- 
ings: (1) the constitution of an animal, (2) here ‘elements’, see above 
I 22 n., (3) universal nature. 

quarum—hahbeat: Subj. because the Rel. has much the force of ut sit 
in the preceding clause. 

suum quaeque locum: cf. 1 103, 11 18, 44 nn. and Origen (ap. Hieron.) 
cited in vol. 17 p. 62 Lomm. cum igitur anima caducum hoe frigidumque 
corpusculum dinuserit, paulatim omnia redire ad matrices suas substantias ; 
carnes in terram relabi, halitum in aera misceri, umorem reverti ad abyssos, 
calorem ad aethera subvolare. 

quo—feratur : I have followed the other edd. in reading feratur, but I 
think the eferatur of Mss is defensible, the different elements being drawn 
away from the compound, of which they are constituent parts, each to its 
own sphere, fire aloft, earth below &c. 

Be. (1). Fire, the divine element of the Stoves, is no more essential 
to life than the other elements. § 35. 

§ 35. Heraclitum: cf. Bywater fr. 20 koopov tov avtov dravrwy ovre 
tis Oedy ovte dvOperev eroinge, GAN Hy aiel Kal Core Kal €orar wip deicwov 
dmropuevov petpa kal aroaBevyvipevov pérpa, Anc. Phil. p. 4 foll. 

ipsum : the founder of the system as opposed to his followers. 

non omnes interpretantur uno modo: cf. Arist. Ahet. 11 5 § 6 with 
Cope’sn. ‘To punctuate Heraclitus is a hard matter owing to the uncer- 
tainty as to the connexion of the words, otov év dpxj tod cvyypapparos’ 
noi yap “tov Aoyou trouvd eovtos ael akvverou avOpwrat yiyvovrar”, adndov 
yap To del mpos omorép@ Siactiga,’ Lucr. 1 640 clarus ob obscuram linguam 
magis inter inanes quamde graves inter Graios qui vera requirunt ; where 
Munro says the epithet ckorewos is first applied to Heraclitus in the 
pseudo-Aristotelian J/und. 5 p. 396 b. See also above I 74 n. 

qui quoniam—intellegi noluit, omittamus: in complex relative 

96 BOOK III CH. XIV § 35. 

clauses, in which the verbs require different cases, the relative is usually 
found in the subordinate clause only, being understood in the principal 
clause, if it is the object or subject of the verb, or else having its place 
supplied by a demonstrative; cf. above If 62 quorum cum remanerent 
animi—rite di sunt habiti, Fin. 1 64 aberat omnis dolor ; qui si adesset, nec 
molliter ferret (sc. eum), et tamen—uteretur, and other exx. quoted on I 12 
ex quo exsistit, also Krueger Unters. § 97 p. 241 foll. 

omnem vim esse ignem: cf. 11 24 eam caloris naturam vim habere in 
se vitalem per omnem mundum pertinentem ; ib. 32 ex mundi ardore motus 
omnis oritur, ib, 28 tn eo (calido atque igneo) insit procreandi vis. I do not 
see why the edd. should alter the text by reading igneam, cf. below § 36 
nihil esse animum nisi ignem, Acad. 1 39 ignem esse ipsam naturam, 
Cleanthes ap, Plut. d/or. p. 1034 mAnyn mupos o rovos éoti, Kay ikavos €v TH 
Wuyn yevntae mpos TO emeredetv Ta emeBadAovTa, ioxds KaETAL Kal Kparos. 

in omni natura: cf. 11 24 quod vivit, sive animal sive terra editum, id 
vivit propter inclusum calorem. 

calore exstincto: cf. Plac. Phil. V 30 of Sra@ikol cupdoves rd yipas 
ylyvecOar Sta tHv Tod Oeppod ehreww, Arist. Resp. 17 mace pév otv n POopa 
yiverat Oca Oeppovd Twos ekreuruy, 

intereant, non intereant: see above § 32. On the thought cf. Alc- 
maeon in Plac. Phil. V 30 ris pev vyelas etvae GuvertiKny THY inovoplay TAY 
Suvapewy, Vypov Enpod Wuypou Oeppod k.t.r., THY © ev adrots povapxiay vorov 
moutixny’ POoporo.dy yap éxatépov povapxiav. 

§ 36. commune est de calido: ‘the assertion you make about heat 
might be made about the other elements’. 

videamus exitum: ‘let us see how it turns out’, ‘the issue’, cf. 1 
104 n. 

nihil esse animal extrinsecus: so the mss, but edd. read cntrinsecus, 
and Ba. also animale. The latter is perhaps right, as we should have ex- 
pected nudlum rather than nihil with animal. There is however no objec- 
tion to fire being called animal here any more than below quod si iginis ex 
sese animal est. As to extrinsecus, I understand this to mean extra corpus 
kumanum and to be equivalent to the words which follow (¢z natura atque 
mundo), opposed, like the ignis nulla se alia admiscente natura below, 
to ignis cum inest in corporibus nostris. We have the same opposition 
above, between the fire which gives energy to living creatures and the fire 
m omni natura. Compare Fin. V 68 haec quae sunt extrinsecus, id est, quae 
neque th animo insunt neque in corpore. 1 think animantium quoque sug- 
gests the same opposition between the air in the outer world and the air 
in living creatures. Edd. give to their cntrinsecus the meaning ‘in itself’, 
‘of its own nature’. 

unde—constet animus: I think the Subj. here gives the reason, 
‘seeing that the soul is composed of an aérial substance’. This was the 
doctrine of Anaximenes (1 26), Diogenes of Apollonia (1 29), and others 

or jp pies eS as ill 

BOOK III CH. XIV § 36. 97 

cf. Tuse. 119 animum alii animam, ut fere nostri: declarant nomina, nam 
et agere animam et efflare dicimus...ipse autem animus ab anima dictus est. 
Zenoni Stoico animus ignis videtur. The Stoics however did not confine 
themselves to this way of speaking. It was equally common with them to 
describe the soul as mvetdya Oepyov, Diog. L. vit 156, Place. Phil. Iv 3, 
Theodoret Therap. v p. 345, Chrysipp. ap. Galen Hipp. Plat. 111 1 p. 287 
1 Wux?) mvedpd eote cUpvtov nyuiv wavtTl TS oodpare Sifkov, Alexander de An. 
127 of dro ths Troas mvedpa avrHy Aéyovres eivat ovykeipevoy Tas EK TE TUPOS 
kal dépos (cited by Zeller Iv p. 195). See more below. 

ex quo animal dicitur: ‘from which the name animal comes’, cf. 1 26 
and Sen. Ep. 113 § 2 animum constat animal esse, cum rpse efficiat ut simus 
animalia et cum ab illo animatia nomen hoc traxerint. 

quasi concedatur sumitis: so above § 21 widere oportet quid tebi con- 
cedatur, non te ipsum quod velis sumere. 

ex igni atque anima temperatum: but this, as we have seen, was the 
common Stoic view. Even Zeno does not seem to have meant that the 
soul was pure fire as distinguished from breath. Galen (Hipp. Plat. 
p. 288) reports him as saying rpépeo Oat pev e& aiparos thy Woxyv, ovaiar dé 
avtis vmdpyew TO wvedpa. We may take Cicero to represent the Stoics 
generally when he says (Zwsc. I 43) ‘the soul consisting of wnflammata 
anima soars upwards after death, till, on reaching naturam sui similem, it 
comes to rest junctis ex anima tenur et ardore solis temperato ignibus. 
The Epicurean view was much the same, cf. Diog. L. x 63 (7 ux) 
mpocenpepéataroy mrevpare Oeppov Tiva Kpaow €xovTL. 

Be. (2). If fire is the cause of feeling im man, tt must itself 
be endued with feeling, and therefore (by Bb. 4) lable to destruction. 
§ 36. 

id necesse est sentiat—venire: cited for the mixture of Subjunctival 
and Infinitival constructions by Madv. on Fin. v 25 necesse est finem quoque 
omnium hune esse, ut natura expleatur...sed extrema illa...distincta sint 
(for esse), who also quotes Acad. 1 39 ante videri aliquid quam agamus 
necesse est, erque quod visum sit assentiatur (where we should have expected 
assentirz in passive sense). Perhaps this may justify deos in 11 76. 

Be. (3). Moreover fire is not self-ewistent, it needs fuel for its 
support. § 37. 

§ 37. ignem pastus indigere: cf. 11 40 nullus ignis sine pastu aliquo 
possit permanere, also 83 and 118 nn., Seneca WV. Q. vil 21 guare non stat 
cometes sed procedit ? Dicam, ignium modo alimentum suum sequitur...nulla 
est enim uli via sed qua vena pabuli sui duxit, illa repit. The same argu- 
ment has been used in modern times to prove that the sun must at length 
lose its heat. ‘The great mystery is to conceive how so enormous a 
conflagration (if such it be) can be kept up’. Herschel § 400, 

M. Cc. III. < 

98 BOOK III CH. XIV § 87. 

cur se Sol referat: cf. Arist. Meteor. 112 § 6 foll. with Ideler’s nn. yedotor 
Tavres Goo TOY TpoTEpov vVréhaBov Tov HLov TpépecOa TS vyp@. Kal due 
routo evo yé act Kai moveicOa Tas Tpomas avTov’ ov yap del TOS aUTOvS 
dSvvacOa Torovs mapackevatery avT@ THY Tpodyy. dvayKxatoy 8 elvat TovTo 
oupBaivew wept avtov i) Pbciper Oar, kat yap TO havepov Tip, ews Gv exn Tpopny, 
péxpe Tovtov (qv, To & vypov te mupt tpodyy eivar povov, Lucretius v 523 
SUVE Upsi serpere possunt quo cujusque cibus vocat atque invitat euntes, flammea 
per caclum pascentes corpora passim, Macr. Sat. 1 23 ideo, sicut et Posidonius 
et Cleanthes affirmant, solis meatus a plaga, quae usta dicitur, non recedit, 
quia sub ipsa currit Oceanus, qui terram ambit et dividit (separating, that is, 
the northern and southern oixovpevat, see above on If 165, and Macrob. 
S. Scup. 11 9 § 4); Philo Prov. 11 64, Plac. Phil. u 23. On the hexameter 
see 11 25 and Madvig /%n. 11 15 cognomento qui okorewos perhibetur, quia de 
natura nimis obscure memoravit. Perhaps this accounts for the less usual 
form of the abl. orbi, cf. Munro on Lucr. 1 978. 

itemque brumali: in the preceding verse solst. orb. is probably used 
in the wider sense, of the course bounded by the two solstices, as in Liv. 
119 $ 6 (annus) qui solstitiali circumagitur orbe, but C. takes it in the 
narrower sense, of the summer curve, and therefore thinks it necessary to 
add, that it is equally true of winter. 

hoc totum—mox: this probably means the whole question as to 
the personality of the heavenly bodies, on which see 11 44 n. There is 
no further reference to this topic in what remains to us of Cotta’s speech. 
On the Ellipsis with mov see Index. 

Bd. Virtue, as we understand it, is incompatible with our idea 
of the Divine nature. Yet it is impossible to believe in a Deity with- 
out virtue (conclusion unexpressed: therefore God does not exist). 
The incompatibility of virtue with our idea of God rs shown in the 
case of each particular virtue, prudence (1), justice (2), temperance (3), 
Sortitude (4). Ch. xv § 38. 

The argument is given at much greater length in Sext. Emp. Ix 152— 
177, and in Mansel’s Bampton Lectures, esp. Lect. vit; cf. above I 60 n. on 

Ch. xv § 38. deum—nulla virtute praeditum : for the use of zntelle- 
gere see I 21 n. on spatio tamen ad fin. Balbus in common with all the 
religious philosophers, had ascribed to the Deity the perfection of wisdom 
and virtue (11 30—39), and had expressly argued that virtue and reason 
must be identical in God and man (11 79), though on a greater scale in the 
former. So Isocrates (x1 § 43), expressing the ordinary opinion, éyd pév 
ovx Oras Tovs Oeovs, GAN ovde Tors €& exelvwyv yeyovoras ovdemtas Hyovpmat 
kakias petacyetv, GAN adrovs Te macas e€xyovras Tas apetas diva k.7.r. But 
philosophers differed with regard to the relation between divine and human 
virtue. Aristotle was apparently the first to give prominence to this 
question in his saying (Zth. vit 1), that we could no more ascribe virtue 

BOOK II CH. Xv § 38. ao 

to God than vice toa brute, ddd’ 7 pév riystdrepov aperijs, 4 dé Erepov Te yevos 
kaxias, and more fully in his proof that the Divine activity must consist, 
not in doing or making, but in Oewpia (ib. X 8 § 7) mpd&ets dé moias droveipat 
xXpedv avrois; mérepa tas Otkalas; 7) yeAotor pavovvrat auvadAarTovTes Kal 
mapaxaraOnkas drodiSovres Kat Goa GAXa Toadta; aAAA Tas dydpeious, vmo0- 
pévovras Ta hoBepa Kai kwSuvevovras, dtu Kaddv; 7H Tas EevOepious; Tin SE 
Sécovow; dromoy dé ei Kai €orat avrois voptopa | TL TOLOUTOY. €t O€ GHPpoves, 
Ti dv ecev; 4) hoprixds 6 &mawogs Ore ovK exovor Havdras emOvpias ; SueEvcover 
8é ravra ghaivorr’ av ra rept tas mpa&ers puxpa kal avagéia Oedv. Similarly Cie. 
in his Hortensius (ap. Aug. De Trin. xv1 9 § 12), which, as Bywater has shown 
(J. of Phil. 1 p. 62), was probably taken from Aristotle’s Protrepticus, ‘in 
the Islands of the Blest there will be no use of eloquence or even of virtue, 
nec enim fortitudine egeremus, nullo proposito aut labore aut periculo, nec 
Justitia, cum esset nihil quod appeteretur alient, nec temperantia, quae regeret 
eas, quae nullae essent, libidines: ne prudentia quidem egeremus, nullo 
delectu proposito bonorum et malorum’. So Plotinus: ‘if, as Plato says, we 
are made like to God by virtue, it would seem that we must ascribe virtue 
to God : but is it in accordance with reason to Him the political 
virtues? God is the exemplar of all virtue, and man receives his virtue 
from Him, but the divine goodness is something beyond virtue. What we 
term virtues are merely purificatory habits, the object of which is to free 
the soul from the bondage of the flesh. With God virtue is nature, with 
man it is effort and discipline’ (a brief abstract of Hnn. I 2). On the 
contrary in Cic. Legg. 1 25 we have the Stoic view virtus eadem in homine 
ac deo est neque alio ullo in genere praeterea, cf. above 11 153 nn. The 
Christian Fathers were divided on the subject, Origen maintaining that ca 
nas n avTn apeTn €aTl TOY pakaplwy TayTwY, WaTE Kal 7 avTH apeTH avOperrov 
kat Oeov: Siomep yeverOar rédevor, OS O TAaTHP Nuav O ovpavios TéAELOS EOTL, 
didackopueba, but carefully distinguishing this from the similarly expressed 
Stoic doctrine (Cels. v1 48); while Clement (Strom. vit § 88 p. 320) and 
Theodoret (Serm. x1 De Fin. et Jud.) cited in Spencer’s n., speak of the 
latter as a daring and impious opinion. Clement tries to explain away the 
text cited by Origen (Matt. v. 48); but there can be no doubt that the 
Christian Revelation proceeds throughout on the supposition of the real 
identity of goodness in God and man, and that this lies at the very heart 
of the doctrine of the Incarnation. The Christian definition of virtue is 
the divine Spirit working in the heart of man under the conditions of 
humanity. In so far as man is virtuous, in so far he approaches the ideal, 
God manifest in the flesh. Our idea of the goodness of God is simply 
goodness, as we know it in man, but stripped of its association with weak- 
ness. Thus we speak of God as holy, loving, just, wise, but not as courageous 
or temperate, because these latter qualities imply the coexistence of a lower 
nature with the higher. See Aquinas Summa I qu. 21 virtutum moralium 
quaedam sunt circa passiones, sicut temperantia circa concupiscentias, forti- 
tudo circa timores, mansuetudo circa tram ; et hujusmodi virtutes Deo attribui 


100 BOOK Il CH. XV § 38. 

non possunt nisi secundum metaphoram ; quia in Deo neque passiones sunt 
neque appetitus sensitivus, tr quo sunt hujusmodi virtutes, sicut in subjecto. 
Quaedam vero virtutes morales sunt circa operationes, ut Justitia, ut liberalitas 
guae etiam non sunt in parte sensitiva sed in voluntate. Unde nil prohibet 
hujusmodi virtutes in Deo ponere, non tamen circa actiones civiles, sed circa 
actiones Deo convenientes. Dean Mansel in his notorious Lectures maintained 
that we cannot argue from man’s view of right to God’s view of right, and 
therefore that objections founded on the supposed immorality of Scripture 
were unworthy of consideration. The logical consequences of his theory 
were pointed out at the time in Maurice’s book on /evelation, and are now 
sufficiently evident to all. See H. Spencer /irst Principles ch. 4. 

prudentiam: we find the same definition in Sext. Emp. 1x 162, x1 170 
(of Stwikol avtikpvs pace THY pporvnaw, emiotnpny ovcay ayabay Kai Kakay Kal 
ovderépwv, TEXYNY UTapxe Tepl Tov Biov), ib. §$ 184, 246, Diog. L. vit 92. 
The argument however is differently given in Sextus Ix 162, ‘to know these 
things he must have experienced them, e.g. he must have experienced pain, 
and it has been shown that to be sensitive to pain is to be lable to death’, 
(abbreviated). On the cardinal virtues see Plato Rep. tv 427 foll. 

cui mali—malorum: this would appear to follow from the maxim 
common to all the philosophers, that God can neither do nor suffer evil, 
see on I 45 quod beatum. The fallacy les in the ambiguity attaching 
to the word ‘evil’. On the Stoic supposition, God being interested in 
the world, which He administers, if any evil befel it, He would himself 
feel it as evil, and therefore exercise the faculty which discriminates 
between good and evil; but in reality all evil is overruled by Him for 

ratione—intellegentia: cf. nn. on 11147. The words are often joined 
together to express the pure intellect, Div. I 70 quae autem pars anime 
rations atque intellegentiae sit particeps, eam tum maxime vigere cum pluri- 
mum absit a corpore; Orat. 10 (Plato ideas) ait semper esse ac ratione et 
intellegentia continert; Off. ut 68; Tim. 2 (the eternal) tntellegentia et 
ratione comprehenditur ; Leg. 1 27. Here however ratio must have its 
special force of ratiocination, as appears from the clause which follows, cf. 
Acad. 11 26 argumenti conclusio, quae est Graece damddsekis, ita definitur, 
ratio quae ex rebus perceptis ad id, quod non percipiebatur, adducit. What 
then is the force of intellegentia ? Probably it refers to the full realization 
of the meaning of each term in the argument, as contrasted with the 
recognition of the logical connexion of the propositions, cf. Acad. 11 92 
ambiguorum tntellegentiam concludendique rationem, Invent. 11 160 intelle- 
gentia est per quam animus ea perspicit quae sunt. Or should we take 
it more generally, as in the verse quoted from Sir John Davies by Whewell 
Lecture on Reason and Understanding ; ‘when she (the mind) rates things 
and moves from ground to ground, the name of Reason she obtains from 
this : but when by reason she the truth hath found, and standeth firm, 
she Understanding is’? The Schoolmen, following Aristotle, ascribed 

BOOK III CH. XV § 38. 101 

to God only one ‘intellectual virtue’, that of Intuition, dewp/a, vonows, while 
man attained knowledge also by the discursive faculty, dsavora ; cf. Aquinas 
Summa 1 14 § 1 homo secundum diversa cognita habet diversas cognitiones. 
nam, secundum quod cognoscit principia, dicitur habere intellegentiam ; 
scientiam vero, secundum quod cognoscit conclusiones ; sapientiam, secundum 
quod cognoscit causam altissimam ; consilium vel prudentiam, secundum 
quod cognoscit agibilia. sed haec omnia Deus una et simplict cognitione 
cognoscit ; ib. § 7 in scientia divina nullus est discursus...Deus.omnia videt 
in uno, quod est ypse...unde simul et non successive omnia videt. Compare also 
the Angel’s speech in Milton’s P. Z. v 486 ‘whence the soul reason receives, 
and reason is her being, discursive or intuitive ; discourse is oftest yours, 
the latter most is ours’. 

ut apertis obscura assequamur : a similar argument is used by Sextus 
1x 167 to prove that evBovAia is not an attribute of Deity : 2 dé evBoudiay 
exe, Kal Bovdeverar’ ei Oe Bovdeverat, €ote TL adnAov avrg : to which he adds 
‘and if there is anything obscure to him, it is probably obscure to him 
whether infinity may not contain some power which is capable of destroy- 
ing him; but this would naturally give rise to fear; and where there is 
fear, there is possibility of a change for the worse, i.e. of death’. 

nam justitia: in an absolutely solitary being this might be true; but 
the argument is inapplicable to the Stoics, who assumed a community both 
of the gods amongst themselves, and between gods and men; for wherever 
there is a community, there are relative duties, and therefore occasion for 
the exercise of justice in the strict sense of the term. I+ is still more 
inapplicable when God is further regarded as a Creator and Governor, for 
the fact of creation gives rise to very stringent duties on both sides, and 
government consists mainly in giving to all their dues. For the transitional 
nam see Index. 

suum cuique: Justinian’s Jnstitutes begin with the words justitia est 
constans et perpetua voluntas suum cuique tribuendi. Cf. Fin. v 67, Off. 14, 
lad Herenn. 11 3, Invent. 11 160, Leg. 119, Macrob. Comm. 1 10 § 3, Sen. 
Ep. 81 § 7 hoccerte justitiae convenit swum cuique reddere, beneficiae gratiam, 
inyjuriae talionem, aut certe malam gratiam. J. E. B. M.] and Simonides’ 
definition of justice as ro ra odedopeva Exdot@ arodidovac (Plato Rep. 
I p. 331). Stobaeus (Hel. II c. 6 p. 102) gives the Stoic definition émornunvy 
dmovepntixny THs a&las € EKAOTO. 

hominum communitas justitiam procreavit : cf 11 148 withnn. But 
the Stoics never said that justice had originated in human society, but in 
the divine law, cf. Leg. 119 constituendi juris ab illa summa lege capiamus 
exordium, quae saeclis omnibus ante nata est, quam scripta lex ulla, aut 
quam omnino civitas constituta ; ib. 23 prima est homini cum deo rationis 

temperantia: Sext. Emp. 1x 175 e? pndév eorw 6 tas rod Oeod épéfets 
Kunoes pnd€e Cote Te 6 emiamacerat Tov Oedy, THs Epotpev adToy eivat c@ppova}... 
kabdrep yap ovK ay elrromev Tov Kiova cwppoveiy, Kara Tov adrov Tpdmov ovdé 

102 BOOK Ill CH. xv § 38. 

rov Geov. Sextus also proves that the cognate virtues of éyxparera and 
kaprepia are inconsistent with Deity ; otherwise there would be twa ro 
66 Svovmopévnta kai dvoardcyera: from which it would follow that God 
Sexrikds eoTw OxAncews Kal THS emt TO xeEtpov peTaBorrs, Oto Kat POopas 
ib, 152—157. 

est etiam voluptatibus: 1 94, 112 nn. 

fortis : so Sext. ib. § 158 e7? d€ dvdpelav éyet, emiatnpny exer Sewer Kal ov 
Sewav kai Tov peta&v. Kal ef TovTO, éote Te Oe@ Sewvdv. Hence emidexrtixos 
€atw dxAjnoews, Oia 5€ TovTO Kat POopas. The definitions here given of the 
virtues are also found /%n. v 67 (each virtue has its own province) wt forti- 
tudo in laboribus periculisque cernatur, temperantia in praetermittendis 
voluptatibus, prudentia in delectu bonorum et malorum, justitia in swum 
cuique tribuendo. 

Be. Even if we grant the divinity of the wniverse, what ground 
is there for adnutting a host of other gods? Ch. xv § 39—ch. xxv 
§ 64 
S . 

(1) The vulgar mythology is not more irrational than that of the 
Stoics, who make gods of the stars, and of food, and of dead men. 
§§ 39—41. 

§ 39. nec vero vulgi: cf. Lact. 1 5 quid mirum si aut barbari aut 
imperiti homines errant? cum etiam philosophi Stoicae disciplinae in eadem 
sint opinione, ut omnia caclestia, quae moventur, in deorum numero habenda 
esse censeant. Compare the contemptuous language in which the vulgar 
superstition is referred to by the Epicurean speaker in I 42, and by the 
Stoic in 11 70, 

sunt enim illa: this refers to the following exx. of popular superstition 
(piscem Syrt &c.), which are contrasted with the Stoic dogmas in §§ 40, 41. 
For dla see on 1 20, 11 126 and Index. 

piscem Syri: Atargatis or Derceto, thus described by Diod. 11 4 76 pev 
mpocwmov €xet yuvatkos, TO & GAO capa Trav ixdvos. She was worshipped 
at Ascalon. See above 1 111 on Pisces, Ov. Met. tv 45, Herod. 1 108, 
Lucian Dea Syria c. 14, Xen. Anab. 1 4 § 9 (the Greeks found the river 
Chalus full of tame fish) ovs of Svpou Oeods évdprtov Kal adixeiv odk elo, 
Articles on Dagon and Atargatis in Smith’s D. of Bible. 

Aegyptii: I 43 nn. 

jam vero: ‘nay, even when you come to Greece’. 

Alabandum—Tennem: these were the eponymous heroes of Alabanda, 
an important city in Caria (Juv. mt 70), and of the isle and city of Tenedos 
off the coast of Troas. Tennes, or Tenes, son of Cycnus, grandson of 
Poseidon and brother, as some said, of Leucothea, was killed by Achilles 
(Plut. Mor. p. 297). His name occurs in Verr,1 49 Tenedo Tenem ipsum, 
qui apud Tenedios sanctissimus deus habetur, qui urbem illam dicitur condi- 
disse, cujus ex nomine Tenedus nominatur ; hune ipsum, inquam, Tenem 

BOOK III CH. xv § 39. 103 

pulcherrime factum Verres abstulit magno cum gemitu civitatis. We find 
Cic. pleading in vain that the people of Tenedos might be allowed to retain 
their own laws (Q. #r. 1 11 § 2). Alabanda is spoken of Ham. xuII 56, 
where we have the double form Alabandis (’AXaBavdeis Wes.) as here, and 
Alabandenses, as below § 50. Alabandensis is also found in Ora#. 11 95 
and Alabandeus in Brut. § 325; see Lachmann on Lucr. p. 281. 

Leucotheam: Ino is a goddess of the sea, known by the epithet Leu- 
cothea, which was also used of the Nereids. She gave to Ulysses the veil 
which supported him after his shipwreck until he reached Phaeacia (Od. v 
333—461), and was believed generally to help those who were in danger at 
sea. According to the mythologists she was daughter of Cadmus and 
Harmonia, and wife of Athamas: after plotting the death of her step- 
children, Phryxus and Helle, in a fit of madness she threw herself and her 
son Melicertes into the sea. The words of Xenophanes in reference to her 
worship are recorded by Aristotle (/thet. 11 23 § 27) Zevodayns ’EXedrais 
épwracw ef Ovwor TH Aevkobéa Kal Opnvacw 7 py, cuveovrevev ei pev Gedy 
UmoAapBavovot py Opyveiv, ei & avOpwrov py Ovew, In reality in this case, 
as in so many others, a deity has been degraded into a mortal. She was 
especially worshipped at Tenedos, where she was regarded as sister of 
Tennes. The Romans identified her, probably on account of some simi- 
larity in her ceremonial rites, with their Matuta, the goddess of dawn, also 
worshipped by matrons as goddess of birth; and hence the latter also 
came to be regarded as a marine deity ; cf. T’usc. 1 28, Ov. Met. 1v 410 follL, 
Fast. vi 475—563, where we have an Italian continuation of the Greek 
‘myth. See on this and the following names Preller Gr. Myth., Welcker 
Gr. Gotterlehre, as well as the Articles in Dict. of Myth. 

Palaemonem: Melicertes, another form of the Phenician Hercules 
(Melkarth) was identified with the sea-god Pal. who was worshipped with 
infant sacrifices at Tenedos. The Isthmian games are said to have been 
originally instituted in his honour (Paus. 1 44 § 11). The Romans con- 
sidered him to be the same as their Pater Portunus, the god of harbours, 
on whom see If 66. For the order ejus Pal. filiwm, cf. below § 48 hujus 
Absyrto fratri. 

Herculem—Romulum: see nn. on 11 62. These, as Italian deities 
whether by birth or adoption, are contrasted with the preceding foreign 

ascripticios: the adjective is not found elsewhere in the classical 
period, but C. not unfrequently uses the verb, as in Arch. 6 ascribi se in 
eam civitatem voluit, ib. 7 st qui foederatis civitatibus ascripti essent. 

Ch. xvi § 40. omitto illa—praeclara: ‘I say nothing of those other 
dogmas: verily they are admirable’. Of course ironical, as in Acad. 11 86 
jam ila praeclara, quanto artificio esset sensus nostros mentemque.. fabricata 
natura: seen. on palmaria 1 20. Instead of enim we might perhaps have 
expected quamquam, ‘though they are indeed fine specimens’; but enim 
refers not to omitto, but to cla. If we supply any link of thought, it 

104 BOOK III CH. XVI § 40. 

might be ‘tempting as they are ’, By «dla we must understand what 
follows to the end of the paragraph. 

hoc credo illud esse: ‘this, I suppose, is what is meant by the line’. 

sublime: see above § 10. 

mihi quidem sane multi videntur: on the turba deorum cf. Plin. 
N. H. 11 16 major caelitum populus etiam quam hominun intellegi potest, 
cited in Mayor’s n. on Juv. xu 46. I think multi here must have the 
sense of ‘tedious’, as in 11119. But in any case I am disposed to regard 
it as a gloss, like e¢ tamen multa dicuntur in 11 182. Possibly C. may have 
employed some one else to translate his authority, for it is hardly conceiy- 
able that he should himself have gone into such wearisome detail as 
follows, on a point which there was no need for him to elaborate : in that 
case we may imagine these words to have been his own exclamation of 
weariness, dutifully taken down by the amanuensis. If we further suppose 
him to have intended to omit $$ 53—60, this would account for its being 
inserted in the wrong place by the editor who published the book after 
C.’s death (see below § 42). But without indulging in speculation we may 
safely assume that the gloss represents the feeling of most readers of the 
mythological section which follows: it is not therefore improbable that 
some one of the number should have given vent to his impatience in 
the margin. As to C.’s own belief, it was much in accordance with that of 
Seneca (Fragm. 39 Haase) omnem istam ignobilem deorum turbam, quam 
longo aevo longa superstitio congessit, sic adorabimus, ut meminerimus cultum 
ejus magis ad morem quam ad rem pertinere. 

stellas : ‘constellations’, said in lexx. to be only used in this sense by 
poets. For the names see the Aratean section 11 105—114, 

numeras : see I 33 and below § 43. 

inanimarum : also found in I 36, 1 76. 

§ 41. non modo—sed: ‘I do not say to be allowed, but actually to be 
understood’ cf. 11 61. 

Cererem—Liberum: the Stoic theory is given above 11 60 quicquid 
magnam utilitatem generi aferret humano, id non sine divina bonitate erga 
homines fieri; but this must be interpreted in accordance with the general 
principle stated in m 71, that after all the real object of worship is the 
deus pertinens per naturam cujusque ret. 

illud quo vescatur: so Sext. Emp. 1x 39 ‘those who believe that the 
ancients deified all that is of use for life, impute to them extreme folly’, 
ov yap oUT@s €iKds exeivous appovas eivar OoTe Ta OPOarpohavas Hberpopeva 
mporaBeiv eivar Oeovs, 7) Tots mpds avToy Karamwvopévors Kai Stadvopévors Belay 
mpocpaptupey Suvauy. Cf. Juv. xv 10 porrum et caepe nefas violare et 
frangere morsu: O sanctas gentes quibus haec nascuntur in hortis numina! 
The doctrine of Transubstantiation gave rise to similar taunts on the part 
of Jews and Mahometans, cf. Campanella in Burton’s Melancholy p. 687 
ed. 1845. The fact that we find no trace of such taunts in the ancient 
writers and that the Fathers betray no misgiving in following the lead of 

BOOK IIT CH. XvI § 41. 105 

Cicero here (cf. Theodoret qu. 55 in Genes. dBedrepias yap eaxatns To €0616- 
pevoy mpookvveiv) is with justice adduced by Daillé (De religiosi cultus 
objecto 11 c. 4) as a proof of the novelty of the doctrine. [Cf. Bayle s. v. 
Averroesn. H. J. HE. B. M.] 

nam: see above § 15. 

quos: this is cited by Roby § 1743 as an instance of the Relative 
used for guod with Demonstrative. Perhaps it may be explained more 
simply by saying that the Antecedent de his has to be supplied with 
reddes. . 

tu reddes: ‘it is for you to explain how that could be’. For the 
Imperative force of the Fut. cf. tu videbis Fam. Iv. 138 § 4; sed valebis 
meaque negotia videbis, meque dis juvantibus ante brumam expectabis Fam. 
vit 20; Roby §§ 1589, 1595. See on tu videris above § 9. 

id fieri potuerit: in place of pervenire potuerint. 

fieri desierit: C.’s practice with regard to his daughter Tullia (on 
which see 1 9 n.), and the subsequent prevalence of apotheosis under the 
Empire show that Cotta is not here representing either the general belief 
or C.’s own feeling. 

quo modo nunc est: ‘as at present informed’, cf. Att. x11 2 § 2 quo 
modo nunc est, pedem ubi ponat, non habet. 

cui illatae lampades: ‘to whose body torches were applied’, so Catil. 
Ill 22 tectis ignes inferre. If we suppose 7 montem Oetaewm to be the true 
reading, we must translate ‘for whom torches were brought to Mt. Oeta’. 
Ribbeck (Z'rag. Rel. p. 3411) compares Eurip. Heracl. 910 gorw év otpare 
BeBakos Teds yovos, @ yepaid, Hevyet Adyov ws Tov” Aida Sopov KaréBa, rupos 
Sea proyi copa Saicdeis. Sch. suggests that the quotation may be from 
the Philoctetes of Accius. 

fuerunt : most mss have fuerint, which would mean ‘one such that’. 

aeternam : there is no reason for the conjecture aetheriam. We find 
aeterna caeli templa in a tragic fragment (Ribb. p. 2291), cf. above 1 111 
on huie equus ule, 

Homerus: we have a similar ref. above § 11, to prove the mortality of 
Pollux. The passage here referred to (Od. x1 600) cannot be said to prove 
the point at issue : according to the existing text it recognizes a divine, as 
well as a human, Heracles; rév d¢ pér eicevonoa Binv ‘Hpakdneinv, etSador, 
avtos dé pet adOavaroice Oeoioe tépmerar ev Oadins kat exer Kadriodupov 
"HBnv, The verses were however obelized by Aristarchus, (1) because they 
are inconsistent with I]. xvi1r 117 ovdé yap ovdé Bin ‘Hpakdjos diye kia... 
Gdda € potp edawacce kai apyadéos xoXos “Hpns, (2) because the distinction 
between soul and shade is un-Homeric, (3) because Hebe is a virgin god- 
dess in the Iliad. The lines were attributed by some to Onomacritus, 
see Nitzsch iz loc. They gave rise to much speculation on the part of 
the Neo-Platonists, cf. Lucian’s amusing dialogue between Diogenes and 

conveniri facit: for constr. cf. 1 31 n. 

106 BOOK II CH. Xvi § 41. 

Be. (2). Even if we accept the principle of apotheosis, how are 
we to pick out the real claamant from among the many pretenders to 
each divine name? §§ 42, 53—60. 

The Stoic might answer ‘I find the mass guided in their conduct to a 
certain extent by religious sanctions. These sanctions are closely con- 
nected with their forms of worship and sacred traditions. In so far as the 
latter involve the belief in an all-wise Ruler of the universe, in so far they 
are right. But at present they are mixed up with much which is shocking 
to reason and conscience. We wish to make people feel that this is only 
the outer husk of the truth, that the truth is deeper-lying and distinct 
from its shell or husk. (This distinction was marked by the opposition 
between tov duépicrov Kat Tov pepepiopevoy voov Firm. 7, where see Oehler ; 
and the phrase in Lydus Iv 48 tives d€ kata Tov npwikdyv Kat peptoTov Aoyov 
tpets Aias eivar BovAovrat... ToAAOL ek TOD GAOv Atos Atot, Oorep >ATOA@VES 
7) Atovvoo.) After a time they may perhaps get rid of the husk altogether. 
Meanwhile you bring it as a charge against us that the traditions differ. 
That is all in our favour : it helps to show the unimportance of the husk’. 
Just so in India at the present day; the inconsistency of traditions, the 
rival claims of different divinities, are all in favour of the Brahmo Somaj. 
The argument of Cotta was employed with more justice by the Christians 
against the vulgar polytheism, as by Arnobius Iv 16, Firm. 15, 16, Clem. 
Protr. §§ 26—31. 

§ 42. potissimum: the adverb, as in 11 58. 

interiores scrutantur et reconditas litteras : Cic. mentions znteriores 
litterae (Fam. 111 10 § 9) as a part of the studiorum similitudo which bound 
him to Appius, probably referring to their common antiquarian tastes. 
The phrase is similarly used of Volumnius am. vit 33 § 2. The word 
implies the opposite to that which is superficial and commonplace, and 
in philosophy is opposed to é€wrepixa, as Cicero understood that term 
(Fin. V 12 and Madv. exe. 7); cf. Div. 1 124 sed haee quoque in promptu 
fuerint; nune interiora videamus; Acad. 11 4 nos autem illa externa cum 
multis, haee interiora cum paucis ex ipso Lucullo saepe cognovimus ; so 
ex intima philosophia Ac. 1 8, reconditiora Ac. 11 10. Here however it 
is used of research in the region of mythology. The writers alluded to 
are afterwards spoken of as genealogi antiqui § 44, i qui theologi nomi- 
nantur § 53, antiqui historict § 55, such men as the learned scholiasts and 
mythologers of Alexandria, Euhemerus, Callimachus, Apollodorus, Lyco- 
phron, above all the Orphic poets. Thus Plutarch (Or. Def. 456 D) cites 
the fine Orphic line Zeds dpyn, Zeds péooa, Avs & ek mavta réruKTat as 
uttered by of ododpa madaioi Geodsyor, and Proclus continually refers to 
Orpheus as 6 Geodoyos, cf. Herm. Orph. pp. 456, 457, 465 &c. Arnobius, 
who has copied much of what follows (Iv 13—15) names as his authorities 
theologi vestri et vetustatis absconditae conditores; cf. Aug. C.D. xvut 12 
secretiore historia plures fuisse dicuntur et Liberi patres et Hercules ; Lobeck 

BOOK III CH. XVI § 42. 107 

Aglaoph. pp. 465 foll. 994 foll. In order to reconcile inconsistent legends 
the mythologists multiplied the gods, just as the harmonists have multi- 
plied the miracles of the Gospels in order to avoid seeming contradictions, 
see for example the commentators on Matt. xx 29. The true explana- 
tion of these inconsistencies is (1) that the same original Aryan myth 
became variously modified in different localities, (2) that the Greeks and 
Romans identified their own divinities with those of foreign nations, in 
accordance either with their relative dignity or with some resemblance of 
worship, even where there was no real connexion, as in the case of Matuta 
and Leucothea. The mythological section, which follows, differs very 
much from the usual tradition, but is to a certain extent in agreement 
with four later writers, whom I have compared in the Appendix, viz. 
Clemens Alexandrinus, Arnobius, Ampelius and Laurentius Lydus. But 
there are many points in which Cic. differs both from these and from 
every other ancient mythologist known to us. Though I have not been 
able myself to arrive at any definite conclusion as to the sources of the 
tradition followed by Carneades, I hope that the comparative view given 
in the Appendix may be of use to others who are interested in the history 
of mythology; and it will at any rate show the need of caution, in 
assimilating the texts of the parallel writers. 

antiquissimum Jove natum: we are told that Varro reckoned up 44 
deities named Hercules, finally coming to the conclusion that omnes qui 
fortiter fecerant Hercules vocabantur (Serv. ad Aen. viil 564). Herodotus 
(11 44) distinguishes the Egyptian and Phoenician from the Greek Hercules, 
whom he regarded as much the youngest, and says that in any case we 
must separate the hero from the god ; see nn. in Rawlinson’s ed. Compare 
Plin. VW. H. xt 17 quaerat nunc aliquis unusne Hercules fuerit, et quot 
Liberi patres, et reliqua vetustatis situ obsita, ‘when we don’t even know 
whether the queen bee in the hive close by has a sting or not’. Pausanias 
tells us that there were two different gods of the name of Hercules, who were 
worshipped in Greece (v 14 § 7, 1x 27 § 5). 

Joves plures : see below § 53. 

Lysithoe: the only other place in which she is mentioned is Lydus 
Mens. tv 46 cited inthe Appendix. Sch. suggests that she is the same as 
Lysithea, whom Lydus calls mother of Dionysus (Iv 38), this god being 
often confounded with Hercules. 

de tripode: Hercules having, in his madness, slain his friend, Iphytus, 
the son of Eurytus, came to Delphi to consult the oracle, but the Pythia 
refused to give any response. On this he threatened to carry away the 
tripod and establish an oracle for himselfelsewhere. Apollo then appearing, 
a struggle between the two gods was imminent, had not their father inter- 
vened and reconciled them (Hyg. Fab. 32). Plutarch (S. Vum. Vind. 
p. 557) says that the tripod was actually carried away to Pheneus in 
Arcadia (cf. below § 56); and that the insult was avenged by the flood 
which destroyed this city many centuries afterwards. There was a temple 

108 BOOK III CH. XVI § 42. 

of Apollo still existing there in the time of Pausanias which was said to 
have been founded by Hercules (Paus. vim 15). The same writer mentions 
a tradition of the people of Gythium, that their town was built by Hercules 
and Apollo in common, after they had made up their dispute about the 
tripod (111 21 § 7); about which he tells the following story (x 13 § 4) Neye- 
rau vo Aeddhav ‘Hpakdet to “Apdirptovos ehOovte emt TO xpynoTHpiov THY 
mpopavTiy HevokA\etav ovk eOedjoai of ypayv Sia tov “Idirov tov qovov' tov be 
dpdpevoy Tov tpimoda €k Tov vaov méepew e&a, eimeiy Te Sy THY TpdpavTiy”"ANAoOsS 
dp “Hpaxdjs TipivO.0s ovyi KavwBevs. mpdrepov yap ert 6 Aiyimtios “Hpakdys 
aixero es Aehghovs. tore d€ 6 ’Awditpv@vos Tov te Tpimoda arobidwot TO 
’"AmoA\A@v kal Tapa THS Hevokreias orroca edeito ediOax On. mapadeEapevor S€ oF 
Toutat Tov Aoyov waxnv ‘Hpakdéovs mpos ’AmoA@va Urep Tpimobos ddovow, Cf. 
Plut. Mor. 387. The subject was often treated in works of art ; Pausanias 
l.c. describes an offering by the Mantineans at Delphi, in which Hercules 
and Apollo were represented as both grasping the tripod and held back, 
the former by Athene, the latter by Leto and Artemis, Sch. refers to 
O. Miiller’s Dortans 1111 § 8. 

Nilo natus: Wilkinson (in Rawlinson’s Herod. 11 43 n.) says there 
were two Egyptian gods, Khons, the third member of the Theban triad, 
and Moui the ‘splendour of the sun’, whom the Greeks identified with 
their Hercules. Heracleopolis was the name of an important city and 
nome in Middle Egypt. There was also a temple to Hercules, near one of 
the mouths of the Nile, which was visited by Germanicus, Tac. Ann. 11 60 
proximum amnis os dicatum Herculi, quem indigenae ortum apud se et 
antiquissimum volunt, cf. Macrob. Sat. 1 20 sacratissima et augustissima 
Aegyptic cum religione venerantur, ultraque memoriam...ut carentem initio 
colunt, Diod. 124. The Nile was thought to be the same as Oceanus and 
to have given birth to all the gods (Diod. 1 12, Heliod. Aeth. Ix 9). This is 
however the only passage, excepting that quoted from Lydus in the Ap- 
pendix, in which Nilus is called expressly father of Hercules. The image 
of the Idaean Hercules at Erythrae was said to have come from Tyre and 
to be exactly of the Egyptian pattern (Paus. vit 5 § 3). 

Phrygias litteras conscripsisse: ‘to have drawn up the Phrygian 
traditions’. We should rather have expected this to be said of the Idaean 
Hercules mentioned below, to whom Diodorus (v 64) ascribes the authorship 
of certain charms and mystic rites. But Wyttenbach in his note on this 
place (not on Plut. Js. e¢ Os. l.c., as Sch. and Kiihner have it) is certainly 
wrong in considering our Phrygiae litterae to be nothing more than magical 
figures. They must be explained by Diod. 11 66 ray Spvytay Kadovpevyny 
noinow, the authorship of which is usually assigned to Linus the re- 
puted instructor of Hercules; also by Plut. Zs. et Os. 362 ‘we need not 
pay any attention rois Spvylow ypappaow, in which Isis is said to be the 
daughter of Hercules’; and Frag. p. 18 Didot (taken from Euseb. Pr. 
Ev, 1111) ‘that the old mythology concealed a theory of nature is plain 
from the Orphic and Egyptian and Phrygian books’, Probably this 

BOOK III CH. XVI § 42. 109 

was a theological treatise professing to be written by Hercules, just as 
the Poemander professed to be written by Hermes. Clement mentions 
that the priests of Isis were required to know by heart the Hermetic 
books, 42 in number, and that these were regularly carried through the 
temple in procession (St#vom. v1 4). We have a specimen of the sacred books of 
the Egyptians in the ‘ Ritual of the Dead’ lately deciphered and translated. 
Plato alludes to them (Zim. 23), where he represents a priest as addressing 
Solon in the words ravra yeypappéva x madawot tH é€ativ év Trois iepots 
...Ths O€ evOdde Staxoopnoews rap july ev Tots iepois ypaypacw dxrakiocxiAl@v 
 érav aptOuos yéypanta. We must also distinguish our Phrygiae litterae 
from the @pvyior Adyou of Diagoras, mentioned by Tatian c. 44, in which 
the mysteries of Cybele were ridiculed. 

ex Idaeis Digitis : on this very obscure subject cf. Dict. of Biog. s. v., 
Lobeck Agl. pp. 1156—1181, Diod. v 64, Strabo x p. 715 foll. They were 
commonly connected with the Cretan, but sometimes with the Phrygian 
Ida, as by Clem. Strom. 115 § 73 ‘some say that certain of the so-called 
Idaean Dactyli were the first wise men, and that they invented musical 
rhythms and the ’Edéova ypdppara. Now these Dactyli were Phrygians and 
barbarians. “Hpodwpos dé€ rov “Hpakdéa, pavtw Kal puoikdy yevopevor, iaropet 
mapa” AtAavros Tov BapBapou tov Ppvyos SiadéxeoOat Tovs Tov Kocpov kiovas, 
ie. the knowledge of astronomy’ (Philostr. Prooem. Heroic. § 12 refers 
the origin of poetry to Hercules, son of Alemena, and says that he was the 
instructor of Linus); Arnob. tm 41 ‘ Nigidius identifies with the Lares 
sometimes the Curetes, sometimes Digitos Samothracios, quos quinque tndi- 
cant Graect Idaeos Dactylos nuncupari’. Pausanias speaks more than once 
of the Idaean Hercules, as worshipped in Greece e.g. at Thespiae (1x 27 § 5) 
adda yap epaiverd por TO iepov TovTo apxaiorepov 7 Kata ‘Hpakdéa Tov ’Apudu- 
tpvovos, kat ‘Hpakéous evar! rod Kadovpevov tév "Idaiwv AaxtiAwr, od 57 Kal 
’EpvOpalous tovs és "Iwviay xa Tupiovs iepa exovras evpicKov. od pry ovd oi 
Bovwrot Tov ‘Hpakdéous ryvdouv TovTo TO dvoua, Orov ye avTol THs MukaAnocias 
Anpntpos ‘Hpakdet TG “Idai@ 70 iepor emirerpapdat A€yovow, also ib. 19 § 4and 
v14§7. Diodorus says (v 64) that Hercules was the eldest of the five 
Dactyli and that he founded the games at Olympia. The phrase employed 
by Cic. ea Id. Dig. is probably a translation of a partitive genitive, such 
as we find in the above quotation from Pausanias. 

cui inferias afferunt Coi: Herod. 1 44 ‘I think those Greeks act most 
rightly, who have established a double cultus of Hercules kai 76 pev 
ws abavarm “Odvprio S€ erwvupinv Oiovor, TO S Erépm ws Hpwt evayi- 
Cover. The phrase inf. af. corresponds to yoas éemipépovaw (Plut. Rom. c. 
4). The reading Coz is a correction for the cui of Mss. On the worship of 
Hercules at Cos see Plut. Mor. p. 304 and Osann’s n. on Cornutus ec. 31. 
We do not however read elsewhere that it was addressed especially to the 
Idaean Hercules or that it was distinguished for its mournful character. 

1 T have altered the position of elva:, which in Siebelis’ ed. follows ‘Hpax\éa. 

110 BOOK III CH. XVI § 42. 

Asiteriae: the only other authority for this statement is Eudoxus the 
famous astronomer, on whom see 11 104: cf. Athen. Ix 392 Evdo€os & o 
Kvidwos ev tpadte@ ys mepiddov Tovs Poivixas eyes Ovew TO Hpakdei dprvyas, dua 
TO Tov ‘Hpakdéa Tov ’Agtepias Kal Avos tropevopevoy eis AuBvnv avarpeOnvat pev 
vm0 Tupavos, lokaov & adtd mpocevéyxavtos dptuya...coppavOerr dvafsrevat, 
copied by Eustath. ad Odyss. x1 601. According to Hesiod (Zheog. 409) 
she was sister of Leto wife of Perses and mother of Hecate (see below § 46): 
according to the more common tradition (Hyg. Fab. 53, Apollod. 1 2 § 2) 
she changed herself into a quail to escape from the pursuit of Zeus, and 
having afterwards thrown herself into the sea was metamorphosed into the 
island Ortygia (Delos). Probably the name Asteria was selected by the 
mythologers as approaching most nearly to Ashteroth and Astarte (see 
below § 59). Thus Lydus (iv 44) of 8€ Goimkes "Aotaptyny tiv copay Toduod- 
xov, olovel tv "Aotepiay (which, in 11 10 p. 24, he tells us is a title of Aphro- 
dite) 7 rHv THs dorews dperny etva THY "A@poditny Bovrovraz. Ampelius c. 9 
gives a slightly different account (see Appendix). Similarly Damascius (V7d. 
Lsidor, 302) calls the Phoenician mother of the gods Astronoe. Perhaps 
the allusion to Karthago (=Neapolis) here, as below § 91, is due to Clito- 
machus the Carthaginian. 

Belus: i.e. Baal or Bel (‘Lord’). It was a title used for Melkarth, the 
Tyrian Hercules, and also for the chief of the Babylonian divinities, whom 
Herodotus identifies with Zeus. Diodorus (1 28) and the Greeks generally 
say that Belus was son of Libya and Poseidon, and father of Aegyptus and 
Danaus, and that he led a colony to Babylon. Herodotus (1 7) makes 
Ninus son of Belus, son of Alcaeus, son of Heracles. Professor Sayce 
thinks the Greek Heracles was derived from the Babylonian Gisdhubar 
through Melkarth. Compare Nonnus xt 400 dorpoxirov “Hpakdes, avaké 
mupos, Opxae KOTLOV, BhAos éx’ Evdprrao, AiBvs Kexdnpévos “Appov. The 
Indian Hercules is called Sandes by Nonnus xxxiv 196, Dorsanes by Hesy- 
chius ; Pliny (V. HZ. vi 16 speaks of his conquests in India, and mentions 
(vi 24) that his worship extended even to Taprobane, cf. Megasthenes 
(Didot fr. 11 pp. 404 and 418), who identifies him with Krishna. 

sextus hic: ‘the sixth is our own familiar Hercules’, cf. 1 6 hujus 

ut jam docebo: this phrase naturally leads us to expect that the 
explanation referred to will follow at once, as in Cluent. 30 acervatim gam 
reliqua dicam ; Murena 43 dicam jam apertius ; Cael. 44 dicam jam confi- 
dentius; Planc. 27 de qua vita jam dicam. If anything were interposed, 
we should certainly expect it to be introduced by some sort of explanation 
or apology, not by a guando enim, which implies that what follows, follows 
in the natural course. The other reasons which have led me to transpose 
§§ 53—60 and insert them here, are (1) that they continue the previous 
argument; (2) that the commencement of § 53 has no reference to the 
argument of §§ 51, 52 on the divinity of material objects, but has a plain 
reference to the contrast drawn in §$ 40—42 between the vulgar and 

BOOK III CH. XVI § 42. ipl 

the learned, @2 gui tnteriores scrutantur litteras, called in § 53 dllos etiam 
qui non re sed opinione, &c.; (3) that § 61 which immediately follows 
these sections, refers not to them, but to $$ 44 and 47 (mentem, fidem, spem 
..rerum vim habere videmus, non deorum). 

Ch. xxr § 53. dicamus—contra illos etiam: ‘I cannot be content 
therefore merely to condemn the vulgar superstition (referred to in § 39) ; 
the Euhemerist theology, which is supported by the Stoics (cf. § 60), is 
just as much to be blamed’ (cf. §§ 40, 41). 

non re sed opinione: cf. below § 63 confitemini longe aliter se rem 
habere atque hominum opinio sit; 1171 his fabulis spretis...deus pertinens per 
naturam ceujusque rer, per terras Ceres, per maria Neptunus, alii per alia, 
poterunt intellegi qui qualesque sint, quoque eos nomine consuetudo nuncupa- 
verit ; quos deos et venerari et colere debemus ; 11 66 suscepit vita hominum 
consuetudoque communis ut beneficiis excellentes viros in caelum fama ac 
voluntate tollerent. For the phrase itself cf. 1 61 n. 

Joves tres: so Lydus Iv 48 ruvés d€ kara Tov npwikov kal pepiorov Aoyov 
(i.e. the theory which splits up the gods into demigods) rpefs Aias etvac 
Bovrovra, eva ev Aidépos, Tov dé erepov ev ’Apxadia teyOqva, ad’ ov daciv 
’"AOnvay, tpitrov b€ Tov Kpnra, also Arnob. Iv 14, and with slight variation 
Clem. Al. Protr. p. 24, and Ainpelius c. 9, quoted in the Appendix. 

theologi: see above on § 42 qui interiores scrutantur litteras. The 
mythologists referred to are plainly Euhemerists like Diodorus. 

patre Aethere: in the Hesiodic cosmogony the primaeval Chaos 
begets Erebus and Night, and from Night proceed Aether and Day. 
Hyginus continues the genealogy ex Aethere et Die Terra, Caelum, Mare: 
ex Aethere et Terra Saturnus, Ops, Titanes, &e. We have no early or 
independent authority for the relationship here assigned between Jupiter 
on the one side and Aether and Caelus (the masculine form is implied by 
the following quz) on the other. 

Proserpinam—et Liberum: see on 11 62 and below § 58; Lydus 1. ¢. 
ot O€ mieioto. THY Puotkov Tov Ala "Idaitov eivas BotAovtat Kal TexXOnvae év TH 
"Ibn, ToUTeoTL ev TO Tapa "Idyn dpwapev@ ovpave, THs Se Kopyns mwatépa avrov 
aow, TovTEaTL TOU KOpoU Kal THs EvwYXias alTLiov avTov yever Oat. 

principem—hbelli: cf. 11 167 principe philosophiae Socrate. 

cujus sepulcrum ostenditur: cf. nn. on 1 119. 

Awockovpot: we nowhere else find this name applied to any of the 
following personages except the Tyndaridae, who in later times were 
confounded with the Cabeiri. Hesychius s. v. says it was also used of 
Amphion and Zethus, and we read in Diog. Laert. 11 52 that it was given 
as a sort of nickname to the sons of Xenophon. 

Anactes: so Mss, but most edd. read Anaces instead, according to the 
dictum of Moeris s. v. ”Avaxes kai ’Avaxtov ’Artikos (cf. Avaxeiov Thuc. VIII 
93), Avdoxopot kai Atookopetov “EXAnuikds. But even in Greek writers both 
forms occur, and it is not likely that a Latin scribe would have altered 
Anaces, if he had found it in his text. In Pausanias x 38 (oirwes d€ Oedv 

112 BOOK Ill CH. XXI § 53. 

eloly of “Avaxres mraides, ov Kata Tavta éotw cipnuévov, Gdda of pév eivat 
Awoukovpovs, ot dé Kovphras, of d€ mhéov te erictacdat vopitovres KaBeipous 
A€yovow) Siebelis writes avaxes against the Mss, and so in It 22, Compare 
the Orphic Hymn XXXVI 20 Koupytes KopvBavres avaxtopes, edvdvvarol te év 
SapyoOpykyn dvaktes opov, Znvos Kopot avroi, wvolai dévaot Wuyot poor jepoewweis” 
oire kal ovpaniot Aidupot KAN Ceo O ev OvpTro...emumvelowre”Avaxtes; Alciphron 
Ill 68 of Swrthpes “Avaxtes. According to Aelian V. HZ. 1v 5 Menestheus 
first gave to the Tyndaridae the names "Avakres and Swripes: similarly 
Plutarch Thes. 33, who however has the form ”Avakes, for which he suggests 
various etymologies. The term dvdxropov was used especially for the 
shrine of deities worshipped with mystic rites, cf. Lobeck Agi. p. 59, 
Herod. 1x 65 16 év’EXevoive dvaxtopov, Hippolyt. Haeres. (p. 152 Duncker) 
eaTnke O€ ayadpata dvo ev TG SapoOpaxav avaxropo, and p. 164 gare yap 
Aeyouevoy TO pvaotypioy "EXevoly kai Avaxropetov. 

rege Jove: on Zevs Baowdevs see Preller 1115. The title is probably 
added here as explanatory of Anactes: they were ‘princes’ as being sons 
of the king of the gods. In reality the name is a survival of an older 
religion in which they held the highest rank. So the Cabeiri and Dioscuri 
are called peyadou Beot (Lobeck 0. c. p. 1229 foll.). 

Proserpina : we do not find this stated elsewhere of Tritopatreus or of 
the Anactes or Dioscuri, but the following notes exhibit similar statements 
in regard to Eubuleus and Dionysus, cf. below § 58. 

Tritopatreus: cf. Suidas s. v. Aner (fl. about 300 B.c.) év r7 ?ArOide 
dnaoiv avepous eivat Tovs Tpitomaropas: Biddyxopos dé (a younger contemporary 
of Demon, who also wrote on the antiquities of Attica) rods Tprtomdrpers 
Tavtwy yeyovévat mpw@rovs. ‘Phanodemus (a writer of uncertain date B.c.) in 
his sixth book (of antiquities) says that the Athenians alone worship and 
pray to them for offspring, when they are about to marry’, ev 6é r@ "Oppéws 
bvoixo ovonater Oa tovs Tpitomdropas ’Auadkeidnv kat Ipwtokd€ovra, bupwpovs 
kal pidakas ovtas Tav dvepov. ‘“O &€ TO "E€nyntixdy rouoas (a treatise on 
the marriage ceremony) Ovpavod kal Tjs dynotv adrovs eivar waidas, dvdpara 
dé adr@y Kérroy Bpiapewy kal Tuynv. Lobeck explains this by a reference to 
Arist. An. 1 5 rotdro rémovOe kai 6 év Tois ’Opdikois Kadoupévors meat Aoyos" 
gynot yap thy uxny €k Tod Odov elovevar dvarvedvT@y, Pepopévny amd TaY 
avénov. In the marriage ceremonies these deities of the wind were invoked, 
as the first parents of mankind, to breathe into the new-born children the 
breath of life, identified with the soul. Hence in Orph, H. xxvut 8 they 
are called Turjves nuetépay mpoyovor matépav...dpyal Kal mnyal mavTev 
Oynrav Tmodvpoy bor, cf. ib. XXXVIII 20 cited under Anactes. For the forma- 
tion of the word see Pollux II 7 6 rdmrov 7} THOns matTnp Mpomammos, Taya dé 
TovTov ay eimois Tpitomdropa, ws ’ApiororéAns. As this is the only passage 
in which Tritopatreus is reckoned among the Dioscuri or Anactes, the only 
passage indeed in which the name is found in the singular, it was natural 
to emend it: thus Hemsterhuis (on Lucian Dial. Deor. 26) suggests 
Tritopatores Zagreus, Lobeck Drito Zagreus: a more plausible emenda- 

BOOK III CH. XXI § 53. 113 

tion is that by Rinck, Tritopatores Triptolemus, for Triptolemus and 
Eubuleus are sons of Dysaules according to the Orphic tradition reported 
by Pausan. 1 14 § 2, and Clem. Al. Protr. § 20. I do not think however 
that it is safe to make any change. It is evident that the tradition followed 
by Cicero’s authority departs very widely from the ordinary tradition ; and 
in that strange intermingling of mythologies which took place during the 
Alexandrian epoch, it seems not impossible that the name Tritopatreus, 
belonging to the early Attic mythology, may have been connected with the 
equally ancient Anactes. 

Eubuleus: this is properly an epithet or name of Dionysus ‘ good in 
counsel’, as we read in Plut. Conv. p. 714, on the text dri Bovdever Oar mapa 
mOTov ovxX HTTov AY “EXAnuKov 7 Teporxoy (he might have referred also to 
the Germans and Norsemen) ; hence of taymay dpxaiou rov Aidvucoy avtov 
evBovAj mpooeirov. So, in the Orphic Hymns, Bacchus is addressed as 
EvBovred worvBovre Ards kal Tepoedoveins (XXIX 6), and EvBovded perpynpope 
Oupowrwakta...cpatoyov’ "Hpikérae, Oedv marep Oe kal vie (LI 4). In H. 
XXVIII 8 Persephone is styled pirep épiBpepérov modvpdphov EvBovajos, 
while in H. xu 8 the same is said of Demeter, In H. txx1 Artemis is 
called daughter of Eubuleus. Dionysus is also spoken of as son of Eubuleus 
(XLI 1) decpopdpov Kadéw vapOnxohopov Atovvcoy, oméppa TodAvpynOTOY To- 
Avevupov EvBovAjos. Again Eubuleus is identified with Pluto (addressed 
in H. xvi 12 as & rodvdSeypov EvBovAe), with Adonis (addressed in 
HH. LV a8 EvBovded torvpophe, tpohed mavtwy apidndre), with Phanes, fr. 7 
(ap. Macr. Sat. 118) dv 5) viv Kadéovor Payvnta te Kat Acavucoy EvBovAja 7’ 
avakra kal ’Avtavynv dpidndov. 

tertii—Atrei filii: we are nowhere told that Atreus had sons so 
named. The famous soothsayer Melampus, who is said to have introduced 
the worship of Dionysus into Greece, is entirely unconnected with Atreus. 
Then we read, in Nonnus xiv 16, of an Alcon, one of the Cabeiri, who was 
son of Hephaestus and Cabeiro and brother of Eurymedon. Tmolus is 
a generally accepted emendation by Day. for Hviolus of Mss (connected 
_ with Evvos?) because the former name occurs amongst the ancestors of 
Atreus. I have thought it better to keep to the Mss, as the extraordinary 
eccentricity of C.’s mythology really leaves nothing on which to build 

§ 54. Musae quattuor: so Tzetzes on Hes. Op. p. 6, except that the 
father is with him the first and not (as with C.) the second Jove, “Aparos €v 
Th wéuntn TOV Aotpikov Téooapas (Tas Movaas) Aéyer Atos Tod Aibépos Kat 
TAovalas viucns, ’"Apxnv Medérnv OcdEwonv kat ’Aoidnv. Mnaseas also, a 
contemporary of Callimachus, spoke of four Muses jilias Telluris et Caelr 
(Arnob. 111 37, where we are further told that Ephorus made three Muses, 
Myrtilus seven, Crates eight). Pausanias (Ix 29) mentions that one 
tradition recognised only three Muses named Medérn Mvnun and *Aordy. 
Compare Diod. tv 7, Cornutus c. 14. 

natae Thelxinoe: the readings are very uncertain : see critical notes. 

Me TIL 8 

114 BOOK HI CH. XXI § 54. 

Some Mss have et after natae, and as the mother’s name is given in the 
other cases, Heind. and Creuzer suggest that it has been lost here; the 
latter would supply Veda from Pausan. vit 47, where she appears among 
the nymphs attendant on the youthful Zeus. His reasons however for the 
selection of this particular name appear to me to have very little weight. 

Piero natae: the edd. appear to be justified in omitting Jove tertio 
before Prero, cf. Pausan. rx 29 (after mentioning the three Muses as above) 
xpove O€ toTepov chact Tiepov Maxedéova...ehOovra és Ocomuds evvéa Te Movoas 
Kataotnoac Oat kai Ta dvopata Ta viv peraberba odict...eioi dSێ of Kal atta 
Ovyarépas évvéa Tliép@ yevéo Oat heyovow kai Th ovopara dep Tats Beats TeOjvac 
kal ravtas. Ovid relates that these Pierian Muses, having dared to compete 
with those of Helicon, were turned into crows (J/et. v 300). Epicharmus 
gave to Pierus a different wife, Pimpleis, and only seven daughters, named 
after various rivers (Tzetz. on Hesiod Op. p. 6). Ovid makes the wife 
Euippe. It is only here that we find Antiope named as the mother of the 

Mnemosyne: see Hes. Theog. 50—80. 

isdem nominibus: abl. of quality, Roby § 1232, cf. 1 83 his vocabulis 
esse cleos. 

proximae superiores: cf. 11 53 provimum inferiorem n.; Mu. refers to 
Madv. Adv. 11 p. 243 n. [add Gell. xvir 2 § 1 biduo Dore supervore. 
J. E. B. M.] 

cumque tu Solem: ‘whereas you derive the name Sol from his solitude’, 
Cf. 11 68 and Lydus Jens. 11 3 ("HAwos) >AwdAA@v AéyeTat Oia TO Arwen eivar 
TOV TOAAOY’ Kal ‘Paaior d& adrdv gohep Tot povoy héyovaw, ‘he is called 
however by many names’ “Hduos, "Qpos, "Ocipis, dvak, Atos vids, AmdAov. 
The common tradition makes the Titans, Hyperion and Theia, parents of 
the Sun (Hes. Zheog. 371): Arnobius (1v 20) follows Cic. in a blundering 
way, making Jupiter the father and Hyperiona the mother : see Appendix. 

tertius Vulcano: so Suidas s. v. pera thy tedevtiy ‘Hdalorov rod 
Baothéws Aiyirrov “Hduos 6 vids adrod riv dpyny bedéEaro, see below § 55, 
and Sayce Herod. p. 318 ‘at Memphis the dynasty of gods was composed 
as follows, (1) Ptah or Hephaestus, the father of the gods, (2) Ra, the sun- 
god, his son’; also Rawlinson [erod. 1 p. 289. 

Heliopolis: the On of Scripture, where Joseph found his wife, and 
Plato and Eudoxus are said to have studied, is situated nearly at the point 
of the Delta. The obelisk, which still stands there, was erected about the 
year 2050 B.c, See the art. in the Dict. of the Bible. 

quartus—Rhodi: the text is very doubtful. As to the facts, we know 
that Rhodes was sacred to the Sun, whose colossal statue there was esteemed 
one of the wonders of the world. Pindar (Olymp. vit 28) calls Rhodus 
Taio’ ‘Adpodiras, “AeXiowd Te Bae and tells how Helios ‘Pdd@ px Gets 
Téxev emta copstara voruar’ emt mporepoy avdpav eats ea ree ov 
cis pev Kdperpov mpeoBurarov te Idducov erexev AlySov 7° (1. 130), cf. Tzetzes 
on Lycophron 922. Homer speaks of the Rhodians as distributed between 

- BOOK II CH. XXI § 54. 115 

the three cities founded by these eponymous heroes, J/. 11 655 (Tlepolemus 
led to Troy those) of ‘Podov audeveporto Sia rpiya koopnbérres, Aivdov Indvodv 
Te Kal apywoevra Kapeipov. The city of Rhodes itself was not built till 
B.C. 408, when the three ancient tribes or states combined for that purpose. 
The Rhodian genealogy is thus given by Diod. v 56: ‘Helios and Rhodus 
had seven sons, of whom only two, Ochimus and Cercaphus, continued in 
the island : these joined in building the city of Achaia (also mentioned by 
Ergias the Rhodian ap. Athenaeus vu p. 360); of which Ochimus was the 
first ruler. After his death he was succeeded by his brother Cercaphus, 
who had married his daughter and had by her three sons’, the eponymi 
before-named. Starting with this as his foundation, Creuzer proposes to 
read guartus is, cut heroicis temporibus Achaiae conditores Rhode peperisse 
dicitur, avum et patrem Ialysi, Camirt et Lindi, unde Rhodii: Heind. 
would read cui h. t. Acantho Rhodi peperisse dicitur Cercaphum, quem 
dicunt genuisse Ialysum Camirum Lindum Rhodii; Swainson cui h. t. 
Cercaphum Rhode peperisse dicitur patrem I. C. L. unde Rhodit. As far as 
any sense is to be got out of the Ms reading, it is altogether opposed to the 
common tradition ; which speaks of the island of Rhodes, not as the birth- 
place of Helios, but as raised up out of the sea to be his portion, when the 
gods distributed among themselves the various countries of the earth. 
Again the name of Acantho is unknown in connexion with Helios. The 
nymph Rhodus or Rhode is usually represented as daughter of Poseidon 
and Amphitrite or Halia, and as the bride, never the mother, of Helios. 
Whatever may have been the original reading, it seems to have been early 
changed into something like its present form, as /thodi appears in the 
locative both in Ampelius and Arnobius, and the latter makes Acantho 
the mother of Sol. See Appendix. 

‘[heroicis temporibus: cf. Div. 1 1 vetus opinio est jam usque ab heroicis 
ducta temporibus. Swainson. | 

Colchis—procreavisse: cf. Apollod. 1 9 § 1 Gpiéos 7AGev eis Kodyovs, 
ay Aintns €Bacidevoe mais “HXiov kal Ieponidos, ddedpos S€ Kipxns kat Taou- 
cans, see on § 48. We find the form Aeeta, like poeta, Ov. Her. xit 29, 
see below on § 45. Colchis, locative of the name of the people used for 
the country, as in Ennius /r. trag. 286, 311. 

Ch. xx § 55. Vulcani: see Ampelius and Lydus quoted in Appendix. 

Apollinem eum: sc. natum ferunt; cf. 1 61 cut Proserpinam, where 
perhaps even nuptam was an unnecessary addition. Sch. cites Brut. 105 
hune qui audierant prudentes homines, in quibus familiaris noster, L. 
Gellius,...canorum oratorem fuisse dicebat, where the predicate to prud. 
hom. is wanting: this however should rather be regarded as a case of 

cujus in tutela Athenas: Apollo was called warpéos, because he was 
father of Ion (Plato Huthyd. 301) the eponymous hero of the Athenians. 
Clemens Protr. 11 28 gives Aristotle as the authority for the story that 
Apollo was son of Heph. and Ath. More commonly Erichthonius is made 


116 BOOK Ill CH. XXII § 55. 

their son, as by Apollod. 111 14 § 6 rotrov ot pev “Hpaicrov kai ts Kpavaov 
Ovyarpos ’ArOiSos etvar Néyovow, of dé “Hdaiorov kai AOnvas, foll. 

Nilo natus Phthas: cf. Diog. L. prooem. 1 Aiyimriot Neidov yevérOat 
maida “Hfpaortor, ov apEa dirocodpias, Palaeph. in Gale p. 64, Lydus in 
Appendix, Herod. 11 37 with Rawlinson’s nn. Amm. Marc. xvir 4. 
Phthas was identified with Hephaestus, like Athene with Neith, from 
similarity of sound, See above on § 54 ¢tertius Vulcano, and Nilo natus 
§ 42. 

Jove et Junone: the ordinary tradition, as in Homer //. 1 578. In 
two of the parallel writers Saturn is made the father, see App. 

Memalio: this name is altogether unknown. lLydus has Mavrois (cor- 
rected Mavr@os by Creuzer), Ampelius Mletis (corrected AMelites by 
Wolfflin): could it be intended for KyndaXiov, the instructor of Hephaestus, 
on whom see Preller 1 1411? 

Vulcaniae : Pliny, speaking of the Aeolian or Liparaean Isles, says 
(11t 14) they are called Hephaestiades a Graecis, a nostris Vulcaniae. Livy 
employs the same name (XXI 49, 51), so there seems no reason why Cic. 
should have used the Imp. nominabantur, as if the name had gone out 
of use. 

§ 56. Caelo—Die: hence he is brother of Venus § 59. Cf. Serv. ad 
Aen. v 577 quattuor Mercurios tradunt, unum Caeli et Diet flium, ama- 
torem Proserpinae &c. cited in Appendix. Of Cic. however Servius says, 
in the same note, referring to the WV. D., that he held tres esse Mercurios, 
superum, terrenum et inferum. 

natura: Herodotus 1 51 says this was the case with the Samothracian 
gods (one of whom was Casmilus identified with Mercurius), and with the 
Hermae of Athens in accordance with the old Pelasgian usage; cf. Plut. 
Mor. 797 ¥, Hippol. Ref. Haeres. v 7 1. 45 foll., ib. 8 1.85. The symbol was 
intended to denote fertility, but was explained by the mysticizing Neo- 
Platonists as follows, deikvuct tov oreppatiKoy Aoyov Tov Sujkovta Oia TavToY 
(Porph. ap. Euseb. Pr. Hv. ur 2 § 27). For the connexion with Proser- 
pina or Brimo, see Propert. m1 2. 11, and below § 60, where Cupido is 
called son of Merc. and Diana, who is often confused with Proserpina 
(see below § 58), also Tzetzes on Lyc. 698. Like vous (defined by Hip- 
pocrates as airia yevéoews ‘the ground of production’), natura came to 
be used euphemistically for the generative organs, whether male or female 
(see Div. 11 145, Minuc. F. 9); so Zoct above 11 128, and naturalia in Celsus ; 
cf. Beier on Off. 1127. [Add to lexx. Varro R. &. 114 § 10, Suet. 7rd. 45 
nn, JH. Bs Me] 

Valentis et Phoronidis: this agrees to a certain extent with the 
story of the birth of Asclepius, as given by Pausanias 1 26 and with 
slight variations by Apollodorus 111 10 § 3 ‘ Coronis, daughter of Phlegyas, 
being with child by Apollo, was married to "Ioxus (Valens, cf. Digitus= 
Aaxrudos above) son of Elatus; for this unfaithfulness she was put to 
death by Artemis, and the child Asclepius was saved from the funeral 

BOOK Ill CH. XxIt § 56. gly 

pyre by Hermes’, cf. below § 57 on the second Aesculapius. But we no- 
where else (except in the parallel passage from Arnobius given in the 
Appendix):find Trophonius identified with Hermes, or represented as the 
son of Ischys and Coronis. He is the son of Erginus or of Apollo (Pausan. 
1x 37, Hom. H. Apoll. 296, Schol. on Aristoph. Vwb. 508), and is himself 
entitled Zeus Trophonius (see on § 49) as being connected with the unseen 
world, just as he is here entitled Mercury, i.e. “Epps XOomos. The con- 
fusion between Troph. and Asclep. seems to have arisen from some 
resemblance in the rites with which they were worshipped, on which see 
Pausan. 1x 39. Where the discrepancy from the common tradition is in 
any case so great, there seems no justification for changing the Ms reading 
Phoronidis into Coronidis. Ovid uses the patronymic Phoronis for Io, 
as being a descendant of Phoroneus (Met. 11 524), king of Argos. He 
makes (1. 569) Coroneus (Dr L. Schmitz in Dict. of Ant. reads Phoroneus), 
not Phlegyas, the father of Coronis. Again Strabo tells us (x p. 471) that 
Hesiod mentioned a daughter of Phoroneus, from whom were descended the 
mountain nymphs and the Curetes. Phoronis is also the name of one of 
the lost Epics of Greece, in the fragments of which there is a reference to 
Hermes and the Idean Dactyls (Lobeck Agl. 1157). 

qui sub terris habetur idem Trophonius: ‘the subterranean deity 
who is also believed to be Trophonius’. The parallel in Arnobius (sub terra 
est alter, Trophonius qui esse jactatur, see App.) seems to show that the 
words must be thus taken. Hermes was called y6dvos, both as presiding 
over the hidden treasures of the earth and as the conductor of the dead. 

Penelopa : so Herod. 11 145 ek Inveddmns kai ‘Eppéw Aéyerat yevéo Oat vn’ 
‘EAAnvor 6 Ilav. Serv. ad Georg. 1 16 refers to Pindar as the authority for 
the legend ; see also on Aen. 11 43, and Hemsterhuis on Lucian Dial. Deor. 
22. Preller (1 586) suggests that the name IInvedomn (from myn, vito) 
may have had a general sense, like our ‘spinster’. 

Aegyptii nefas habent nominare: so the Romans according to Plu- 
tarch (Mor. p. 278 F) forbade the name of their tutelary deity to be uttered ; 
compare the feeling of the Hebrews about the ineffable Name. I am not 
aware of any other Greek or Roman authority who makes two Egyptian 
gods answering to the Greek Hermes; but Thoth was worshipped in 
Hermopolis under the two forms of the Ibis and the Ape; and Lenormant 
in his Ane. Hist. of the East vol. 1 p. 315 tr. distinguishes between the first 
Thoth, who ‘was the celestial Hermes, or the personification of the divine 
intelligence’, and ‘the second Hermes, who was only an imitation of the 
first, and passed for the author of all the social institutions of Egypt’. 
Ampelius and Servius, following in the main the same tradition as Cic., 
make one god out of his 4th and 5th. As far as I know, it is never stated 
that Theuth was regarded as an ineffable name. Herodotus however 
often makes a mystery of the name Osiris (e.g. 11 86, 132, 170), and pro- 
fesses his unwillingness to utter the sacred legends, where it was not 
absolutely necessary, 

118 BOOK Ill CH. Xx1I § 56. 

Pheneatae: see on § 42 de tripode, and the art. on Pheneus in Dict. of 
Geog. It is a district in the N, E. of Arcadia shut in by the spurs of Mt. 
Cyllene. The waters of the valley are carried off by a channel, said to 
have been made by Hercules, which conducts them to a natural tunnel 
(Katavothra) in the limestone rock, and the river which issues from this 
is called the Ladon. Pausanias tells us (vit 14 § 7) Oedv tipeow ‘Eppiy 
evearat padiota, kal dyéva dyovow “Epyaa kal vads ect “Eppod odiot kai 
dyadpa Aidov : he also mentions the sacred springs, at which it was said 
the nymphs had washed the newly-born Hermes (ib. 16 § 1). 

Argum—profugisse : apparently this is the earliest passage in which 
the slaying of Argus is connected with the appearance of Hermes in 
Egypt. It would be naturally suggested by the wanderings of Io. As to 
the civilizing influence of Hermes see Plato Phaedr. 274 jeovoa epi 
Navxpatrw tis Aiydmrov yevéoOar Tov éxet mahaay Twa Gedy, ob Kal TO dpyeEor 
76 lepov, 6 dn Kadodow "IB, aitd b€ dvopa TS Saipove etvar OevO. Todtov dé 
mpotov apiOpov Te Kal Noytopov evpely Kal yewpeTpiav Kal doTpovopiay, ere 
d€ merreias re Kal KuBelas, Kal 6% Kai ypappara foll.; Phileb. 18. Lactantius 
1 6 after quoting the present passage, continues idem oppidum condidit, 
quod etiam nune Giraece vocatur ‘Epporodis, et Saitae colunt eum religiose. 
Quit, tametsi homo, fuit tamen antiquissimus et tnstructissimus omni genere 
doctrinae adeo, ut et multarum rerum et artium scientia Trismegisto cog- 
nomen imponerct...[psius haec verba sunt 6 b€ Oeds ets, 6 Sé eis bvdparos ov 
mpoodéera eats yap 6 oy dvdvupos. For the Neo-Platonist writings which 
passed under his name, see articles in Dict. of Biogr. and esp. in Dict. of 
Christ. Biog, under Hermes. 

Aegyptum profugisse: there is no need for inserting 7z with Ba., cf. 
Sardiniam venit Leg. Man. 34, Aegyptum iter habere Caes. B. C. ut 106, 
and Aegyptum proficisct Tac. Ann. 11 59, Nep. Dat. 4 § 1, Madv. § 232 obs. 
4, Draeg. § 176. 2. : 

Theuth: Philo Byblius ap. Euseb. Pr. Zv. 1 9 § 19, professing to give 
the Phoenician theology, says that the first-born of all things is Téauros 6 
TOY Ypappata@v THY eUpegwy emivoynoas Kal Tis TAY dTouynudT@Y ypadys KaTdp- 
Eas...0v Aiydmruot wey exddecav Cav), ’Ade~avdpeis dé OdO, ‘Epuhv 6é "ENAnves 

primus mensis: Herodotus tells us (11 82) that the Egyptians had 
learnt to which god each month and day is sacred ; and we read in Plut. 
Is. Osir. p. 378, that the feast of Thoth was in the 1st month, which was 
therefore called by his name ; cf. Censorinus 18 § 10, 21 § 10, Macrob. Sat. 
1 15, Rawlinson Herod. App. 2 to Bk. u. In Bc. 24 the Ist day of Thoth 
coincided with Aug. 29. 

§ 57. Aesculapiorum: this is a specimen of the arbitrary procedure 
of the later mythologists. The so-called Phoenician Aesculapius, one of the 
Cabeiri, is omitted, and the Arcadian deity is split up into three because 
of some slight difference in the local traditions. Lydus makes the Apollo, 
who is father of the first Aesculapius, to be the son of Vulcan, and there- 


fore the patron of Athens: if we make Apollinis antecedent to quem 
Arcades colunt, it would seem to identify him with Apollo Nowsos; but in 
that case we should probably have had ejus before quem. 

specillum : see a full account of its use in Dict. of Ant. s.v. eee 
Foes Occon. Hippocr. and the illustration in Rich’s Companion. The 
corresponding Greek verb is metaphorically used by Cic. Aéé. x11 51 rotro 
dé pnrA@on ‘you will probe this’. 

obligavisse : cf. Tusc. 11 38 medicum requirens a quo obligetur | Bell. 
Afr. 88 § 4, Sen. Ep. 28 § 8. J. E.B.M.]: Celsus uses the word delzgo in 
the same sense. The former refers properly to the supporting of a broken 
limb by splints; the latter to the tying down of the broken ends so as to 
prevent their protruding. 

Mercurii frater : see on § 56. 

fulmine percussus: ‘after being struck by lightning’. According to 
the usual story he was slain by Zeus for raising the dead to life, ‘see 
Pindar Pyth. 111 1—105 cited by Clem. Al. Proér. § 30, and Dict. of Biog. 

Cynosuris: this is usually understood of a district of Sparta; whence 
Callimachus (Diana 94) calls the Spartan hounds Kvuvogovpides. See 
Clem. Al. lc. ’AakAnmids keirat Kepavvabels €v trois Kuvocovpidos opiots. 
Sch. however notes that a Mount Cynosura is mentioned by Steph. Byz. 
p. 490, and suggests that there may have been a Cynosura in the vale of 
Cynuria (Pausan. vill 27). This Cynuria was the parent state of Gortys, 
where there was a tomb of Aesculapius, see below on Lusio flumine. 
Possibly Cynosura is a mistake for the well-known Lycosura in Arcadia, 
The most usual tradition makes Aesculapius buried at Epidaurus (Cyrill. 
CO. Jul. vi p. 200); but in a later passage of the same book (vIII p. 
288) it is said that none knew where he was buried. 

Arsippus: he is not mentioned in any independent authority: perhaps 
there may be some confusion with Leucippus. 

Arsinoe: according to the Messenians Aesculapius was the son of 
Apollo and Arsinoe, daughter of Leucippus (Paus. m1 12, 26, IV 3. 
Asclepiades, a disciple of Isocrates, is cited to the same effect by the 
Schol. on Pindar in Heyne’s n. on Apollod. m1 10. 3). Pausanias tells 
a story of an Arcadian who presumed to question the Delphian god himself 
on the subject, and was informed by the oracle that the real mother was 
Coronis (ib. 11 26). 

purgationem: see n. on 11126. [Celsus 11 11 § 2 refers to Asclepiades 
on this subject. In vit 12 he treats of dentis evulsio. R.] 

dentis evulsio: Herodotus (11 84) mentions that in Egypt each physi- 
cian treated a single disorder, some undertaking to cure diseases of the eye, 
others diseases of the head, the teeth, and so on. Gold stopping has been 
found in some of the mummies. [Add to lexx. Plin. Val. Iv 29, Cael. 
Aurel. Acut, 11 § 83. J. E. B. M.] 

non longe a Lusio: ie. at Gortyna situated on the river Aovouos, 
a tributary of Alpheius, so called because the infant Zeus was there 

0 BOOK A1-OH. XXIlpN 07. 

washed by the nymphs (Pausan. vilr 28). At this place there was a 
temple of Aesculapius (Paus. Vv 7). 

sepulcrum et lucus ostenditur: for the Sing. cf. passages quoted 
below on § 43 dew. 

Ch. xxiu. Apollinum antiquissimus: cf. § 55 and Clemens and 
Ampelius quoted in the Appendix. 

Corybantis filius: this is the converse of the ordinary story given by 
Apollodorus 1 3 § 4, Oadelas kai AmoAX@vos eyévovto KopvBavres. We find 
other traditions in Strabo x 3 p. 472, ‘some say the Corybantes are children 
of Athene and Helios, others of Cronos, others of Zeus and Calliope’ ; 
‘Pherecydes says that there were nine KupSavras, the children of Apollo 
and the nymph Rhytia, and that they lived in Samothrace’, cf. Lob. 
Aglaoph, p. 1141. In Hippol. Ref. Haer. v 9 1. 45 Corybas is identified 
with Adonis, Attis, Osiris, &c. 

natus in Creta: the Cretans were the first worshippers at the temple 
of Delphi and were established there as ministers of the god. Apollo 
Delphinius was worshipped from an early period at Cnossus in Crete 
(Preller 1 199). This worship was no doubt introduced by the Dorians in 
place of the indigenous worship of the bull-headed Zeus: hence the 
cum Jove certamen, cf. Miiller Dorians 1 226 tr. In the Kpjres of Euripides 
(fr. 476 Dind.) we find the Idean Zeus identified with Zagreus and connected 
with Bacchus and the Curetes. 

cum Jove certamen: though no other writer mentions this contest, it is 
perhaps alluded toin Fulgentius (rag. Hist. 11 p. 152 Didot) Inaseas tertio 
EHuropae libro scripsit Apollinem, postquam a Jove ictus et tnterfectus est, a 
vespillonibus ad sepulturam elutum esse. It may be compared with those 
between other gods for the possession of particular countries, e.g. between 
Poseidon and Athene for Attica. 

ex Hyperboreis: they were supposed to dwell in a land of perpetual 
sunshine on the other side of the Rhipean Mountains and the cold blasts 
of the north wind, see Dict. of Liog. and Preller 1 189 foll., and, for the 
legend of their visit to Delphi, the verses of Boeo recorded by Pausan, x 5 
§ 4, Pind. Ol. m1 25, Isthm. vi 34, Pyth. x 31, Herod. 1v 33, Diod. 11 47. 
Alcaeus (fr. 1 Bergk) agrees with C. in representing Apollo as himself 
coming from the Hyperboreans to settle at Delphi. The prophet Abaris 
was said to be a Hyperborean priest of Apollo (Herod. Iv 36). 

Nopeov: (fr. vowos pasture) used as an epithet of Apollo by Theocritus 
xxv 21, of Aristaeus by Pindar Pyth. 1x 115 émaova prov, ’Aypéa xai 
Noor, also of Pan (Hom. A. x1x 5), Hermes and other rural gods; 
cf. Virgil’s pastor ab Amphryso, and Pausan. vit 20 § 2. The explanation 
of the name here given is mere ignorance, though it was repeated by 
Proclus (see Welcker Gir. Gétt. 1 486). In Clem. Al. Protr. 11 28 and 
Ampelius, this Apollo is called son of Silenus, and Porphyry (ap. Cyrill. 
ce, Jul. X p. 342 Spanheim) reports that Pythagoras wrote an inscription on 
the tomb of Apollo at Delphi, speaking of him as ‘the son of Silenus, slain 

BOOK III CH. XXUI § 57. 121 

by Python’. Perhaps Silent filius has been lost after guartus. Nowhere 
else do we read that he was the legislator of Arcadia or born there. 
Legislation was however regarded as an office of the Delphian Apollo, cf. 
Plat. Rep. Iv 427 (we leave to Apollo at Delphi) ra re péysora kai kad\Aora 
kal Tpata TOY vouobernparav...odtos yap Symou Oo Oeds mepl ra TovavTa Tact 
avOparois marpios eEnyntns év péo@ THs yns emt Tov dudadod Kabjpuevos 
eEnyeira, Legg. 1 632 év trois tod Atos Neyouévois vopots Tots Te Tod IvGiov 
"AmroAA@vos, ods Mivas Te Kal Avkodpyos €bérnv, eveate Tatra ravra, Diod. 
I 94, Strabo xvi 38, Cic. Div. 1 96. So above Mercury is called the 
legislator of Egypt. 

§ 58. prima Jovis et Proserpinae: Ampelius is the only other 
writer who gives this parentage. Artemis is however sometimes identified 
both with Persephone and Hecate, as in the Orphic hymn cited by Porphyry 
ap. Euseb. Pr, Hv. 1v 23 78 eyo eius Képn modvpacparos k.t.A. ; and. we have 
had many exx. of the confusion between parent and child, e.g. § 53 on 

pinnatum Cupidinem: Pausanias (1x 27) says that Olen calls Eileithyia 
(i.e. Artemis, see on 11 68) mother of Eros. The winged Eros is spoken of 
by Plato Phaedr, 252, Eur. Hipp. 1270, Aristoph. Av. 574 and 697, where 
the Scholiast says that it was only in later times that Eros and Victory 
were represented with wings. 

pater Upis: this is another mythological dm. Ney. According to 
Herodotus (Iv 35) Opis and Arge were two Hyperborean maidens who 
came to Delos with Apollo and Artemis, and were invoked by the Delian 
women and the Ionians generally in a hymn composed by Olen. In the 
pseudo-Platonic Axiochus p. 371 we are told that the Magian Gobryas was 
shown two brazen plates at Delos, giving an account of what befel the soul 
after death, and that these plates were said to have been brought there 
from the Hyperboreans by Opis and Hecaergos, In Callim. Dian. 204 
Opis is addressed as Ovm dvaco’ evant haeadope, kai S€ ve Keiyvns Kpnraées 
kadéovow erovupiny amo viydns, Where see Spanheim; also ib. 240; 
Macrob. Sat. v 22; Serv. ad Aen. x1 532 alti putant Opim et Hecaergon 
nutritores Apollinis et Dianae fuisse: hine Opim ipsam Dianam, Apollinem 
vero Hecaergon. We do not elsewhere find Opis or Upis regarded as 
masculine. Callimachus (Del. 292) makes her a daughter of Boreas, and 
gives her two sisters Loxo and Hecaerge ; Virgil (Aen. x1 532 and 836) 
introduces her among the attendant nymphs of Diana; Palaephatus 
(Incred. § 32) says it is a Lacedaemonian name for Artemis; finally 
we read in Athen. x1v 10 that hymns to Artemis were called odmuyyor. 
The name is generally derived from émis=vépeors, but Preller explains it 
as ‘the eye of night’, i.e. the moon. Of Glauce we do not read elsewhere 
in this connexion. 

primum Jove et Proserpina: so Ampelius and Lydus in Appendix. 
The latter cites Terpander the Lesbian as the authority for the tradition. 

122 BOOK III CH. XxIi1 § 58. 

Compare also Arr. dad. 15 16 ‘the Athenians worship roy Ards kat Kopne... 
kat 6 “Iakxos 0 pvaoTiKds TOUT® TO Avoyrtow, ovxt TO OnBaiw emaderar’, and 
Clem. Al. Protr. 16 piyvura & 06 yervynocas ovroat Zeds TH Pepedarty, TH idia 
Ovyarpt...cver kat 9 Pepéparra maida Tavpopopdov, Orphic Hymn xxix 6, 
Hyg. Fab. 155 and 167. This Dionysus is frequently identified with 
Zagreus and Sabazius. 

Nilo: see above on Hercules 8 (41), Vulcanus 8 (55), Mercurius 8 (56). 
Herodotus makes Dionysus the same as Osiris (11 42, 48, 144), who is 
sometimes confounded with the Nile; cf. Plut. Js. et Os. § 35 p. 364. 

Nysam interemisse: this is not stated elsewhere. Nysa or Nyssa is 
usually the birthplace of Dionysus; hence Heind. after Marsus reads 
eondidisse for interemisse. There were many places of this name in different 
parts of the world each claiming some special connexion with the god, see 
Herodotus 11 146 with the note in Rawlinson’s ed. Diodorus (66—69) how- 
ever reports on the authority of Dionysius the mythographer, that Linus, in 
the so-called Phrygian poem, represented Dionysus as the son of Ammon 
and Amalthea, entrusted by his father to the charge of Nysa, daughter of 
Aristaeus. Hyginus mentions Nysa among the Oceanids who had the 
charge of the infant Bacchus and were restored to youth by Medea at his 
request. If the reading is correct, the allusion may possibly be to the 
cutting up of the body before renovation as in the case of Pelas. Or 
Nysa, the nurse, may have been confounded with Semele, the mother 
(Lydus Iv p. 94 makes Nysa the mother of the Indian Hercules), 
whose death may be said to have been caused by the son. Another 
explanation, suggested by Creuzer, is derived from Lydus’ statement that 
vvooa Means 6 KaymTNnp Kal TepiK’ALoLs TOU ypdvov: he connects this with 
the story (told by Diod. 11m 71 and at greater length by Nonnus xvitt 
237 foll.) of the first exploit of Dionysus, in which he destroyed the 
monster Kayan, whilst on his journey to Nysa ; and supposes this to mean 
the blotting out of the signs of the zodiac by the sun, as he passes through 
them. Perhaps however we should read Vysum ; see below for his story. 
Human sacrifice: was not unknown in the worship of Bacchus even as late 
as the time of Plutarch, as we see by his account of the sacrifice of 
a maiden at the yearly festival of the Agrionia held at Orchomenos (Qu. 
Graec. p. 299 F). 

It is rather curious that the phrase dicitur cateremisse is also used above 
of Mercurius and below of Minerva. If the original reading were Vysae d. 
intertisse, this might be explained by the importance attached to the death 
of Dionysus (Osiris) in the later mysteries, cf. Clem. Protr. § 17, Lactant. 
1 22, Firmicus 6. Though we are not told in so many words that it was at 
Nysa he was murdered by the Titans, yet we may infer this from the fact 
that the murder was supposed to have taken place whilst he was still 
a child under the care of the Curetes. 

Cabiro: corrected from Caprio to suit the parallels in Ampelius and 
Lydus. According to Mnaseas, a pupil of Eratosthenes, there were three 

BOOK III CH. Xxut § 58. 123 

Cabiri, Axierus, Axiokersa and Axiokersus, corresponding to Demeter, 
Persephone and Hades (Aglaoph. p. 1221). The last is identified with 
Bacchus by Heraclitus ap. Clem. Al. Prot. p. 30 wdrds de Atdns kat 
Avovucos Stem paivovrat Kai Anvatfovor. 

Asiae praefuisse: cf. Eur. Bacch. 13—17. The story of his conquest 
of India became very popular after the time of Alexander. 

Sabazia : Demosthenes, in depicting the miserable bringing-up of his 
rival Aeschines, describes these rites of the Phrygian Sabazius or Zagreus, 
sometimes identified with Zeus, more often with Dionysus (Coron. p. 313), 
cf. Strabo x 471, Firmicus 11, and Aglaoph. p. 1046 foll., Diod. Iv 4 
‘some tell of a much earlier Dionysus (than the son of Semele), dao yap 
éx Aws xa Hepoépovns Atovucoy yevéoOat, rov vo Tivev SaBaciov dvopati- 

Jove et Luna: as Luna is identified with Proserpina, this would agree 
with the parentage of the 1st Dionysus. Herodotus gives Selene and 
Dionysus as the equivalents of Isis and Osiris (11 47). In Ampelius and 
Lydus Semele is made the mother of this 4th Dionysus : or should we read 
SeAjvy there ? 

sacra Orphica: see Herod. 11 86 ra ’Opduixa kadedpeva kal Baxxexa, and 
the Dict. of Biog. under Orpheus. 

confici: cf. Nepos Hann. 2 § 4 dwina res dum conficiebatur. 

Niso: also Vyso, a masculine form of Vysa. His story is told by 
Hyg. Fad. 167 and 131, Commodianus Jnstruct. 112. Jupiter had given the 
infant Bacchus to Nisus to bring up; and Bacchus when starting on his 
Indian expedition entrusted Thebes to the care of his foster father. On 
his return Nisus refused to give up Thebes, whereupon Bacchus retook it 
by means of soldiers whom he introduced in female attire at the festival of 
the Trieterica. | 

Thyone: connected with Ovo, @vias, was the name of the deified 
Semele ; hence her son is called Ovavevs. 

Trieterides: a festival held at Thebes every 3rd winter in honour of 
the XOovos Avovuoos who then returned from his two years’ sojourn in the 
realms below, cf. Orphic Hymn 52, Aen. Iv 302 bacchatur; qualis commotis 
excita sacris Thyias, ubi audito stimulant Trieterica Baccho orgia, nocturn- 
usque vocat clamore Cithaeron. 

§ 59. Caelo et Die: like the 1st Mercurius. Plato calls her dujrap 
Ovpavod Ovyarnp (Symp. I 180 D). 

cujus Eli delubrum vidimus: the form £7: is confirmed by the best 
Ms in Fam. xt 26 § 2 E£li negotiatus est, and by the acc. Hlim Liv. xxvi1 
32 §2. This temple is described by Paus. v1 25. It contained a chrysele- 
phantine statue of the goddess by Phidias, in which she was represented 
as resting one foot on a tortoise, a symbol of domesticity, according to 
Plut. Praecept. Conj. 32. Probably Cic. had visited Elis during his two 
years’ stay in Greece; cf. 179, and below § 46, also Milo 80 quae ego vidi 
Athenis, quae aliis in urbibus Graeciae ! 

124 BOOK III CH. XXIIt § 59. 

spuma procreata: Hes. 7heog. 196. No independent authority speaks 
of Mercury as father of Cupid. 

Jove et Diona: Homer //. v 312, 370. 

Anteros: i.e. ‘the response of love’, also ‘rivalry in love’; whence 
he is here and by Lydus made the son of Mars. Pausanias (1 30) men- 
tions an altar to him at Athens, and at Elis (v1 23). 

Syria Cyproque concepta: this agrees with Lydus terdprny tijs 
Supias Kat Kvmpov, and Ampelius Cypri et Syriae filia, but it is a very 
strange expression. Conceptus is never used with the simple Ablative (like 
procreata above), nor of both parents ; and moreover Syria and Cyprus are 
both feminine. If it were not forthe parallel passages I should be disposed 
to read a Syria Cyproque accepta ‘borrowed from Syria and Cyprus’, cf. 
Herod. 1 105 ‘The temple of Uranian Aphrodite at Ascalon is the most 
ancient of all the temples to this goddess; for the Cyprian temple, as the 
Cyprians themselves admit, was built in imitation of it; and that in 
Cythera was erected by the Phoenicians, who belong to this part of Syria’; 
Hes. Theog. 199 Kumpoyevéa 8, ote yévto rohvkAvoTt@ évi Kumpo. If the 
reading is right, it may have originated in a misunderstanding of the 
epithet Kumpoyévera, Just as Kopudayevns may have suggested a Coryphe 
as mother of Minerva. 

Apollinis matrem: see above § 55. Ampelius and Firmicus 16 make 
Minerva daughter of Vulcan, perhaps from a misunderstanding of Plato 
Tim. 23 on the part of some earlier writer, 

orta Nilo: cf. Plato Zim. 21 D (of Sais) Beds dpynyds tis éorw, Ai- 
yuriort pev Tovvona NniO, “EdAnuati dé, ws 0 €keivar oyos, ’AOnva, Herod. 11 
62 with Wilkinson’s n., Plut. Zs. Osi. 32, ib. 9, where she is identified with 
Isis and the famous inscription is given, éyé eis wav TO yeyovds kal dv Kat 
€TOMEVOY, Kal TOV €oV TeTAOV OVOEis Tw OvnTOs amexddvev. No independent 
authority makes her daughter of Nilus. Madv., followed by Mr Reid 
(Acad. 1 3 on the words a Socrate ortam), maintains that Cic. never uses 
the simple ablative after orior ; the latter would therefore insert a before 
Nilo, if Nilus stands for the god (as undoubtedly it does), and not the 
river. As we have natus and procreatus, and (if the text is right) even 
conceptus used with the Abl. in this book, there seems no reason why Cic. 
should have objected to the same construction with ortus ; and in point of 
fact we find it in Pil. 11118 quibus ortus sis, non quibuscum vivas consi- 

Jove: see above § 53. Arnobius, Firmicus and Clem. Al. make her 
daughter of Saturn and say that she first used armour. 

Coryphe: cf. Harpocration s. v. “‘Immia ’A@nva, ‘ Mnaseas says that the 
equestrian Athena was daughter of Poseidon and Coryphe, the daughter of 
Oceanus, and that she was the inventress of chariots’. She was wor- 
shipped as ‘Immia at Colonos. Virgil attributes the invention to her son, 
primus Erichthonius currus et quattuor ausus jungere equos (Geo. 111 113). 
Clemens (in App.) says the Messenians called her Coryphasia ado tis pn- 


BOOK Ill CH. XXIII § 59. 125 

rpos. Ampelius makes her Solis Alia. Firmicus lc. follows a different 
story, guarta Jovis Cretici regis fuit filia, quae occisum patri detulit 
Liberum. Pausanias (Iv 36) mentions an ’A@nva Kopvdacia worshipped at 
the promontory Coryphasium near Pylos, and again (vim 21) an ’A@nva 
Kopia worshipped in Arcadia. We find the latter epithet used of Artemis 
(Callim. Dian. 234), where Spanheim explains it to mean ‘patroness of 
maidens’. Coryphe is no doubt a personification of the head of Zeus, cf. 
Pindar Ol. vit 65 ‘Hgaicrov réxvaow yadkedar@ medéxer marépos ’AOavaia 
Kopupay kar’ axpav avopovaao adadakev, Lydus I 24 ryv *A@nvay eis thy 
Wuxny dvdyovow ds abavarov kal maida Tod Atos €« THs avTov Kopupis frou ek 
Ths akpotntos Tov ovpavod Katiovcay, Arnob. Iv 16. See I 41 Diogenes n. 
On quadrigarum cf. Gell. x1x 8 § 3 C. Caesar in libris quos ad M. Cice- 
ronem de analogia conscripsit, ‘ quadrigas’, etiamsi currus unus, equorum 
junctorum agmen unum sit, plurativo semper numero dicendas putat. 

Pallantis : cf. Firmicus 16 guinta Pallante patre et Titanide (al. Tri- 
tonide) matre orta est, quae patris appellata nomine Pallas est ab hominibus 
nuncupata. Haec parricidalis amentia furoris...patrem crudeli morte jugu- exuvits corporis ejus ornata est; Tzetzes on Lyc. 355 (Pallas is so 
called either because she slew the giant Pallas in the battle between the 
gods and the giants), 7 IdaAAavta tov tdiov marépa, mrepwtov vmapxovta Kat 
Bidtovra...) tHv tapOeviay Tindoa TovTov aveithe, Kal TO S€pya avToU ws 
aiyida mepteBadXeTo kal Ta TrEpa Tols Toot mpoonppocey, Clem. Al. Protr. 28 ; 
Diodorus (111 69) speaks of the aegis as the skin of a monster slain by 
Athene in Lybia, cf. Eur. Jon 988. For identity of name in parent and 
child see above on Upis § 58. 

pinnarum talaria: ‘winged anklets’. Athene is identified with Niky 
(fon 1529), who is usually represented with wings, cf. Aesch. Humen. 952 
IladAdoos tro mrepois ovras a¢etat matyp With Paley’s n., ib. 382 mrepdy arep 
(wrépwp amep?) potBdovca KoAmov aiyidos. Talaria is used by itself of 
wings attached to the ankles, or of winged sandals, like those of Hermes, 
see fig. in Rich Comp.; Pallas is not represented with these in any work of 
art. The word isused metaphorically by Cic. Adt. xtv 21 talaria videamus, 
‘let us think of flight’. 

§ 60. Cupido: see § 59. By Alcaeus he is called son of Zephyrus and 
Iris (Plut. Amat. 20), by Simonides son of Ares and Aphrodite (Preller 1 
394). The son of Hermes and Aphr. is Hermaphroditus (Diod. Iv 6). 

intellegis resistendum esse: see I 70. 

quorsum quicque pertineat: ‘what is the reference, the meaning, 
of each’. 

revertamur : i.e. to the follies of the Stoics, of which he began to 
speak in § 39, and to which he returns in § 43. 

Be. (3). The sorites of Carneades shows that it is impossible to 

draw the line between what is divine and what is human or natural. 
§§ 48—52. 

126 BOOK UI CH. XVII § 43. 

Ch. xvi. § 43. For the transposition see above on § 42 and § 53. 

deduxit oratio: see above § 5 ducet oratio. 

meliora didicisse—capedunculis: ‘I have learnt more as to the 
proper way of worshipping the Gods from Numa’s flagons than from the 
arguments of the Stoics’, i.e. ‘I have been taught by those rude earthen- 
ware vessels, that the Gods are indifferent to wealth in their worshippers’. 
Jure pontificio Abl. of manner qualifying colendis: it embraces the whole 
law of religion, though it is sometimes used in a narrower sense, excluding 
the jus augurium, as in Cato 38. caped. dm. dey. earthen jugs with one 
handle used in sacrifices ; cf. passages cited on § 5, also Parad. 111 quid ? 
a Numa Pompitio minusne gratas dis immortalibus capudines (so Mu.) ae 
jictiles urinulas fuisse quam felicatas (engraved with fern-leaves) Saliorum 
pateras arbitramur ? Tertull. Apol. 25 etst a Numa concepta est curiositas 
superstitiosa, nondum tamen aut simulacris aut templis res divina apud 
Ltomanos constabat; frugi vasa adhuc Samia; Tib. 1 1. 37 
adsitis divi, nec vos e puupere mensa dona nec e puris spernite fictilibus. The 
forms capis, capedo, are also found, cf. Liv. x 7 § 10 cum capide et lituo, 
capite velato, victimam caedet. 

[aureola : Cic. Acad. 11 135, Salmas. on Trebell. Gallien. 5 § 6, Petron. 66. 
J. E. B. M.] 

si di sunt isti—deae: as it makes better sense to take di as pre- 
dicate I have inserted sti, which. would be easily lost between the 
preceding and following swnt; or hi might have been lost before di, as 
it is in some mss below § 49 st sunt hi di, est certe Evechtheus. For 
the use of the fallacy called ‘sorites’ in what follows, cf. Sext. Emp. 1x 
182 jpwrnvra Sé Kat vo Tov Kapveddov kal cwpeitikds Ties (Adyot), ovs O 
yvepysos avtov KXetrouayos os omovdaoratous Kal dyuTiKkwTarous avéypawerv 
€xovras Tov TpoTov TovTov’ ei Zevs Oeds eoTt, kal o Mocedav Oeds €ore k.T.A., 
Clem. Al. Protr. § 162, Lactant.116. It was a favourite weapon of Car- 
neades against the Stoics, cf. Acad. 11 92, 93 (where it is called lubricum 
sane et periculosum locum). Placet enim Chrysippo, cum gradatim inter- 
rogatur, verbi causa, tria pauca sint anne multa, aliquanto prius, quam ad 
multa perveniat, quiescere, td est, quod ab his dicitur novyagew. Per me 
vel stertas licet, inquit Carneades, non modo quiescas. Hence Persius gives 
it the name of Chrysippus (vI 80), tnventus, Chrysippe, tur finitor acervi. 

Panisci: a diminutive like Sarupickos, cf. Div. 1 23 fingebat Carneades 
in Chiorum lapidicinis saxo diffisso caput exstitisse Panisci; ib. 1 48, 
Sueton. 7%, 48, Clem. Al. Protr. § 61 [Wilmanns’ Jnscr, 149 4. J. E. B. M.]. 
We find Pan used in the plural as early as Plato Leg. vir 815, Aristoph. 
Lecles. 1069. The Stoics were inclined to identify Pan with the Mundane 
Spirit, see Cornut. ¢. 27. 

si Nymphae—sunt dedicata: most edd. put marks of interrogation 
after Satyri, igitur and the 2nd dedicata. I think the argument proceeds 
more naturally without them. ‘If the Nymphs are deitics, then so also 
are the Satyrs; but these are not deities; therefore neither are the 

BOOK III CH. XVII § 453. i By f 

Nymphs. But the latter are recognised as divine by the state. That 
shows that state-recognition is no proof of divinity.’ Allen and Sch. 
(Opuse. 111 380) led the way in the omission of deae after Nymphae. It 
is a natural gloss and its removal greatly improves the sentence. 

Nymphae: the Nymphs are summoned to the general council of the 
gods in Homer JI. xx 7, and were honoured with sacrifices and shrines (see 
Dict. of Biog.). Cicero often refers to the burning of the temple of the 
Nymphs at Rome by Clodius, as in Mil. 73 eum qui aedem Nympharum 
incendit, ut memoriam publicam recensionis tabulis publicis impressam ex- 
stingueret ; Harusp. Resp. 57 idemque earum templum inflammavit dearum, 
quarum ope etiam aliis incendiis subvenitur ; Parad, Iv 31. 

igitur: for position cf. below ne Orcus quidem igitur, Tusc. 1 88 ne 
carere quidem igitur, Fin. Iv 67 ne vitia quidem igitur. 

publice: as contrasted with family rites or some private super- 
stition. | 

age porro: cf. n. on I 83. 

deum: the Sing. is scarcely justified by such exx. as V. D.1 4 fides 
et societas et justitia tollatur; Acad. 11 113 et Peripatetici et vetus Academia 
concedit ; Leg. Man. 35 duabus Hispaniis et Gallia Transalpina praesidiis 
confirmata, Orat. 1 53 qualis apud Graecos Pherecydes, Hellenicus, Acusi- 
las fuit; Fam. vit 8 § 6 huic s.c. intercessit C. Clodius, C. Pansa, tribuni 
plebis; Div. 1 84 hac ratione et Chrysippus et Diogenes et Antipater utitur, 
and other references in Zumpt § 373 and Draeg. § 102. Perhaps the 
original order was Jovem deum, as we have below § 49 Amphiaraus erit 
deus et Trophonius, § 51 solem deum esse Lunamque. 

numeras: so above § 40 stellas numeras deos. 

Orcus: an older name than Pluto, used by Ennius, Plautus &e. ; SO 
Cic. Verr. Iv 111 Orcus sive Dis pater rapuit Liberam. Being also a as 
a local name, it was easy to compare it with the rivers of hell. Even the 
latter were sometimes deified, as may be seen in Porphyr. citing Apollo- 
dorus (ap. Stob. #cl. p. 1010), where we read of the wives of Acheron, 
and that the Styx is dewyv twa Kat poBepay Saipova, cf. Hesiod Theog. 383 
foll. Lydus (Mens. 1 § 4) says that the poets styled Hecate Keép3epov 
olovel kpewBopov. The form Pyriphlegethon is not found elsewhere in 
classical Latin; but it is the regular Greek form, used by Homer Od. x 
513, Plato &c.; cf. such compounds as mupidAeyrs. 

illi, qui fluere apud inferos dicuntur: ‘the rivers of hell they tell of’. 

§ 44. quid minus conveniens: cf. 13 and 4 tta disseruit ut excitaret 

ad occidentem: probably this refers to the Islands of the Blest at the 
ends of the earth near deep-rolling Oceanus, where the ancient heroes dwelt 
under the rule of Cronos, Hes. Z’heog. 167 foll., Pind. Olymp. 11 68. Plu- 
tarch places these isles in the setting sun at five days’ sail from Britain, 
and says that Cronos lies there bound in perpetual slumber (fac. Lun. 
p. 941, Def. Or. p. 420). Diodorus cites in proof of the statement that he 

128 BOOK Ill CH. XVII § 44, 

ruled padicra Tey mpds eorepov Torwy, the fact of his worship in Carthage 
and Italy (Saturnia tellus); so Crates (Lydus Iv 48) rov Kpovoy Sckedias 
kai Iradias kal Tov mAeicTov pépous THs AtBins Baoiiedoa, but was driven 
by Zeus els ryatov tis OVoews. Sch. thinks the reference is to some Celtic 
or Iberian deity identified with Saturn ; cf. Milton P. Z. 1519 ‘who with 
Saturn old fled over Adria to th’ Hesperian fields, and o’er the Celtic 
roamed the utmost isles’. 

Caeli parentes: so Hyg. 11 ex Aethere et Die Terra Caelum Mare, and 
the author of the Titanomachia (‘ probably Eumelus or Arctinus’ Preller 
p- 33 n.). Hesiod (Theog. 116 foll.) makes Chaos the first of existing things 
and then Earth : from Earth is produced Heaven; from Chaos, Erebus 
and Night; and these last are the parents of Aether and Day. Night is 
sole parent of Mdpos (fatum), ®irdorns (Amor), ’Amarn (Dolus), Tapas 
(Senectus), @avaros (Mors), Oitis (Miseria), Motpar (Parcae), “Eorepises, 
”Overpot, Ipis and others. A fuller list is given in Hyg. l.c. On these and 
similar genealogies Keightley remarks (J/yth. p. 50), ‘It is a principle of 
all cosmogony that darkness precedes light, which sprang out of it. Night 
is naturally regarded as parent of dreams, sleep, death, and the kindred 
ideas, also of @uddrns, the union of love: deceit, age, strife and woe are 
figuratively her offspring : she was connected with the Hesperides because 
their home was with her in the west’ (abbreviated). 

a genealogis : only found here in classical Latin. Dionysius Hal. 1 13 
calls Pherecydes rév ’AOnvaiwy yeveadoyay ovdevos Sevtepov. 

Morbus, Metus: so I read for the modus or motus of Mss. (the eye of 
the scribe passing from mo to me). The two are combined in the parallel 
passage of Virg. den. VI 273 vestibulum ante ipsum primisque in faucibus 
Orci Luctus et ultrices posuere cubilia Curae, pallentesque habitant Morbi 
tristisque Senectus, et Metus et malesuada Fames ac turpis Egestas, terribiles 
visu formae, Letumque Labosque foll. Also Sen. //. /. 693, Claud. Ruf. 
I 32. 

Invidentia: cf. Tusc. 11 20 non dixi invidiam, quae tum est cum invi- 
detur: ab invidendo autem invidentia recte dici potest, ut effugiamus 
ambiguum nomen invidiae ; ib. Iv 16 utendum est docendi causa verbo minus 
usitato, quoniam invidia non in eo qui invidet solum dicitur, sed etiam in eo 
eur invidetur ; Apul. Plat. Dog. 11 16. 

Gratia: probably this must be taken in the sense of ‘ unfair influence’, 
as it goes with fraus; cf Quint. 84 improbitatem et gratiam cum inopia et 
veritate contendere; Sext. Rose. 122 nimiam gratiam Chrysogoni dicimus 
nobis obstare; Mur. 62 cave quicquam habeat momenti gratia. 

monstra: see n. on portenta 1 18. 

Ch. xvi § 45. ceteros: without conjunction to close a series, as 1 
92 cor, pulmones, jecur, cetera; Wt 52 Tiberinum, Spinonem, Almonem, 
alia fluminum nomina ; § 74 tot judicia de fide mala, tutelae, mandati, pro 
socio, fiduciae, reliqua. 

de Hercule—dubitabis: as Balbus had distinctly recognised all 

BOOK HI CH. XVIII § 45. 129 

these as divinities, it is rather absurd to make Cotta argue on the assump- 
tion of the impossibility of such a belief; but this is only a proof that the 
present book is no answer to the preceding, but is merely copied from 
Carneades, who lived long before Posidonius, the authority followed in the 
earlier book. 

multo magis: thus Castor and Pollux were known in many places as 
$eoi peyado, and identified with the Cabeiri of Samothrace. See below 
on Alabandus § 50. 

Aristaeus : cf. Verr. Iv 128 Aristaeus, qui inventor olei esse dicitur, una 
cum Libero patre eodem erat in templo consecratus. He is invoked among 
other deities at the beginning of the Georgics (1 14) and again introduced 
as the instructor of mankind in bee-keeping (ib. Iv 283, 315 foll.); but 
Minerva is oleae inventrix (Geo. I 18). 

Theseus: ‘according to the common story he is son of Aegeus, king of 
Athens, and Aethra, but another legend made him son of Poseidon (Plut. 
Thes. 6, Apollod. m1 15 § 7, Hyg. 37). In reality Aegeus is only an 
appellative of Poseidon, and Aethra is a goddess of the air connected 
with Athena’, Sch.; cf. below § 76. There were temples and a festival in 
his honour at Athens. The difficulty of drawing any distinct line between 
the human and the divine is brought out in Lucian’s Concilium Deorum, 
where we have the decree of Zeus requiring each deity to prove his claim. 
See also Grote’s Greece 1 p. 596 foll. ‘the mythical age was peopled with a 
mingled aggregate of Gods, heroes and men, so confounded together that 
it was often impossible to distinguish to which class any individual name 

matres : erant deae supplied from patres di. 

jure civili: distinguished, as the law of a particular state, from the 
jus naturae which, as common to all mankind, is frequently called jus 
gentium, cf. OF. U1 69 itayue majores aliud jus gentium, aliud jus civile 
esse voluerunt. Quod civile, non idem continuo gentium; quod autem gen- 
tium, wdem civile esse debet. 

matre libera liber est: cf. Gaius 1 82 [who gives this as a rule of the 
jus gentium, adopted in the jus civile of Rome, but modified in one or two 
cases by special enactment. See also Ulp. Reg. v 8—10; Paul. Sent. 
21a, R.] ex ancilla et libero jure gentium servus nascitur et ex libera et 
servo liber nascitur ; Just. Instit. 1 tit. 4 st quis ex matre libera nascatur, 
patre servo, ingenuus nihilo minus nascitur ; Dion. Hal. x1 29 émi tov Kowov 
dmravrev karapevyo vopuov, os ov Tay Umo0BahAopévar, GAAa TAY pnTépwv Elva 
ra exyova Sixatot, edevOépwv pev ovoay édevOepa, SovAwy dé Sodda [also the 
legal maxim, partus ventrem sequitur. J. E. B. M.]. 

Achillem : this is the only place in which we are told that Ach. was 
worshipped in the island Astypalaea, one of the Cyclades not far from 
Cos. The Aeacids were however worshipped in Cos, the old capital of 
which was also Astypalaea; so it is possible that the island may have 
been mistaken for the city. In the Dict. of Geog. s. v. Astyp. it is sug- 

M. GC. HT. ") 

130 BOOK III CH. XVII § 45. 

gested that Cic. (rather his authority) may have confounded Achilles with 
the athlete Cleomedes, the patron hero of the island (+ 492 B.c.), of whom 
the Delphic oracle uttered the words toraros npwwv Kieoundns ’Aotura- 
Aae’s, Ov Ovoias Tal ws pyKére OvnTov e€ovra. On other sacrifices to 
Achilles cf. Dict. of Biog., Preller 11 440, Plutarch Pyrrhus 1, Philostr. 
Heroic. 741 foll. 

insulani: a rare word=Greek ynoiwrns, used here to distinguish the 
inhabitants of the island from those of the town of the same name. 

Orpheus: son of Oeagrus and Calliope. It is natural to suppose that 
he may have received divine honours from his followers, but, so bee as [ 
am aware, this is nowhere stated. 

Rhesus: Eurip. //es. 393 addresses him as rai ris pedwdod pyrépos 
Movoav putas Opnkds Te moTapLod Srpupovos, and therefore cousin of Orpheus 
(1.944). It is prophesied (1. 971) that he would continue to live in a secret 
cavern, avépwrodaipoy keioetat Betray chaos. Later writers call his mother 
Calliope or Euterpe. In Philostr. //eroic. 681 we read that wild animals 
came of their own accord to offer themselves at his altar in Rhodope. 

nisi forte: ironical, as in 1 99, 117, 11 158. 

maritimae: ‘unless the son of the sea-goddess Thetis is to claim 
higher rank than the son of the Muse’. 

quo modo=zwllo modo. 

§ 46. immortalitatibus: pl. because it refers to many different cases, 
cf. above 11 98, Zumpt § 92. 

tu quoque, Balbe: but in 11 62 Balbus assigns the two grounds, cum 
et optimi essent et aeternt. 

Hecate: see above § 42 and Hes. Theog. 404—462 (Phoebe and Coeus 
were the parents of Leto and Asteria ; Asteria bore to Perses Hecate rnp 
wept mavtray Zevs Kpovidns tiunoe). In later times she was identified with 
Demeter, Artemis and Persephone: she was especially invoked in magic 
rites, e.g. Aen. IV 511, Hor. Sat. 1 8. 33. 

vidimus: see § 59 about the shrine of Venus at Elis, and below § 49 of 
the Erechtheum. Hecate had a famous temple at Aegina (Paus. 11 30 § 2) 
to which C. may here refer. 

Athenis fanum est: one temple near the Areopagus is referred to by 
Aeschylus (Zum. 817), another is the scene of the Oedipus Coloneus. 

quae si deae sunt quarum—lucus Furinae, Furiae deae sunt: 
I understand this as follows, ‘if the Eumenides are divine, who are honoured 
by a temple at Athens and, supposing I am right in my interpretation, by 
the grove of Furina at Rome, that is the same thing as saying that the 
Furies are goddesses, I presume, in their capacity of detectors and pun- 
ishers of crime’. Credo is perhaps ironical, as Cic. often speaks of Furiae 
as fiends inciting to crime, cf. Sest. 33 illa furia of Clodius. Ba. following 
Madv. omits quae si deae sunt and Furiae ; but there is nothing to explain 
the addition of quae s?; and the position of deae sunt, so far removed from 
its subject Humenides, seems to me awkward. Furinae : very little is 

BOOK HI CH. XVIII § 46. 131 

known of her; Preller connects the name with furvus, making her a ‘goddess 
of gloom’, Hartung with fornar, a ‘goddess of fire’. Even in Varro’s 
time her name was all but forgotten, see Z. LZ. v1 19 Furrinalia Furrinae, 
quod et deae feriae publicae dies is ; quoius deae honos apud antiquos: nam 
ev sacra instituta annua et flamen attributus, nunc vir nomen notum paucis ; 
ib. v 84, vir 45, Paul. exc. Fest. p.88. Cic. speaks of a temple of Furina in 
the neighbourhood of Arpinum (Q. Fr. 1111); and an ara Forinarum is 
mentioned in an Inscription cited by Preller 2. Jf. p. 458. It was in the 
Grove of Furina on the Janiculum (called by Plut. Gracch. 17 ddaos 
*Epwiev) that C. Gracchus was slain. 

vindices sceleris: cf. Leg. 1 40 poenas Juunt non tam Jjudiciis...sed 
agitant insectanturque furiae non ardentibus taedis, sicut in fabulis, sed 
angore conscientiae ; Sext. Rosc. 66 videtisne quos nobis poetae tradiderunt 
patris ulciscendi causa supplicium de matre sumpsisse...ut eos agitent furiae 
foll.; Peso 46, Clodius 6, Lucr. 111 1011 foll. 

§ 47. ut rebus humanis intersint: see n. on 1 54 curiosum deum, 
and cf. Aug. C.D. vi 8 § 5 Varro enumerare deos coepit a conceptione homi- 
nis; quorum numerum exortus est a Jano eamque seriem perduxit usque 
ad decrepiti hominis mortem, et deos ad ipsum hominem pertinentes clausit 
ad Naeniam deam...Deinde coepit deos alios ostendere, qui pertinerent non 
ad ipsum hominem, sed ad ea quae sunt hominis ; also Preller R. M. p. 572 
foll. on the gods of the Indigitamenta. 

Natio: the goddess of birth, only mentioned here, may be compared 
with Alemona, the goddess alendi in utero partus; Partula, quae partum 
gubernet (Tertull, Anim. 39); with Levana, who takes up the infant from 
the ground ; Cunina who guards it in the cradle, and others mentioned by 
Aug. C.D. tv 11. The form nascio, read by some, seems contrary to 
analogy ; sc being no part of the root, it should not be compared with 
dicio, capio, regio, but rather with oblivio from obliviscor. 

cui cum fana—solemus: Sch. notes that Strabo (v 3 § 5) speaks of 
a special worship of Aphrodite at Ardea, 6mov mavynyupifovar Aarivot, 
which he thinks may be connected with this. Ardea had been a city 
of importance in early times, and was distinguished for its ancient 
temples, but had sunk into insignificance, like Gabii, long before the time 
of Cicero. 

circumimus : ‘we make the round of the shrines’, perhaps on occasion 
of a public sypplicatio ad omnia pulvinaria. 

tueatur : Subj. because it is not a fact vouched for by the speaker, but 
only alleged by those who would make her a deity. 

a te: cf. 11 61, The way in which spes is mentioned here does not 
favour Lamb.’s proposal to read Spes for Fides there. 

Moneta: as it occurs in a list of abstract nouns, we should probably 
take this in its old sense, =Mvnyoovrn, as in Liv. Andr. filia Monetas of the 
Muse. More commonly it is found (1) as an epithet for Juno, who is said 
to have been so called because of the warning voice which issued from her 


132 BOOK HI CH. XVI § 47. 

shrine (Div. 1101); and (2) since money was coined in her temple, it is 
used for the mint or even for money itself. 

unde fluxerunt: ‘the preceding’, ‘those with which they are 
logically connected’; so below unde haec nata sunt; § 48 ex eodem 
fonte fluxerunt ‘they are all of one mint’; § 49 unde haec manant ; 
cf. Sext. 1x 184 ef 6 HAwos Beds eort, Kal rpépa av ein Geos...ei Se nuépa 
eati Oeos, Kal 6 pny €ote Oeds: GvoTnua yap eat e& nwepov. ei S€ Oo pH 
beds €ott, Kal 6 eviauros ap etn Beds...ovxt d€ TODTO: Toivuy ovdE TO €E apxs 

Ch. xix. quid autem dicis—cur non: ‘what reason can you allege 
for refusing to admit?’ cf. gued est cur above § 7. 

Serapim = Osiris-Apis, so Plut. Js?s 29 ; others, as Varro ap. Aug. C. D. 
Xv 5, Clem. Strom. I 21, Suidas s.v., derived it from copos and 7Ams. 
The name denotes the slain Osiris who reigned in the under world and 
reappeared from time to time in the form of Apis in the upper world. 
His worship, which was mixed with Phoenician and Greek elements, took 
the place of the old worship of Osiris about 150 B.c., see Tac. Hist. Iv 83, 
84 with Orelli’s exc. For the growth of this worship in Rome see Tertull. 
Ad. Nat. 1 10 Serapim et Isidem et Harpocratum et Anubim prohibitos 
Capitolio Varro commemorat, eorumque statuas, a senatu dejectas, non nisi 
per vim popularium restructas. Sed tamen et Gabinius consul Kalendis 
Januartis, cum via hostias probaret, prae popularium coetu, quia nihil de 
Serapide et Iside constituisset, potiorem habuit senatus censuram quam im- 
petum vulgi, et aras institui prohibwit (58 B.c.); Val. Max. (Hpit.) 1 3 
L, Aemilius Paulus consul, cum senatus Isidis et Serapis funa diruenda 
censuisset, eague nemo opificum attingere auderet, posita praetexta securim 
arripuit templique ejus foribus afflivit (50 B.c.). Eight years later the 
triumvirs courted popular favour by building a joint temple to the two 
deities. Cicero mentions a temple of Serapis at Syracuse (2 Verr. 11 160) ; 
see further Tertull. Apol. 6, Plut. 7sis 28 with Parthey’s n., Preller f. J/. 
723 foll. Milman (fist. of Christianity 111 150) describes the destruction 
of his temple at Alexandria 390 a.p., ‘the proudest monument of Pagan 
religious architecture, next to the temple of Jupiter on the Capitol’: there, 
he says, the Egyptian and the Greek met together in common worship ; 
‘while the Egyptians worshipped in Serapis the great vivific principle of 
the universe, the fecundating Nile...the president of the regions beyond 
the grave ; the Greeks at the same time recognised the blended attributes 
of their Dionysus, Helios, Aesculapius and Hades’, 

Isim: even as early as the 2nd Punic war Ennius speaks of Jsvaci 
conjectores.. On the later development of her worship at Rome see Dict. of 
Biog. (where however Gabinius is wrongly stated to have resisted the decree 
of the senate mentioned in the last note), Mayor on Juy. xu 93, Boissier 
tel. Rom. bk 11, ¢. 2. 

barbarorum deos: cf. 1 81, 82, 101, where see nn. on crocodilos, ibes, 
Faeles, Tusc. v 78, Herod, 11 65, Strabo xvit 1 § 40, Diod. 1 87. [Servius 

BOOK II CH. X1x § 47. 133 

on Aen. I 168 cites Labeo de dis animalvibus, see Ouzel on Minuc. 
p. 262 seq. J. E. B. M.] 

_boves: beside the sacred bulls Apis, Mnevis, &c., the cow was sacred 
to Isis. 

equos: the horse was not sacred in Egypt, but perhaps the reference in 
the original was to the hippopotamus (eguus fluviatilis), which was the 
emblem of Typhon, see Herod. 1 71. I see no objection to the et which 
couples the domestic animals, and so contrasts them with the following 
wild animals. 

accipitres: sacred to Ra, the god of the Sun. 

aspidas: sacred to Neph (Plut. Jsis 74). 

pisces: Wilkinson mentions five different kinds of fishes which were 
sacred to different gods, cf. Plut. l.c. 72, Mayor on Juv. xv 7, Obbar on 
Hor. Ep. 1 2, 2—24. 

canes: sacred to Anubis, cf. Juv. xv 8 n. Hence Socrates used to 
swear vn Tov KUva Tov TaY AiyuTriav Oeor, See Plut. /sis 44. 

lupos : an object of worship in Lycopolis, Plut. Zsis 72. 

multas praeterea beluas: e.g. the lion, the ass, the ram, the ape, the 
ichneumon, the shrew-mouse, the scarabeus. 

in numerum reponemus: for constr. see 11 54. 

quae si rejicimus—rejiciemus: so I venture to read instead of s¢ 
rejictamus of Mss. The Indic. is the mood employed throughout the 
whole passage, thus we have above s? facimus...cur repudiemus; and indeed 
the Subjunctive, which implies that the supposed case is contrary to fact 
(Roby It pp. xcix, c), would be quite out of place here: Cotta assumes 
that we do reject these bestial gods, and argues from this fact to the 
rejection of all foreign gods, including those which have been to a certain 
extent naturalized, such as Isis. It makes nonsense to say ‘if we were to 
reject them, we shall reject the others’. 

§ 48. Ino: see above § 39. 

Pasiphae: she is really a lunar goddess (as the name denotes), and was 
worshipped under the form of a white cow. Oracles were given in dreams 
at her temple in Sparta (Div. 196). It is true the genealogy of the Spartan 
goddess differs from that of the Cretan, see above § 54. 

et Aeeta e Perseide, Oceani filia, nati: so Sch. Opusc. 111 347 foll. 
corrects the ms reading et eae e Perside Oceani filiae natae. When the 
name Aeceta had got corrupted, the gender of nati would naturally be 
altered. .(Madv. however, on /%n. 11 94, denies that the form Aeeta is used 
by Cic. in the Nom.) Aeetes is again referred to just below and in § 54; 
otherwise I should have preferred to read Aeaea, as nearer to the ms, un- 
derstanding by it Calypso, who is called Aeaea puella by Prop. tv 11. 31, 
and was also.a sister of Circe according to Tzetzes on Lycophr. 174, 798, 
adedpal dé Ainrov kat "AXwéws, nTow “HAlov Ovyarépes Kipxn kai Taoupan, 
kao’ érépous 5€ kat Kaduwo. 

Circen quoque Circeienses colunt: cf. Hom. Od. x 135 Aiainy 8 és 

134 BOOK III CH. xIx § 48. 

vioov adixopeO” evOa & evacey Kipkn evmddxapos Sewn Oeds addyecoa, avro- 
kaoryyntn ddooppovos Ainrao’ dudwo 8 exyeyarny aeoiwBpdtov *HeXiovo 
pntpos 7 ex Ilépons, thv ’Qeeavos rexe wraida. Livy (1 49 § 9) speaks of 
Octavius Mamilius as ab Ulixe deaque Circe oriundus, and the Italian 
connexion of Circe was known to Hesiod, Theog. 1013, ‘she bore to 
Odysseus "Aypiov 7O€ Aarivov...Tndéyoveu Te erixre...oi 8 nroe pada THE pvy@ 
vycwv lepdwv mac Tuponvotow dyakdeiro.ot avacooy’. Strabo (v 3 § 6) 
mentions a temple of Circe at Circeii in which it was reported that the cup 
of Ulysses was shown as a relic. Theophrastus (//. Pl. v 8) says that in 
his time the Homeric island had become a promontory, and that the people 
of Circeii still pointed out the grave of Elpenor ; cf. also Apollon. 111 312, 
Virg. Aen. vir 10 foll. According to Westphal Lom. Camp. p. 60 (cited by 
Sch.) the name Circe still survives in the popular tradition. 

quoqgue : i.e. as well as Matuta. 

Medeae: according to Athenagoras 12, she was spoken of as a goddess 
by Hesiod and Aleman. Silius Ital. vim 498 and Serv. ad Aen. vit 750 
identify her with the goddess Anguitia worshipped by the Marsi: 
Macrobius Sat. 1 12 § 26 says that others thought her to be the Bona Dea. 
She is originally a lunar deity, see Preller Gr. Jf, 11 318. 

duobus avis: as this is not exceptional, Allen suggests that dis may 
have been lost before duobus. Or is it an abbreviated way of saying ‘two 
such grandfathers as Sol and Oceanus’? 

Idyia: cf. Hes. Theog. 958 Ainrns & vids haeowuSporov "HeXlowo Kovpnv 
’Oxeavoio TeAjevtos ToTaLolo ynue Ocav BovdAnow “Idvtay KadXurapnov, ‘who 
bore him Medea’. The whole family were supposed to possess magical 

Absyrto: said by Eur. J/ed. 1334 to have been put to death by Medea 
before her flight, but the more common tradition was that he was cut to 
pieces on the flight in order to detain the pursuers, and that Tomi received 
its name because the severed limbs were there collected and buried. He is 
called Aegialeus by Diod. Iv 45 and Justin x1iz 3, as well as in the play of 
Pac. here referred to, probably the J/edus (so named from the son of 
Medea). Preller Gr. J/. p. 335 suggests that Abs. was originally a personi- 
fication of the morning star. 

vereor quid agat: ‘I have my fears as to what will become of Ino’ 
(‘what she is to do’), cf. Att. Ix 17 § 2 Tiro ita scripsit, ut verear quid 

§ 49. an Amphiaraus: ‘or (if we hold to the divinity of Ino) do we 
mean to make Amph. a god?’ cf. 117 n. 

Trophonius: cf. § 56. He is called Juppiter Trophonius by Liv. xiv 
27, Strabo 1x p. 414. His oracle at Lebadeia in Boeotia was the most 
famous of all the shrines of heroes ; it was consulted by Croesus (Herod. 
1 46), and Mardonius (ib. vitt 134), and was one of the few at which 
responses were still given in the time of Plutarch (Def. Orac. 5) and Celsus 
(Orig. c. Cels, vit p. 355); cf. Div. 1 74 cum apud Lebadiam Trophonio res 

BOOK III CH. X1X § 49. 135 

divina fieret, and Dict. of Ant. s.v. Oraculum. Dicaearchus wrote a book 
Tept tis eis Tpopeviov cataBacews, mentioned by Cic. Att. vi 2 § 3. In 
Tusc. 1 114 the story is told of Trophonius and his brother Agamedes 
building the temple of Apollo at Delphi and receiving at his hands death 
as the best reward. 

lege censoria: it was a part of the duty of the censors to let out 
the various branches of the revenue to the publicani for five years on 
certain conditions (leges censoriae), which were published before the 
biddings commenced, cf. Verr. v 53, 111 12, Quint. Fr. 1 1 §12. The 
tribute imposed on foreign countries often took the form of a land tax ; 
on the other hand the expenses of the temple services were partly defrayed 
from the sacred lands, cf. Harpocr. s.v. dé picdoparor p. 24, Xen. Anab. 
v 3 § 13 (describing a temple he had built near his house at Scillus) 
oTNHAN €oTHKE Tapa TOY vaov ypappara eyovca, iepos 0 yepos THs ApTeé- 
pidos: tov O€ €xovta kal kaptovpevoy thy wey Sexarny katabvev 
é€xdotrov érovs, ek O€ TOU WepLTTOU TOY vadv éemioKkevalelv eav SE 
Tis py worn tavta, TH Oem peXnoer. Mr Swainson notes that 
lands belonging to temples in India are exempt from taxation. The 
publicant, who had purchased the revenues of the province, were 
naturally disposed to abridge any exceptions made from the tax-paying 

negabant immortales: cf 1 38 n. 

Erechtheus: see below § 50. Being hard pressed by Eumolpus and 
the Eleusinians, he consulted the oracle and was assured of victory if one 
of his daughters volunteered to die. The youngest at once offered herself, 
and her two sisters would not survive her. Eumolpus being defeated and 
slain, his father Poseidon persuaded Zeus to destroy Erechtheus with 
a thunderbolt, or, according to another account, himself slew him with 
his trident. In consequence of this Er. and his daughters were honoured 
as divinities. Cic. is fond of quoting him as an example of patriotism, 
cf. Tusc. 1 116 clarae mortes pro patria oppetitae non solum gloriosae 
rhetoribus sed etiam beatae videri solent. Repetunt ab Erechtheo, cujus etiam 
jiliae cupide mortem expetiverunt pro vita civium ; Codrum commemorant, 
qui se in medios immisit hostes veste famulari, ne posset agnosci, si esset 
ornatu regio, quod oraculum erat datum, st rex interfectus esset, victrices 
Athenas fore, foll.; Sest. 48, Fin. v 62. Euripides composed a tragedy 
on the subject, from which Lycurgus ¢« JLeocr. p. 160 gives a long 
quotation. Erechtheus is often confounded with Erichthonius, son of 

vidimus: for other allusions of Cic. to his stay in Greece, cf. above 
§ 46 of Hecate, § 59 Venus at Elis. Part of the Erechtheum is still 
standing, see Dict. of Geog. I p. 275. . 

de Codro: Erechtheus, like Jephthah, devoted his daughter ; Codrus 
devoted himself, cf. Lycurg. l.c. p. 158. Augustine says that he received 
divine honours, C. D. xvirt 19. 

136 BOOK III CH. xIx § 49. 

pugnantes ceciderunt: cf. Mil. 80 (raect homines deorum honores 
tribuunt vis viris qui tyrannos necaverunt ; Demosth. /. Leg. 280 ‘Appodiou 
Kat Aploroyelrovos...oUs vopum Sua Tas evepyecias...ev dace Tots lepots emt Tats 
Guciats orovdav Kal Kpatnpwv kowewvors Teroingbe Kal adere Kal timate €& 
isov Tots npwou Kat Tots Geois, Thuc. Vv 11 with Arnold’s n., on the worship 
paid to Brasidas. 

§ 50. augendae virtutis gratia: cf. above § 15 on orpatnynpa. 
Lactantius (1 15) reads acuendae v. g. 

Leo natarum: so I read with Lamb. for the ZLeonaticum of Mss, 
which may perhaps have crept in here from below, see next note. The 
form Leontidum, read by Sch., is never found for the daughters of Leos. 
He was one of the eponymous heroes of Athens, who was believed to have 
sacrificed his daughter in order to avert a plague, cf. Aelian V. H. x11 28, 
pseudo-Demosth. Epitaph. p. 1398 nxnxoecav AcovriSa (the members of 
the tribe Leontis) pudoAoyoupevas Tas Aewxkdpas, ws avtas eéSocay opay.ov 
rois moXiras vmep THs xye@pas. In Diod. xvir 15 Phocion calls on Demo- 
sthenes to imitate ras Aed kopas (so Wesseling) and deliver himself up for 
the common good. 

Acwxéprov, id est Leonaticum: I have added the last three words, 
thinking that this is the easiest explanation of the reading Leonaticum 
above. The Leocorion is mentioned by Thue. 1 20, v1 57, Demosth. Conon 
p. 1258, cf. Dict. of Geog. I p. 299. 

Alabandum : see § 39 n. [The story which follows is told in Babrius, 
fab. 15, of a Theban and Athenian disputing about the merits of Theseus 
and Hercules. J. E. B. M.] 

Stratonicus : a famous Athenian musician of the time of Alexander. 
Among other witticisms of his recorded by Athen. vill 348—-352, we are 
told that being once asked ‘how many pupils he had’, he rephed avy rots 
Geois Sadexa, i.e. two in addition to the statues of Apollo and the Muses 
which adorned the lecture-room (the natural meaning of the phrase being 
of course ‘ By the blessing of heaven, twelve’). 

Ch. xx § 51. quae tu a caelo astrisque ducebas: ‘your explana- 
tion of the popular religion from astronomy’, lit. ‘those things which 
you derived from the heaven’; see 11 68, also 54 and 59. For the con- 
erete expression cf. 111 18 guaeque in domo pulchru comparabas. 

quam longe serpant: cf.198. For the argument see Sext. 1x 184 
quoted on wade fluxerunt above § 46. 

Solem deum esse: clause in apposition explaining da. 

quodsi—ergo: the apodosis is introduced by ergo here, as by igitur 
above § 30, 

numerum obtinebunt: cf. Brut. 175 aliquem numerum obtinebat ‘held 
a certain position’; Div. in Caec. 62 parentis numero esse ‘to be reckoned 
as a father’; Phil. 111 16 homo nullo numero ; so often locuni obtinere. 

Arqui species: Lucretius has the same form vi 526; cf. arguati ib. 
Iv 333, arquitenens Naev. |, 58, Att. 1. 52, 167 Ribb. According to Nonius 

BOOK lll CH. XxX § 51. 137 

p. 425 this form is only used of the rainbow. Sch. compares the archaic 
genitives senati, tumulti, sumpti &c. Species seems to be used, as in II 96, 
100, ‘the beauty of the rainbow’ for ‘the beautiful rainbow’. 

in numero reponatur: cf. 11 54. 

speciem habeat: most edd. follow Ern. in reading habet, which of 
course would be quite right here, as the speaker has already expressed his 
agreement with the sentiment here uttered; but there seems no reason 
why he may not repeat it simply as the reason assigned by the mytholo- 
gists for their genealogy. I have therefore kept to the Ms reading with 
Mu. To understand the argument we must remember that admirabilem 
=Gr. davyaornyv. [Virgil calls her Thaumantias, Aen. 1X 5. Swainson. | 

Thaumante dicitur Iris esse nata: the insertion of /rcs is necessary 
to explain the gender of nata. It would be easily lost between dicitur and 
esse. Hesiod (7heog. 265) makes Thaumas and Electra, daughter of Oceanus, 
the parents not only of Iris but of other marvels of nature, whirlwinds, 
Harpyes &c. ; cf. Plato’s interpretation of the myth (Theaet. 155) pdda yap 
girtocohov Tovto Td mabos, TO Oavpatew, ov yap GdAn apxn hirocodpias 
7) avrn, Kal €orxev 6 THY "Ip_y OavpavTos Exyovoy @yoas ov Kak@s yeveadoyeiy, 
i.e. the message from heaven only comes to those who are quick to wonder 
and admire, cf. the quotation from Aristotle in 11 95. 

quid facies nubibus: ‘what are you to make of the clouds?’ ef. 
Draeg. § 243. The Dat. is used after facto with much the same force, see 
below § 62. 

arcus e nubibus efficitur: cf. Seneca V. Q. 1 3 § 11 dlud dubium 
esse null potest quin arcus imago solis sit roscida et cava nube concepta, 
who quotes a certain Artemidorus as saying color ili igneus a sole est, 
caeruleus a nube, cetert utriusque mixturae (ib. 4 § 4); again in eadem 
sententia sum qua Posidonius, ut arcum judicem fiert nube formata in 
modum concavi speculi et rotundi, cur forma sit partis e pila secta; but 
this view of the rainbow, as caused by reflexion, was opposed by 
others who thought the cloud itself was coloured by the sun, videmus 
nubes aliquando ignei coloris: quid ergo prohibet, quo modo hune unum 
colorem accipiunt solis occursu, sic multos ab illis trahi, quamvis non 
habeant speculi potentiam? cf. Ammianus xx 11 § 26 foll. and Ideler’s 
n. on Arist. Meteor. 11 4 §1. The correct explanation is given in Plac. 
Phil. 1 5. 

Centauros peperisse: according to the fable of Ixion. The Centaurs 
were hence called Wubigenae. The fable is referred to as showing that the 
clouds were regarded as persons, and had therefore as good a claim to be 
deified as any of the preceding ; cf. Aristoph. Vubes 263 foll., Juv. x1v 91 
nil praeter nubes et caeli numen adorant with Mayor’sn. Int 105, 1 5 we 
have the fuller form Hippocentaurus : the shorter form occurs again below 
§ 70. 

tempestates: cf. Aen. v 772 tempestatibus agnam caedere deinde jubet, 
Arist. Ranae 847 dpv dpva pédava rraides eLevéyxate, rupes yap exBaiveu 

138 BOOK UI CH. Xx § 51. 

mapackevaterat, Ov. Fast. vI 193 te quogue, Tempestas, meritam delubra 
fatemur, cum paene est Corsis obruta classis aquis, i.e. in B.c. 259 by L, 
Corn. Scipio in consequence of his conquest of Corsica. The memory of 
it is preserved by the inscription on his tomb, Wilmanns Jnscr. 538. 

immolare: so Scip. Africanus on embarking for Africa, after the 
offering of prayers (Liv. xxx 27), cruda exta victimae, uti mos est, in mare 
porricit, tubaque signum dedit proficiscendi ; Aen. V 382 (the vow of Aeneas) 
extaque salsos porriciam in fluctus; cf. Herod. vit 189 of sacrifices offered 
to Boreas, and Thuc. vi 32 with nn. 

§ 52. gerendo: ‘if you rightly derive her name from the bearing of 
fruit, she is the earth’, cf. 1167 n. In the original it would be, as in Sext. 
Emp. 1x 189 ef 7 Anunrnp Geos éort, Kat 1 yn Oeos eativ: 7 yap Anpunrnp, 
cbaciv, ovk GXo Ti eoTLv } yn wnTnp. Sextus continues ef 7 yy Geos €or, kal 
Ta Opn Kal ai axpwrnplae Kal Tas AiOos ~orat Geos. 

Tellus: a temple was dedicated to her at Rome by P. Sempronius 
268 B.c., in performance of a vow made during an earthquake ; cf. Ov. 
Fast. 1 671 placentur matres fruguin Tellusque Ceresque,...officium commune 
Ceres ct Terra tuentur ; Hor. Ap. 111. 148; Macrob, Sat. Iv 9 § 12 (form 
of oath) Tellus mater teque Juppiter obtestor. Cum Tellurem dicit, manibus 
terram tangit ; cum Jovem dicit, manus ad caelum tollit. 

Fontis delubrum: Fons or Fontus was a son of Janus, and had an 
altar near the tomb of Numa on the Janiculum (Cic. Leg. 11 56). He was 
worshipped by the /ratres Arvales in the formula Virginibus Divis, famu- 
lis Divis, Laribus, Matri Larum, Fonti, Florae (Wilmanns 2884, 2885), 
At the festival of the Yontanalia held in October the wells were crowned 
and garlands thrown into them (Varro Z. Z. vi 22). All springs were 
sacred, as Servius says (den. VII 84) propter attributos illis deos ; see above 
11 10 on nulla perennia; Hor. Od. tv 13 O fons Bandusiae; Plin. Lp. vii 8 
of Clitumnus; Juv. 11 13 of the fount and grove of Egeria; Tac. Ann. 1 79. 

Maso: C. Papirius Maso defeated the Corsicans B.c. 231, and cele- 
brated his triumph on the Alban Mt, as the Senate refused to grant him 
a triumph at Rome. Does ev Corsica mean ‘in consequence of his Corsican 
victory’ (like Scaur. § 40 damnatus est Megaboccus ex Sardinia) ; or ‘out of 
his Corsican spoils’ (like § 83 below aureo amiculo Jovem ornarat ex 
manubiis, Suet. Oct. 52 argenteas statuas conflavit omnes, ex quets aureas 
cortinas dedicavit, Liv. xuut 4 § 6 aquam ex manubiis Antium...duceret, 
ib. § 7 tabulis pictis ex praeda fanum exornavit, ib. 5 § 8 munera mitti 
legates ex binis millibus aeris censuerunt) ? 

augurum precatione: a litany contained in the Lrbri Augurales 
(above 11 11), described by Festus as extremely obscure and antiquated 
in language, cf. p. 351 ‘bene sponsis beneque volis’ (Miiller’s conj. for the 
evidently incorrect voluer’s of the Cod.) in precatione augurali Messala 
augur ait significare ‘spoponderis, volueris’; ib. 161 ‘ Marspedis’ sive 
sine 7 littera ‘maspedis’ in precatione solitaurilium quid significet, ne 
Messala qudem augur in explicatione auguriorum reperire se potuisse 

BOOK III CH. XX § 52. 139 

ait. The precatio here referred to is probably a part of the augurium 
salutis taken yearly by the augurs in time of peace, on which see Div. I 
105, Leg. 11 21, Suet. Oct. 31, Tac. Ann. x11 23, Dio Cass. xxxviI 24, Serv. 
ad Aen. XII 176 precatio maxima est cum plures deos, quam in ceteris Penge 
auguriorum, precatur, eventusque rei bonae poscitur ; ib. 111 265 tnvocatio 
est precatio uti avertantur mala, cujus rei causa id sacrificium augurale 
peragitur, Marquardt Rém. St. 11 391. If in the precatio maxima all the 
gods were cited, we may suppose that even the smaller springs and rivers 
would be included. 

Tiberinum : according to Varro Z. Z. v 71 Tiberinus was the title of 
the deity as distinguished from the river. 

Almonem: a correction for the Ms anemonem. The Almo was a small 
stream running into the Tiber just below the walls of Rome: the grotto 
which was built over its source is still in existence, containing the muti- 
lated image of the deity of the stream. The Almo is chiefly known in 
connexion with the worship of Cybele, whose image brought from Pessinus 
was landed at its junction with the Tiber in B.c. 204, and was regularly 
washed there once a year, see Dict. of Geog. s. v. 

Spinonem, Nodinum: these streams are not mentioned elsewhere : 
no doubt they were in the immediate neighbourhood of the city, and were 
therefore included in the ancient litany of the augurs. The more insigni- 
ficant they were in themselves, the more appropriate would they be for 
the purpose of Cotta’s argument. 

in immensum serpet: see above § 51 quam longe serpant, and com- 
pare the Aristotelian phrase eis dmeipov mpdecow or Badsetrar Hth, 1 2, Cael. 
11 5 &e. 

Be. (4). Wo less absurd are the deified abstractions of the Stores, 
and their whole system of allegorization with its strained etymologies. 

S$ 61—64. (For the transposition of §§ see above § 42 n. on ut yam 
docebo.) | 

Ch. xxtv § 61. rerum vim: ‘they are abstractions, not persons’, 
cf. below § 63 rerum naturas, 11 147 n., If 61 ipsa res deorum nomen obti- 
nuit; Max Miiller Zect. 1 p. 560 foll.; Limburg Brouwer Civ. des Grecs 
c. XI, vol. 11 p. 123 foll. (‘ Mythologie Morale’). 

mentem: cf. above § 47, and below § 88. As we find in the latter 
passage a distinction made between Mens, Virtus and (ides on the one 
hand, which are said to be in nobis ipsis sita, and Spes, Salus, Ops, Victo- 
ria on the other, which are bestowed by divine favour, Walker proposed 
to transpose ut spes here, placing it after nobis sunt; but it is plain that 
hope may be regarded either way, i.e. either subjectively as a feeling, or 
objectively as the occasion or ground of the feeling. Compare Lact. 1 20 
haec separari ab homine non possunt : si enim colenda sunt, in homine ipso 
sint necesse est: si autem sunt extra hominem, quid opus est ea colere quibus 

140 | BOOK Il .CH, Sxl 6.0 

careamus 2 Virtus colenda est, non imago virtutis, et colendu non sacrificio 
aliquo...sed voluntate sola. 

intellegam, cum cognovero: ‘I shall know, when I have learnt’, i.e. 
‘I am unable at present to see ; perhaps you may be able to enlighten my 
ignorance’. Perhaps ex te has been lost before cognovero. 

fortuna: see n. on sortes above § 14, and below § 63 on the worship of 
Mala Fortuna, also Juv. x 365 nullum numen habes si sit prudentia; nos 
te, nos facimus, Fortuna, deam, Preller 2. Af, p. 552 foll., and for the Stoic 
view, Seneca Ben. Iv 8 naturam voca, fatum, fortunam, omnia ejusdem der 
nomina sunt varie utentis sua potestate ; Cic. Acad. 1 29 mentem sapientiam- 
gue perfectam, quem deum appellant,...nron numquam eandem fortunam, 
quod efficiat multa improvisa ac necopinata nobis propter obscuritatem igno- 
rationemque causarum. 

nemo ab inconstantia sejunget: cf. 11 43 fortunam, quae amica 
varietati constantium respuit ; 11 56 nulla in caelo nec fortuna &e. 

quae digna: for the Neut. instead of Fem. cf. u 7 n. and Madyv. 
§ 315 a. 

§ 62. enodatio: ‘unravelling’, only found elsewhere in Jop. 31 
(notio=mpodrnwrs) est trsita et praecepta...cognitio, enodationrs indizens ; but 
the verb exodo is common both in the older writers, Attius, Pacuvius, 
Ennius, and in Cicero, as below in enodandis nominibus, and Fin. Vv 27 
haec nobis explicanda sunt, sed, st enodatius, vos ignoscetis ; so Gell. x11 10 
ad enodandos juris laqueos. 

sapientes videantur: 1 41, 11 64 physica ratio non inelegans inclusa 
est in impias fabulas. 

quod miserandum sit=wt id miserandum sit ‘to a pitiable degree’, 
‘so that it makes one grieve to see you’; cf. Orat. 1 40 aetas nostra, quod 
vaterdum pudeat, juris ignara est, Roby § 1690. 

Saturnus: sc. ste appel/atur; cf. 1164. We have here the same con- 
temptuous brevity as in § 11 above. For the following etymologies cf. 11 

haerebitis : as Socrates says in the Phaedrus p. 229. 

quid Vejovi facies: ‘what will you do for V.?’ ‘how will you treat 
this name?’ cf. Acad. 11 96 quid faceret huic conclusioni with Reid’s n. and 
Roby § 1223. We had the Abl. guid facies nubibus above § 51. Ovid 
(Fast. 111 429 foll.) describes the festival of Vejovis at the temple znter 
duos lucos on the Nonesof March, Juppiter est juvenis: juvenales aspice vultus ; 
aspice deinde manum; fulmina nulla tenct... Nunc vocor ad nomen : vegrandia 
farra coloni, quae male creverunt, vescaque parva vocant. Vis ea si verbi est, 
cur non ego Vejovis acdem, aedem non magni suspicer esse Jovis? Gellius 
v 12, after giving the derivation Jovis from juvo, continues eum quoque 
contra deum qui non juvandi potestatem, eed vim nocendi haberet... Vejovem 
appellaverunt dempta atque detracta juvandi facultate (ve having a privative 
force); simulacrum igitur dei Vejovis...sagittas tenet, quae sunt videlicet 
paratae ad nocendum. He was an ancient Sabine and Latin deity (Varro 

BOOK IIf CH. XXIV § 62. 141 

L. I. v 74) worshipped at Alba Longa and Bovillae, and especially invoked 
as the god of expiations. His name occurs along with those of other 
deities of the under world in an old formula of imprecation (devotio) cited 
by Macrobius Sat. 11 9. See Preller R. M. p. 234. The statement in 
Dict. of Biog. that he was an Etruscan god rests merely on a doubtful 
reading in Amm. Marc. xvit 10. 

Vulcano: no satisfactory etymology has yet been proposed: Varro 
derived it from ignis violentia (L. L. v 70), Isidore vimr 11 § 39 from 
volans candor, quasi volicanus, quod per aerem volat, see Preller R. M. 
p. 526. 

una littera: ‘as far as one letter is concerned’, cf. Phil. 11 23 non tu 
quidem tota re, sed, quod maximum est, temporibus errasti, Roby § 1210. 
| We might also take it ‘by means of a single letter’, i.e. one letter according 
to you is enough to determine the origin of a name. R.] Mr Swainson 
cites Voltaire ‘ L’etymologie est une science ot les voyelles ne font rien et 
les consonnes fort peu de chose’, 

explicare: in Acad. 1 32 érupodoyia is translated by verborum expli- 

natare : we may keep up the metaphor, though with a slight change 
of meaning, by our phrase ‘to be more at sea’, cf. Hor. Sat. 11 7. 6 pars 
hominum vitiis gaudet constanter et urget propositum; pars multa natat, 
modo recta capessens, interdum pravis obnoxia; Sen. Ep. 35 § 4 mutatio 
voluntatis indicat animum natare, aliubi atque aliubi apparere prout tulit 
ventus; St James 1 6 6 dcaxpuvopevos eorxe KAvdorr Oadaoons dveptCopeva 
kal pimiCopevm, So fluctuo and fluito. [Manil. Iv 254 mutatague semper 
mens natat, Optat. v 3 with inter. J. E. B. M.] 

§ 63. magnam molestiam suscepit—reddere: either the gerund in 
-di or ut with the Subj. would have been more regular, but the Inf. is 
excused by the distance from the governing phrase, which has the general 
force of conor or cupio; cf. Ac. 1 17 nec esse ullam rationem disputare, 
Verr. 11 41 capit consilium non adesse ad judicium, Draeg. § 416, Sall. 
Cat. 17 § 6 quibus vel magnifice vel molliter vivere copia erat, Caesar B. G. 
VII 26 consilium ceperunt profugere, Mady. §§ 389, 417 obs. 2, Zumpt § 598. 

Zeno: cf. 1 36 cum Hesiodi Theogoniam interpretatur, tollit omnino 
usitatas perceptasque cognitiones deorum. 

Cleanthes: cf. Zeller 1v pp. 325, 328 (where he mentions his treatise 
on the battles of the gods), 329 (his etymology of the name Apollo), 331 
(of the name Dionysus). 

Chrysippus: cf. 1 40 aethera esse eum quem homines Jovem appellarent, 
i 63 hic locus a Zenone tractatus, post a Cleanthe et Chrysippo pluribus 
verbis explicatus est. 

rerum naturas non figuras deorum: ‘properties of things, not 
divine persons’, see above § 61 rerum vim. 

Ch. xxv. perniciosis rebus: cf. 11 61 vocabula consecrata sunt vitio- 
sarum rerum N. 

142 BOOK Wi CM. Xxves 03. 

Orbonae ad aedem Larum: the first two words are omitted in all 
Orelli’s Mss, but they are given in Ld. Bonon. of 1494, as well as by 
Manutius and Lamb. from mss of Maffaeus and Sigonius ; and it is evident 
that they are needed to justify the appearance of aedem Larum among the 
exx. of a worship of evil; cf. Plin. WV. H. 117 probably copied from Cic., 
(men in their terror have made their prayers to diseases and plagues) 
ideoque etiam publice Febris fanum in palatio dicatum est, Orbonae ad 
aedem Larium et ara Malae lortunae Esquiliis. ‘There were three chapels 
to Febris at Rome (indicating the prevalence of the Roman fever in ancient 
days), cf. Val. Max. 115 § 6 Lebrem ad minus nocendum templis colebant, 
quorum adhuc unum in Palatio, alterum in arcu Marianorum monumen- 
torum, tertium in summa parte Vici Longi exstat, in eaque remedia, quae 
corporibus aegrorum adnexa fuerant, deferebantur. |Minuc. 25 § 8 Ouzel, 
Ael. V. H. xir11 Periz. J. E.B.M.] On the worship of these maleficent 
deities see Leg. 11 28 araque vetusta in Palatio Febris et altera Esquiliis 
Malae Fortunae detestanda, atque omnia ejus modi repudianda sunt ; 
Lact. 1 20 respondebit Graecia se alios deos colere ut prosint, alios ne 
noceant. Ilaec enim semper excusatio est eorum qui mala sua pro dis 
habent, ut Romani Rubiginem ac Febrem. Orbona is said by Tertullian 
(Ad. Nat. 11 14) to have been so called as causing bereavement, guae in 
orbitatem semina (lumina Preller L?. A. p. 587) exstinguat ; but Arnobius 
(tv 7) makes her the patroness of parents who have lost their children, in 
tutela sunt Orbonae orbati liberis parentes. , 

Larum: we read of two temples to the Lares, one to the Lares Per- 
marint in the Campus Martius, dedicated by M. Aemilius B.c. 179, in 
fulfilment of a vow made in the naval battle fought against Antiochus at 
Myonnesus (Liy. xi 52); the other dedicated to the Lares Publici, which is 
probably referred to here, was at the top of the Va Sacra (Solinus 1 § 23). 

Malae Fortunae: cf. Plaut. Rud. 1 6.17 Malam Fortunam in aedes te 
adduxt meas. We have other distinguishing epithets in Leg. 1 28 ved 
Fujusce Diei, vel Respiciens, vel Fors, vel Primigenia, also Dubia aud Viscata 
in Preller A. If, p. 558 foll. 

Esquiliis : used as a Locative without in, asin Livy. 1 28 § 1, Leg. 1 28 
cited above, where it is contrasted with in Palatio. 

§ 64. a philosophia: ‘banished from philosophy ’. 

indigna naturis immortalibus: I prefer this correction of Madvig’s 
to Mu.’s indigna vis, as being nearer the Mss, and bringing out better the 
point of the objection. 

habeo quid sentiam: ‘I can tell what to think myself, but I cannot 
tell how to assent to your views’. There is no reason for changing guid 
into quod, cf. above § 6 habes quid Cotta sentiat; Murena 26 quid respond- 
eret non habebat; Att. vit 19 (after nihil habeo quod ad te scribam) de 
puers quid agam non habeo; Off. 1 7 nec habeat wumquam quid sequatur, 
where Holden says ‘habeo=scio is always followed by quid’, Acad. 1 110 
non deerit quid faciat, Heind, cites the Gr. ovk éyw ri A€yo. 

BOOK IIL CH. XXV § 64. 143 

animum cum intellegentia: cf. 11 144 introvtus cum flexibus, Caesar 
B.C. 1 26 turres cum tabulatis with Kraner’s n. 

idem de Cerere: ‘and so for Ceres’, of course mutatis mutandis, 
ef. 11 71. 

non modo—sed ne—quidem: cf. Roby § 2240, and below 111 68 ut 
scelus, sic ne ratio quidem defuirt. 

aliunde—possim: ‘I must seek elsewhere for proof both of the existence 
and the nature of the gods’. 

quales tu—vis: for conjectural completions of the sentence see Not. 


(Only a few lines of this section have been preserved. ) 

§ 65. ex tua partitione: cf. above §§ 6 and 8. 

mihi vero: cf. 117, Div. 11110 de quibus, si placet, disseremus. Mihi 
vero, inquit, placet, Niigelsb. 197 § 2. 

sed sumemus—fateare: the reading can hardly be right here. There 
is no opposition between nolo and sumemus to justify sed, and we ought to 
have had an object-clause with fateare. Possibly there is an intended 
break in the construction after sed, the following words being introduced 
parenthetically : possibly also the sed after fateare is a corruption of the 
first syllable of an object-clause. The hiatus which follows covers the 
whole of the third section (on Providential government generally) and part 
of the fourth (on the special care for man). 

CARE FOR Man. §§ 66—93. 

(The first part is lost.) 

a. The gift of reason is an injury rather than a benefit § 66 
—78: (1) proved by examples from tragedy S$ 66—68 : (2) tt is only 
right reason which is a benefit, and this is so rare that we cannot 
derive it from God, who would never be guilty of partiality. 
§§ 69, 70. 

nequaquam istuc: the lines are trochaic tetrameter catalectic, trans- 
lated from Eur. Med. 365 adX’ ovre ravtn ratra, pn Soxeiré Tw’ &r eto’ 
dyaves Tols vewotl vuudiots, kal rotor KnSevoacwy ov cpuixpol movot. Soxeis yap 
adv pe rovde Owredoai more, ei pr Te Kepdaivovoay 7 Texvoperny; If the lines 
are literally translated, ut supplicarem must depend on something omitted ; 
otherwise we may take it in the sense egone ut supplicarem, as Plaut. Trin. 
III 3. 21 ut ego nune adolescenti thensaurum indicem ? 

blandiloquentia : [found also in Hil. i Ps. 139; blandilogens is used 
by Laberius ap. Macr. S. 11 7 § 3, blandiloquium by Aug. J. E. B. M.]. 

144 BOOK III CH. XXV § 65. 
LBlandiloguus and blandiloquentulus are used by Plautus; and suavilo- 
quentia occurs in Brut. 58. 

ni ob rem: so I read for the nz orbem or niobem of Mss. Cf. Ter. 
Phorm. 111 2. 41 non pudet vanitatis? Minume, dum ob rem. In this way 
the speech gets something of a ratiocinative character answering to the ei 
py te Kepdaivovoay of Euripides. 

Ch. xxv1 $66. parumne ratiocinari: ‘is there any lack of reasoning 
here?’ This is the opposite of Medea’s own feeling. She attributes the 
murder of her children to the might of passion overpowering reason, Med. 
1079 Oupos b€ kpelooay Trav euey Bovrevpdtav, doTep peyioTa@v aitios KaK@Y 
Bporois. The Medea of Ennius is often cited by Cic. e.g. Fat. 35, Cael. 18, 
Invent. 191, Top. 61, Tuse. 1 46, 111 63, IV 69, Of. 111 62, Fin. 1 4, Orat. 11 
217, Rabir. 29, Fam. vii 6. It is probable that most of the following 
citations are from it, cf. below § 75, and § 72. 

nefariam pestem : the loss of her children. 

qui volt esse quod volt—dabit : ‘ where there’s a will there’s a way’, 
lit. ‘he who (really) wishes what he wishes, finds things going as he would 
have them’. Compare Caesar’s words of Brutus (Cic. Att. xv 1) quicquid 
vult valde vult,; and for tie phrase, Aét. UI 23 ut se initia dederint per- 
scribas, Ter. Iec, 111 3. 20 omnibus nobis ut dant se res, ita magni atque 
humiles sumus. 

seminator: this rare word occurs also in 1 86, [and in Lact. v 2, 
Ambr. /ere. 111 44, Jul. in Aug. ec. Jul. 1. 9: seminatrix is found in Aug. 
Hieron. &. J. E. B. M.] As to the principle condemned, its effect is to 
make a man trust to the force of the individual will in spite of externa! 
difficulties. Whether it is for good or ill, depends on the motive, but 
nothing great is likely to be achieved without it. 

ille: Ist syllable short, as usually in Plautus, see Wagner Aulul. p. 452, 
who refers to Corssen It 624 for exx. 

traversa mente: ‘misguided ’, ‘with purpose all awry’, cf. Cato Orig. 
v 1 (ap. Gell. vir 3 § 14) secundae res lactitia transvorsum trudere solent a 
recte consulendo atque intellegendo, Quintil. x 1 § 110 (of Cicero) cum trans- 
versum vi sua judicem ferat, tamen ille non rapi videatur, sed sequi. 

tradidit repagula: ‘put the keys into my hand’, lit. ‘delivered up 
the fastenings, or bolts’ (pango). See Rich s.v., and Div. 1 74 valvae 
clausae repagulis. [‘Marquardt (Priv. Alt. p. 225) describes them as two 
hooks, which hung in a staple on each of the doorposts and were fixed in 
a firm ring on the inner side of each of the folding doors. They were used 
instead of a cross bar (sera). He also quotes Festus p. 281 repagula sunt, 
ut Verrius ait, quae patefaciundi gratia qua ita figuntur ut ex contrario 
quae oppanguntur, which being evidently corrupt, he proposes to read 
(after ait) ata (‘as well’) quae patefaciundi gratia figuntur ut &c.; under- 
standing the former class of repagulum as a door handle. Accepting this 
emendation we might take repagula in the present passage as referring 
to some sort of hook, which was used (like a key) to open the door, not to 

BOOK III CH. XXVI § 66. 145 

shut it’. R.] Becker (Gallus tr. p. 282 foll.) referring to the same passage, 
concludes from it that the rep. “allowed of the door being opened with less 
trouble than by the sera, and that, as the name occurs only in the plural, 
across beam is not denoted by it, but two bolts meeting from opposite 
sides (usually of wood, Plin. V. H. xv1 42 § 82)”. Rich has an engraving 
of this (Comp. p. 549). As it is plain that both explanations are merely 
guesses, it is worth while to consider whether anything may be learnt 
from an examination of the word itself. Repagulum might be used either 
of ‘that which fixes back’, or of ‘that which unfixes’, ‘unfastens’, such as 
a key. It is hardly likely that the same word would be employed in two 
such opposite senses: the passage in Festus is ambiguous, and in any case 
we cannot be sure that Verrius may not have invented a meaning to suit 
this particular line. Moreover the fact that the plural form alone is found 
in this connexion, suits better with fastenings, such as Marquardt de- 
scribes, than with a handle or key. I think also that the idea of ‘fixing 
back’ suits better with his ‘stays’ than with Becker’s bolts. If however 
they were usually of wood, they could hardly be suspended from a ring 
fixed in the door: it would seem more natural to suppose that they were 
removable bars resting on sockets and placed obliquely between the folding 
doors and the posts. The word is also used of barriers in the race-course 
(Ovid. Met. 11 155, Lucan 1 295): in Amm. Mare. 16. 12. 38 it occurs in 
the sing. with a metaphorical force, cum equites nihil praeter fugae circum- 
spectantes pracsidia vidisset Cuesar, concito equo velut repagulum quoddam 
cohibuit. As to the phrase rep. tradere, it would be most easily explained 
if it were the custom for these bars to be handed over to the conqueror as 
a sign of surrender when a town was taken. It might then be used meta- 
phorically of any surrender. The word is used figuratively Verr. v 39 omnia 
repagula juris, pudoris, officiique perfringere. Medea refers to the reprieve 
she had extorted by her prayers and the use she means to make of it. 

quibus—recludam : ‘ by making use of which I shall unlock (let loose) 
all my fury’. Medea speaks as if her wrath were locked up in a chest by 
Creon’s decree that she was to leave at once. The reprieve of a day 
(Eur. Med. 355) enables her to open this chest and let loose her fury. If 
we translate trad. rep. ‘has put at my discretion the fastenings’, then 
quibus ‘by which fastenings’, is loosely used for guibus traditis ‘through the 
surrender of which I shall be able to unlock &c.’ Jidi probably Creon, ef. 
Med. 371 6 & eis rocottroy powpias ddixeto, dor e&dv avtd rap édeiv 
Bovdrevpara yns exBadovre x.7.A., and 394 ov yap...yaipwy Tis avTov Toupoy 
adyuvet keap. mixpods 8 eyo ow kal Avypois Ojow ydpous, mupov dé 
xijbos kal duyas €uas xOoves. Ennius seems not to have percsived that 
mikpov was predicate to duyas as well as to kijdos. - 

hanc videlicet—habent: ‘this reason forsooth is something denied 
to beasts’. 

§ 67. munere affecti: see n. on 1 38 honore aficere. 

postquam pater: cf. Manil. 22 ex eodem Ponto Medea illa quondam 

M,C; IIE oe 10 

146 BOOK Ul CH evil. O1r 

profugisse dicttur, quam praedicant in fuga fratris sui membra in wis locis 
qua se parens persequeretur dissipavisse, ut eorum collectio dispersa maerorque 
patrius celeritatem persequendi retardaret. This part of the story is not 
touched on by Euripides, and the lines are perhaps taken from the Medea 
of Accius, cited above 11 89, cf. Ribbeck Trag. Rel. p. 318. For a similar 
mixing up of tragedies on the same subject by different authors see Z'usc. 
Iv 69. 

ut comprehendatur parat: ‘makes preparations for her being seized’. 
We should rather have expected the Active, cf. 11 23 confirmari and n. in 

articulatim : ‘joint by joint’; rarely found in this literal sense. 

id ea gratia: (‘she did this) for this reason’, ‘for the sake of this’, 
cf. 11 27 n. on quam similitudinem, and Mayor on Phil. 11 25. 

dum captaret: ‘whilst the father should be picking up’, for other exx. 
of dum, ‘whilst’, followed by Subj. see 11 2 n. and Ac. 11 87 dum con- 

familiari parricidio: that the epithet is not otiose appears from the 
law of Numa in Festus under Parict Quaestores (p. 221 Miill.) ‘s¢ quis 
hominem liberum dolo sciens morti duit, paricida esto. [A law of Pompey’s 
included parents, uncles, aunts, first cousins, near relations by marriage, 
and patrons, in the list of persons whose murder was punished as a 
parricidium, see Dig. 49 tit. 9,1. 1. R.] Quintilian evidently regards the 
word as, in its original sense, equivalent to our ‘parricide’, cf. vir 6 § 34, 
where he is treating of karaypnovs or abusio, quae non habentibus nomen 
suum accommodat quod in proximo est, and gives as an instance parricida 
‘which stands also for the murderer of mother or brother’. 

§ 68. ut scelus, sic ne ratio quidem: for the subaudition of the 
negative in the former clause, see I 3 sicut reliquae virtutes, item pietas 
inesse non potest; and cf. non modo used for non modo non before ne— 
quidem ; for the weak force of the latter phrase see Index. 

epulas comparans: see I 112. 

majus miscendumst malum: ‘I must brew a bigger bale’. These are 
the words of Atreus deliberating how to avenge the wrong done by his 
brother Thyestes in seducing his wife Aerope: they are taken, like the 
three following quotations, from the Atreus of Accius, which we also find 
cited in Orat. 111 218, Tuse.1v 77, Of. 1 97, and 111 102, Phil. 134, Sext. 102, 
Plane. 59, Pis. 19, perhaps below § 90. Alliteration was a marked feature 
of the Saturnian verse and generally of the older poetry of Rome, as 
of England. 

qui—comprimam: ‘by which to quell and crush his cruel spirit’. 
For the use of compr. cf. Harusp. 55 ista serpens compressa atque illisa 
morietur ; for contundam Attius 1.174 Ribb. ferum feroci contundendum 

Ch. xxvit. ille ipse: Thyestes himself is another example of the 
misuse of reason, 


BOOK III CH. XXVII § 68. 147 

illexe: so Plaut. Merc. 1 1. 53 amorem multos ulexe in dispendium ; 
Sch. compares swrrexe Hor. Sat. 1 9. 73, divisse ib. 11 3. 169, despeae Plaut. 
Mil. u 6. 72; Allen cites conswmpse Lucr. 1 234, abstraxe ib. 111 650, sub- 
duxe Varro R. R. 111, traxe Aen. v 786 ; see Roby § 663. 

recte et verissime: for the combination of positive with superlative, 
comp. Gell. xx 1 aut obscurissima aut dura, with comparative Ac. 11 94 Reid. 

piaclum : the reading of the mss (periclum) would refer to the danger 
of the throne passing into the hand of a usurper qui regnum adulterio 
quaereret ; but as this is presented to us below as a different aspect of the 
crime of Thyestes, I prefer Allen’s emendation piaclum. 

coinquinari: written conquinatae Colum. vit 5 § 19; cf. probeat 
for prohibeat Lucr. 1 977. 

admisceri genus: Ribbeck’s emendation ac misceri, accepted by edd., 
seems to me unnecessary and rather weak. I take the words to mean 
that an alien race was introduced (mixed up with the true stock) by 

at id ipsum—quaereret: refers back to non sat habuit: the adultery 
was committed from motives of policy. The Subj. guaereret gives the rea- 
son for callide. 

adde: I agree with Mu. in adopting this conjecture of Ribbeck’s. The 
addo of Mss seems to me a prosaic and unnatural way of speaking. The 
following construction is not easy, if we retain the Ms reading guem clam 
in the 4th line; but qguondam read by most edd. is surely very weak. 
There would be all the less ground for the wrath of Atreus, if the act 
which provoked it took place long ago. If we had the Demonstrative hunc 
clam, the construction would be simple, ‘add that Thyestes stole the lamb 
given as the palladium of my sovereignty’: with the Relative, we must 
take agnum as dependent on adde and explaining the relative clause 
guod—misit ; and then the essential fact will be introduced, as it were 
incidentally, in the 2nd relative clause guem—regia. Such looseness is 
not, I think, unnatural in early writing. Translate ‘Add to this that 
marvel, which the fathers of the gods sent to me for an omen to establish 
my kingdom, a lamb amid my flocks shining with golden fleece, and that 
Thyestes dared to steal this from the palace’. For the Inf. after Rel. cf. 
Roby § 1781. 

[stabilimen: dz. Ney. stabilimentum occurs in Plaut., Plin. V. H., and 
several times in Val. Max. J. E. B. M.] 

agnum: Seneca Thyest. 225 est Pelopis altis nobile in stabulis pecus, 
arcanus aries ductor opulenti gregis, cujus per omne corpus effuso coma 
_ dependet auro...possessor hujus regnat, hunc cunctae domus fortuna sequitur. 
The story is told in a chorus of Eur. Zlectra 700 foll. (Pan sent from the 
Argive hills a lamb with golden fleece paxapioy rupavvev dacpata, Seipara): 
in the Orestes 995 foll. it is said that the lamb was sent by Hermes, in 
punishment for the murder of his son Myrtilus by Pelops, to cause the 
ruin of Atreus (see below § 90). It is alluded to by Varro R#. R. 111 § 6 


148 BOOK III CH. XXVII § 68. 

pecudes propter caritatem aureas habuisse pelles tradiderunt, ut Argis Atreus, 
guam sibi Thyesten subduxe queritur; and by Tarquitius on Tuscan augury, 
cited by Macrob. Sat. 11 7 § 2 purpureo aureove colore ovis ariesve si 
aspergetur, principt ordinis et generis summa cum felicitate largitatem auget. 
Pausanias (II 18) mentions a stone figure of a ram on the grave of 
Thyestes (hence called of xptoi) near Mycenae, dr thy apva o Ovéatns etye 
THY Xpvony. 

$ 69. videturne: cf. 11 70, and below § 82 videsne igitur, Orat. 1 62 
videtisne quantum munus sit oratoris historia? where Wilkins says ‘-ne 
in this phrase is virtually equivalent to nonne, as often in Plautus and 
Terence, who do not use the fuller form’, and refers to Kiihner 11 1002 
and Reid on Senect. 31; (compare however Ribbeck Frag. Com. p. 119 n. 
‘nonne’ qua particula Terentium certe usum constat, de Plauto dubitatur, 
and see Amphitr. 1 1. 251, 253). Sch. cites Of. 11 68 suntne igitur insidiae 
tendere plagas? Tusc. V 35 miser ergo Archelaus? certe, si injustus.  Vide- 
turne omnem hic beatam vitam in una virtute ponere? ib, It 26 videsne 
abundare me otio? Off. 111 78 videsne...neque Gygi ili posse veniam dari? 
[See also Plin. Zp. 11 16 § 13 n. and Obbar on Hor. Zp. 117.38. J.E.B.M.] 
This use is especially common with video, and gives an ironical appearance 
of impartiality to the question. So dpa is used for dp’ od as in Eur. Ale. 
341 dpa pou orévery mapa; and so amongst ourselves, ‘do you see’ or ‘don’t 
you see’, ‘do you know’ or ‘don’t you know’, may be often used indiffer- 
ently. For exx. of -ne equal to num see,I 91 n. 

scaena: Cato 65 idque cum in vita, tum in scaena intellegi potest ex ets 
fratribus, qui in Adelphis sunt. So below § 74 exeamus e theatro. 

multo—paene majoribus: edd. cite Zusc. v 104 vir sapiens multo arte 
majore pracditus, Att. VIL 16 Gnaeus noster multo animi plus habet, as exx. 
of the separation of multo from the comparative; but would Cic. have 
used multo and paene with the same comparative? I incline to think that 
either magis has been lost after mudto, or that this is a careless expression 
in which one comparative does the work of two, multo paene majoribus 
standing for multo magis referta est p. m. 

sentit—ut—peccetur : for the Interrogative ué after sentio, Sch. com- 
pares Rose. Am. 66 videtisne ut eos agitent Furiae ? 

forum : ‘the law-courts’, see below § 74. 

Campus: ‘the hustings’. 

socil, provinciae : it was to put a stop to injustice and fraud towards 
allies and provincials that the law De pecunits repetundis was enacted 
149 B.c. and confirmed by many subsequent enactments ; yet still the ill- 
treatment of subject populations continued to be the great blot on the 
Roman character till ehe end of the Republic and to a certain extent 
under the Empire, cf. Of. 11 75 tanta sublatis legibus et judictis expilatio 
direptioque sociorum, ut imbecillitate aliorum, non nostra virtute valeamus ; 
Juv. 1 49, vim 87 foll. (miserere inopum sociorum) with Mayor’s nn. 

ratione: see Mayor on Juv. x 4. 

BOOK III CH. XXVII § 69. 149 

fiat: Subj. because the relative clause is subordinate to ué peccetur, cf. 
196 ut immortalitate vincamur, sic animi praestantia vinci; below § 92 ut 
membra moveantur, and Roby § 1778. 

ut satius fuerit: see n. on 1 69, and cf. just below haud scio an melius 
fuertt ‘perhaps it would have been better’. 

cum pernicie: cf. 11 8 cum magno vulnere and Index. 

vinum aegrotis: on the use of wine for the sick, see Plato Rep. 111 
405 foll., Theophrast. Char. 13, and below § 78. 

spe dubiae salutis: ‘from the hope of a possible cure’. Allen cites 
dubiae dum vota salutis conciperent Lucan I 506. 

motum celerem cogitationis: cf. Plato Leg. x 896 ‘it is soul which 
moves the universe rats avtis kiwyoect, ais dvopatda eats Bovtdeobat, oKo- 
metoOat, emipedcioba, BovrerverOa, So€alew, dpOas eevopéerws, yalpovoav 
Avtovupévny K.7.r., below § 71 sine animi motu, Of. 1 132 motus animorunc 
duplices sunt, alter cogitationes, altert appetitus. 

pestifera est: so edd. after Sch. for p. sent of Mss. The Ind. is re- 
quired, as giving the view of the speaker, like guia prodest before. 

§ 70. idcirco consuluit: ‘abbreviated for idcirco consuluisse dicitur 
a vobis’ Sch. Cf. below non tdcirco—uterentur, and § 79 cur negligant. 

bona ratione donavit: a little below it is asserted that man receives 
bare ratio from God, and achieves bona ratio by his own effort. 

si modo ulli sunt: so in § 71 si modo habemus, see Draeg. § 555, 
Mayor on Plin. Zp. 111 15 § 3, and Index. 

non placet paucis—consultum sit: cf. I 23, a similar argument was 
used by the English deists to disprove a divine revelation, see Butler’s 
Analogy Pt. 11 ch. 6. 

Da (3). It cannot be alleged that reason is in itself good, and , 
that any evil which may arise from tt is owing to man’s abuse of it. 
As a fact it is of neutral quality, and is made good or bad by man. 
§§ 70, 71. 

There are several difficulties in the sections which follow. If we take 
a general view of the whole passage from § 65 to § 78, we find (1) the evil 
effects of reason shown by examples from tragedy (§§ 65—68), from 
comedy (§§$ 72, 73), from the law-courts ($$ 74, 75); and (2) the rejoinder 
to the Stoic objection that these are owing not to reason in itself, but to 
man’s abuse of reason ($$ 70, 71 and §§ 76—78). It is difficult to explain 
this breaking up of the subject; and closer inspection shows repetition 
in § 69 as compared with § 74 (the transition from the stage to the forum), 
and again in § 69 as compared with § 78 (the danger arising from the use 
of medicinal remedies). Turning more particularly to §§ 70 and 71, we 
find still greater difficulties. The sentence nec enim Herculi—potuerant 
comes in very abruptly, and in fact is scarcely intelligible, as it stands in 

150 BOOK Ill CH, XXVII § 70. 

the mss. It is only by a comparison with the parallel passage in § 76 
that we learn patrimonia spe bene tradendi relinquimus, qua possumus 
falli; deus falli qui potest? 'This of course explains why there can be no 
comparison between the divine gift and the human legacy, but the essen- 
tial point, that God cannot err, is not mentioned in the earlier passage. 
If we transfer the sentences non enim ut patrimonium—voluissent from 
§ 71 and place them after s’militudo, we remove them from a context in 
which they are unmeaning, and we get a natural explanation for the 
question guae est in collatione ista similitudo, Again the sentences be- 
ginning guae enim libido, and injustitiae autem seem to me to have no 
connexion with those which precede them according to the Ms order ; but, 
if we put cnjustitiae—subesset after amice dedit, and then go on with quae 
enim libido—a nobis, everything falls into its proper place. Lastly it 
seems to me far more natural that the general statement multi enim— 
obfuerunt should precede the particular examples nec enim Hercwli— 
potuerunt, than the reverse. The only difficulty which will then remain 
is the omission of the statement contained in § 76 that ‘God cannot make 
mistakes as men do’, which ought to have followed nocere voluissent ; but 
this omission is easily explicable, if I am right in my general view of the 
dislocation which the passage has undergone. It remains to account for 
the repetitions above noticed in the general argument; and this seems to 
me most easily done, if we suppose Cicero to have written, first of all, the 
shorter summary contained in §§ 69—71, and then to have expanded it in 
chapters XXIX to xxxII Medea modo—nemo esse possit (S$ 71—79); and 
that both were inserted in the text by the mistake of the original editor. 
Or is it possible that Carneades met the Stoic proof of Divine benevolence 
shown in the gift of reason, by a twofold argument, one that which Cicero 
gives fully in the 2nd passage and briefly and confusedly in the Ist, viz. 
our experience of the mischief arising from the use of reason, which an 
infinitely wise Being must have foreseen ; and the other, that we cannot 
judge of the intention of an agent from the result of his action, because 
experience shows that well-intended actions are often harmful and ill- 
intended beneficial? If we are to take this view, Cicero has entirely 
failed to distinguish between the two arguments, and has also destroyed 
the force of the latter by introducing his quae est similitudo, our human 
experience being the only ground on which such an argument could be 

Ch. xxvim. huie loco sic soletis occurrere: ‘you are accustomed 
to meet (dzavrav) this line of argument as follows’. Locus is not merely 
‘topic’, but an argument capable of general application. There is no 
reference here to anything in the speech of Balbus. For the subject 
matter see below § 76. 

non idcirco—uterentur : ‘ man’s abuse of the Divine favour is no proof 
that heaven has not made the best provision for us’. The verb is attracted 
to the tense of the Infinitive ; see 18 n. on profecisse. 

BOOK HI CH. XXVIII § 70. 151 

quisquam istuc negat: as I have explained in the Introduction on 
ss, I think the archetype must have had guisguam stuc, which seems to 
me to differ from quisguamne istuc as being less ceremonious and more 
contemptuous and therefore better suited to the passage. Lachmann on 
Lucr. p. 197 gives examples of the shortened form of zste in Cicero, and we 
may probably add zaturae sta in § 27, where A gives s¢e, cf. Ac. 11 109 
with Reid’s n. For the interrogative use of quisguam cf. Div. Caec. 20 i 
ejus modi re quisguam tam tmpudens reperietur? Acad. 11 89 quisquam 
sanissimus tam certa putat quae videt quam is putabat quae videbantur ? 
Verr. 1 142 quid enim? quisquam ad meam pecuniam me invito aspirat, 
quisquam accedit? Verr. 11 137 hoc cum tute fateare, quisquam dubitabit 
guin..., also Piso 26, 30, Sulla 45, Phil. x 14. 

quae est in collatione ista similitudo: cf above § 9 guam simile 
istud sit tu videris, and below § 90. 

nec enim Herculi: as pointed out above, this is an answer to the 
general argument from effect to cause, but has no reference to the par- 
ticular illustration employed, the evil effects of a legacy misused, nor to 
the special point urged by the Stoics, viz. man’s power to counteract the 
benevolent design of the Deity. 

vomica: ‘a tumour’, lit. ‘something which discharges’. Pliny uses 
it of quicksilver inside the matrix (V. H. xxxu1 32). Jason of Pherae, 
who at one time threatened to give to Thessaly the preponderance which 
Macedon obtained under Philip, was assassinated B.c. 370. For the story 
here told cf. Plin. WV. H. vit 51 Pheraeus Jason deploratus a medicis 
vomicae morbo, cum mortem in acie quaereret, vulnerato pectore medicinam 
invenit ex hoste. From this it would seem that it was a wound inflicted by 
an enemy in battle; but Seneca Benef. 11 18. § 8 rather implies that it was 
the attempt of an assassin: venenum aliquando pro remedio fuit, non ideo 
numeratur inter salubria. Quaedam prosunt nec obligant: tuber quidam 
tyranni gladio divisit, qui ad occidendum eum venerat: non ideo ille ty- 
rannus gratias egit, quod rem, quam medicorum manus reformidaverant, 
nocendo sanavit ; also Plut. Mor. p. 89 (where it is said to have happened, 
not to Jason, but to roy O€acadov Hpopunbéa), Val. Max. I 8 extr. 6. 

qui dederit: ‘the man that gave’. Qui with a general or indefinite 
force, when it is subordinate to a Subj., is usually itself followed by a Subj. 
The qui dedit below suggests a definite instance, ‘the giver’ or ‘the man 
who gave’. 

§ 71. suscipitur...perficitur: rightly joined with facinus, but only 
by zeugma with avaritia. 

sine animi motu: cf. above § 69 motwm istum celerem cogitationis. 

omnis opinio ratio est: ‘every belief is of the nature of thought’. 
Plato and Aristotle draw a broad distinction between d0€a and vovs or 
Aoyos, but the Academics treated it as a mere verbal difference ; the same 
kind of mental assent was knowledge in the wise and opinion in the foolish 
(Sext. vil 153). The Stoics even went so far as to say that every feeling 

152 BOOK III CH. XxvilI § 71. 

was a judgment and involved a rational element, cf. Plut. Mor. p. 441 76 
maGos eivat Adyov Tmovnpov Kal akddacTov ex avdns Kpicews poynv Tpoaa- 
Bovra, so Galen (Hipp. Plat. p. 476) ‘Chrysippus identifies the rational 
and the emotional faculties’, See below. 

bonam rationem—a nobis: see below on § 86 virtutem nemo umquam 
acceptam deo rettulit. 

timiditatis semina: compare the definition metus est opinio impen- 
dentis malt Tusc.1v 15. The exact reverse of the statement in the text 
would be nearer the truth. The seed of every virtue or vice is the natural 
impulse, which is elevated into a virtue by the process of rationalization : 
to paraphrase the words of Aristotle, ‘moral virtue is a particular state 
of the irrational part of the soul, under the limitations of right reason’. 
Timidity is a quality common to man with the irrational animals ; his 
superior intelligence gives it a wider scope, but is in no wise the cause 
of it. 

Ch. xxix. inita subductaque ratione—meditantes: ‘planning their 
atrocious crimes with a cool calculation of the profits’. Literally inire 
rationem is ‘to go into a calculation’, as in Cato R. Rk. 2 rationem inire 
oportet operarum, dierum ; subd. rat. is ‘to balance accounts’, i.e. to sub- 
tract one side from the other, cf. /ortens. fr. 89 Orelli (Non. p. 399) non et 
sine ea cogitatione incundis subducendisque rationibus; Fin. 1 60 quid ? 
fortes viri voluptatumne calculis subductis praelium ineunt ? ib. § 78, Plaut. 
Capt. 1 2 89 subducam rationem quantillum argentum mi siet ; Curcul, 111 1. 
1 subduxrt ratiunculam quantum aeris miki sit, quantumque alient siet. 

Da (4). The mischievous effects of reason shown by examples from 
Comedy. §§ 72, 73. 

§ 72. levitates comicae: ‘the trifles of comedy’, cf. Fin. 1 62 ama- 
torits levitatibus dediti. These are properly included in scaena above § 69; 
the adjoining words sentit forum are also repeated below § 79 in the form 
veniamus tn forum. 

parumne semper: ‘do they not show abundance of reasoning on all 
occasions?’ cf. above § 66 parumne ratiocinart. Sch. in his appendix 
points out that parum is to be taken with i ratione versantur, not with 
semper, so that there is no reason for changing semper to saepe (as Madv.). 

Eunucho: the lines are taken from the Ist scene of Terence’s play. 
They are quoted also by Horace (Sat. 11 3. 262 foll.) and Persius (Sat. 
v 161). 

Synephebis: cf. above 1 13. 

Academicorum more: cf. I 11 quibus propositum est contra omnes 
dicere, and 1 13 procax Academia. 

in amore: Ribbeck restores the metre as follows, 72 amore suave est 
summo summaque tnopia. 

studeat tui: the object exciting emotion is found in the Gen., not only 
with Impersonals, such as poenitet pudet, but also with Personal verbs in 

BOOK III CH. XxIx § 72. 153 

the older writers, e.g. Plaut. Mil. Gl. 794 ile ejus domi cupiet, ib. 956 quae 
cuptunt tui, where Lorenz cites Aul. 243 fastidit mei, Stich. 334, Ter. 
Phorm. 971 vereri feminae ; so revereor in Varro ap. Non. 497, and cupiens 
ordinarily, see Roby § 1328. 

§ 73. suggerit: ‘subjoins’, cf. Liv. 1 8 Bruto statim Lucretium sug- 
fructu fallas—nomen: [‘one may cheat him of the ‘profits or pocket 
a debt by a(stolen or forged) letter’. Plaut. Curcul. 360—460 and Molitre’s 
Les fourberies de Scapin would illustrate this. R.]. Averto is strictly to 
turn aside from its proper end to one’s own use, cf. Verr. 111 170 ut praetor 
...pecunias, guas civitatibus distribuere debeat, eas omnes avertat atque 
auferat; Philipp. v 11 sestertium septiens millies falsis perscriptionibus 
avertit (“by means of false pay warrants’). Women is properly the debtor’s 
name in the ledger, hence a debt; cf. Verr. v 17 pecuniam sibi esse in 
nominibus, numeratam in praesenti non habere, see Holden on Of. 111 59. 

percutias pavidum: ‘frighten him out of his wits by a piece of bad 

neque ut: I prefer this reading to the nec guid of Ribbeck and Mu. 
It is not the ‘what’, but the how, which puzzles the son, ‘how ¢an I rob 
one who treats me so liberally ?’ 

inde=ab eo, so hine (Ter. Ad. 11 3. 7 Syrum video, hinc scibo); unde 
(Orat. 1 67 ille wpse unde cognovit), and frequently, see Roby § 1263, 
Reid on Cato 12, Dietsch on Sall. Cat. 1 3. 

praestrigias praestrinxit: ‘my father’s generosity has trumped all 
my tricks’, ‘defeated my stratagems’, lit. ‘taken the edge off (i.e. ‘ spoilt’) 
my juggling’. As to the spelling, the oldest codex preserves the 7 just 
below, and this is the form in the best mss of Plautus, see Georges s. v. 
The later form praestigiae is due to that tendency to lighten the 
pronunciation of compounds, which shows itself also in such changes 
as that of a into 7; for other exx. of the omission of 7 see Roby § 185.2. . 
The word is often used metaphorically as in Acad. 11 45 (there is need 
of attention) ne ab ws, quae clara sunt ipsa per sese, quasi praestigiis gui- 
busdam et captionibus depellamur; Fin. 1v 74 ex isdem verborum praestigiis 
(the Stoic paradoxes have arisen). 

Phormio : Act 11 Sc. 2 of Terence’s play. 

Da (5). Zhe mischievous effects of reason shown by examples from 
the law-courts. §§ 74, 75. 

Ch. xxx § 74. in forum: see above § 69. 

[sessum it: sedere, like caéjaOa, of the judge on the bench. For the 
phrase cf. Sen. Contr. 180 § 9 jussit ire sessum in equestria. J. E. B, M.], 
also Cic. Fam. x 32 § 2 Herennium in XILII sessum deducxit. 

quid ut judicetur: on the position of ut Sch. refers to Madv. Fin. 
Ir 61, 

154 BOOK III CH. XXX § 74. 

qui—incenderit : on the use of gw as an interrogative substantive 
see Madv. § 88. It is rarely found except in dependent questions, cf. 
Verr. V 166 qui esset ignorabas, speculatorem esse suspicabare; Div. in 
Caec. 53 non id solum spectari debet, qui debeat, sed etiam illud, qui possit 

tabularium : the record office. Cicero refers elsewhere to the destruc- 
tion of tabularia by fire, e.g. Arch. 8 hic tu tabulas desideras Heracliensium 
publicas, quas Italico bello incenso tabulario interisse scimus omnes. Sch. 
identifies this with the burning mentioned in the text, but as it is related 
as an incident of the war, it seems forced to connect it with the case of 
private arson here referred to. Another instance occurs in Rabir. 8, an de 
peculatu facto, an de tabulario incenso longa oratio est exprimenda, ‘a 
charge which was once brought against a relative of Rabirius, but never 
against himself’. Turnebus in his note on the last passage suggests that 
there is an allusion to Sosius ; but, in that case, we should have expected 
to find there some allusion to the confession here spoken of; as the date 
of the Pro Rabirio is B.c. 63, and our dialogue is supposed to have taken 
place in 76. <A third instance is that of Clodius (Milo 73) aedem Nym- 
pharum incendit ut memoriam publicam recensionis tabulis publicis im- 
pressam exstingueret. [On the record office cf. Annali d. inst. 1881 pp. 
60—73. J. E. B. M.] 

quod facinus occultius: ‘what crime could be better hidden’, and 
therefore show more calculation, than to destroy the building in order that 
the record of a particular account might be wanting? 

Sosius: not mentioned elsewhere. Brieger (p. 19 foll.) thinks he is the 
same as the person alluded to below under the probably corrupt name 
Lalenus, because of the 7d quoque and also of the use of the Sing. hoc 

splendidus: cf. /%n. 1158 C. Plotio, equite Romano splendido; Verr. 
111 60 equitibus Romanis non obscuris neque ignotis, sed honestis et ilustribus. 
The terms splendidus and dllustris, here used vaguely of high birth or 
other distinction, acquired a more definite connotation under Augustus, 
who constituted a separate class of knights possessing a senatorial income: 
to these were opposed the poorer knights, known as modict, see Tac. Ann. 
1 73,1159, x14. Hence splendidus is used by itself to connote ‘equestrian’, 
see Baumgarten Crusius Index to Suetonius p. 618. 

transcripserit: ‘altered’, lit. ‘copied’, cf. Clwent. 41 (Oppianicus 
having got hold of the will) digito legata delevit, et cum id multis locis 
fecisset, ne lituris coargui posset, testamentum in alias tabulas transcriptum 
signis adulterins obsignavit ; used of transfers in book-keeping, e.g. Liv. 
XXXV 7 via fraudis inita est, ut in socios, qui non tenerentur vis legibus (the 
Roman laws against usury) nomina transcriberent; ita libero foenore 
obruebantur debitores; [see Gaius 11 128 foll. R.]. 

L. Alenus: the readings differ. If Brieger is right in supposing that 
we have here the cognomen of the above-named Sosius, perhaps Z may be 

BOOK III CH. XXx § 74. 155 

a corruption of ze. The reference to the same person at one time by the 
nomen, at another by the cognomen is very common, cf. the use of Lucilius 
and Balbus in this dialogue. 

sex primorum: the first six scribes of the treasury (scribae quaestori), 
cf. Mommsen dm. St. 1 273, Wilmanns Jnser. 1297, 1298, 1809. 

cognosce: ‘take note of other judicial inquiries’. 

auri Tolossani: Q. Servilius Caepio, consul in B.c. 106 received the 
province of Gallia Narbonensis during the Cimbrian war. The people of 
Tolosa (Toulouse) having joined the Cimbri, Caepio sacked their town and 
temples, in which were great quantities of gold, ‘the produce of the auri- 
ferous region near the Pyrenees...... The treasure was kept in chambers in 
the temples and also in sacred tanks (Posid. ap. Strab. Iv p. 188 cited in 
Dict. of Geog.). Strabo 1. c. says, that according to another less credible 
account, these treasures were brought home by the Tectosages from the 
sack of Delphi. Justin adds (xxx 3) that in consequence they were 
visited by a pestilence, from which they were not freed until awrum ar- 
gentumque bellis sacrilegvisque quaesitum in Tolosensem lacum mergerent. 
Caepio was severely punished for this act of sacrilege. In B.c. 105 he 
was totally defeated by the Cimbri at Arausio, and on his return to 
Rome ‘he was deprived of the proconsulship by a vote of the people 
and his property confiscated. The next year he was expelled from the 
senate by a 2nd decree of the people; and in B.c. 103 some of the tri- 
bunes headed by Saturninus and Norbanus proposed a special commis- 
sion to inquire into the embezzlement and treason committed in Gaul. 
Caepio was arrested and condemned, and the intervention of one of the 
tribunes only succeeded in commuting the sentence of death to one of 
exile’ Wilkins Orat. 1 p. 9. His place of exile was Smyrna: one tradition 
however says that he was executed at Rome (Val. Max. v1 9 § 13). Strabo 
l.c. says of him, év dvoruvxjpacu kataorpéat tov Biov, ws iepdovdov ék- 
Brnbévra vrs THs marpidos, Siadoxouvs 8 arodurovta traidas, 4s ovvéeBy Kata- 
mopvevbeiaas, ws elpnxe Tiayérns, aicypas amodéoba. In the De Oratore 
Antonius briefly sketches the line of his defence for Norbanus, the opponent 
of Caepio, who was tried on a charge of majestas in B.c. 95 for his conduct 
in the prosecution of C. but no allusion is there made to the plunder of 
Tolosa; it is only to the defeat at Arausio (Orat. 11 199). Elsewhere 
Cicero takes the aristocratic view, and speaks of Caepio as an example 
of a good man suffering adversity (Z’usc. v 14). But the prevailing view 
was the opposite: the aurum Tolossanum became proverbial of the ill- 
gotten wealth which brings no good, see Gell. 111 9 guisquis ex ea direptione 
aurum attigit misero cruciabilique eaitu periit. 

conjurationis Jugurthinae: cf. Sall. Jug. 40 C. Manlius Limetanus 
trib. pl. rogationem ad populum promulgat, utc quaereretur in eos quorum 
consilio Jugurtha senati decreta neglexisset, quique ab eo in legationibus 
aut imperiis pecunias accepissent ; Brut. 127 (Galba) rogatione Manilia 
Jugurthinae conjurationts tnvidia...oppressus est. 

156 BOOK HI CH. XXX § 74. 

repete superiora: ‘go back to a more remote period’; see Fut. § 35 
cited below on § 75. For Tubulus see 164. He was praetor B.c. 142. 

posteriora : we find the opposition of sup. and post. in regard to a not 
much longer interval in Brut, 226—228, and to a much shorter in Dom. 99. 

Peducaea: three of the Vestal Virgins were accused dncesti before the 
pontiffs in B.c. 114, but only one was condemned. In the next year Sex. 
Peducaeus trib. pl. brought the matter before the people, by whom L. 
Cassius Longinus, known for his severity as censor, was appointed to 
examine further into the case. The mischief was discovered to be even 
wider spread than was supposed, and all who were guilty were punished. 
The Sibylline books were consulted and two Greeks and two Gauls were 
buried alive in the forum to avert the anger of the gods (Plut. Qu. Rom. 
p. 284). A temple was also dedicated to Venus Verticordia (Preller R. M. 
p. 392, Val. Max. vir 15 § 12), cf. Ascon. in Milon. p. 46, Brut. 160, Dio 
Cass. fr. 92. Rogatione is Abl. of Manner after quaestiones understood 
from above. 

tum haec cotidiana: Forchhammer p. 24 puts a full stop after 
Peducaea, and retaining the old reading venena (as Allen also does) he 
supplies swat with cotidiana, just as with ide ila actio below. He 
justly asks quis unquam dixit quaestionem sicae sive de sica esse habitam ? 
Quaestio est inter sicarios sive de sicariis, ut de veneficiis ; and compares 
Off. 111 86 hine sicae, hine venena, hine falsa testimonia nascuntur, hine 
furta, peculatus. We have the same list of crimes in Of. U1 73 neque 
enim de sicariis, veneficis, testamentariis, furibus, peculatoribus, hoe loco 
disserendum est. If any emendation is required, I should prefer to read 

peculatus: ‘the embezzlement of public money’. [The quaestio pecu- 
latus is referred to by Cicero in Clu. 53 § 147, Mur. 20 § 42; but the 
precise definition of the crime is only known to us at a later period. The 
Digest (xLv11I 13) treats of it in connexion with a law of Augustus (lex 
Julia), which however Zumpt (Criminalrecht Iv p. 78 seq.) reasonably 
argues was probably not very different from Sulla’s legislation. R.] 

testamentorum quaestiones: by the Lev Cornelia testamentaria or 
de falsis, forgery was made the subject of one of the nine perpetuae quaes- 
tiones (permanent courts), peculatus and de srcartis being also included in 
the number. It is therefore curious that lege nova quaestiones should be 
limited to testamentorum, because all these Cornelian Laws were passed 
about the year 78 B.c., i.e. about two years before the date of the dialogue, 
which, as we have seen, is supposed to have occurred between B.c. 77 and 
75 (Vol. 1 p. xu1). Probably C. meant to continue his list, but testamenta 
could not stand like sicae for the crime, and therefore he altered the phrase, 
intending quaestiones to refer to all, though grammatically it can only refer 
to the last named. It is in reference to this law that Cicero says (Verr. 
I 108) sancitur ut, quod semper malum facinus fuerit, ejus quaestio ad 
populum pertineat. Perhaps however it may be better to take quaestiones 

BOOK III CH. XXX § 74. 3 157 

in its more general sense, as above alias guaestiones ; and then etiam lege 
nova will give point to the preceding cotidiana, ‘they are of such daily 
occurrence that we have been obliged to make a new law about them’. 

illa actio: sc. furt?, of which Gaius gives the formulae Iv 37, cf. also III 
202 interdum furti tenetur qui tpse furtum non fecerit ; qualis est cujus ope 
consilio furtum factum est. Cic. cites this because of the word consilium, 
which evidently proceeds inde, ‘from reason’. [An action for theft (furtz) 
lay against one who had aided and counselled, though he had not actually 
committed, the theft, e.g. (to take instances given by Gaius 111 202) against 
one who knocked money out of a man’s hand that another might take it, 
or frightened sheep that another might intercept them ; or who knowingly 
placed a ladder to enable a thief to get access or lent him tools to break 
open a door or box (Dig. xivit 2.155 § 4; Inst.1v 1 § 11). Either aid or 
counsel would found the charge, but the aid must be purposed, and the 
counsel must result in action. Post veterum auctoritatem eo perventum est 
ut nemo ope videatur fecisse nisi et consilium malignum habuerit ; nec con- 
silium habuisse noceat nisi et factum secutum fuerit (Paul. ap. Dig. i 16. 
153 § 2). By veteres were meant the republican jurists. R.] See Mayor 
on Juv. X 222. 

de fide mala: “this is the class of which the following are examples ; 
cf. Of. 111 70, where we have the same extension of the formula ex fide 
bona. (Scaevola) fidei bonae nomen existimabat manare latissime, idque 
versart in tutelis, societatibus, fiduciis, mandatis, rebus emptis venditis, con- 
ductis locatis” Sch. [All C.’s examples are expressly named among bonae 
jfidei judicia in Gai, Iv 62. R.] 

tutelae : [a ward had a right of action against his guardian to obtain 
compensation for any failure in his duty as trustee. This is called in the 
Digest actio tutelae. But there was another action, of a penal character, 
to make the guardian refund twice the value of anything which he had 
abstracted from the property of the ward. This action was given by the 
x11 tables (ib. xxv 7.155 § 1) and was specially called rationibus distra- 
hendis actio (Dig. xxvii 3. 12). Whether the two were clearly distin- 
guished in Cicero’s time may be doubtful. Both then and afterwards any 
guardian condemned in an actio tutelae was disgraced and _ therefore 
deprived of civic rights. Cf. Cic. Or. 1 36 § 166 turpi tutelae judicio; Gai. 
Iv § 182; Lex Jul. Municip. § 25, 110; Dig. ur 2.11. It is noticeable 
that in the order of matters in Julian’s edict theft immediately followed 
guardianship. R.] 

mandati: [by mandatum was understood an unpaid commission. A 
man undertaking such a commission for another was in the position of a 
trustee: he could recover his expenses but had no right to make any 
profit or benefit for himself by the execution of the commission. Good 
faith was of the essence of the engagement. Cf. Gai. 111 158 Invicem altert 
tenebimur in id quod vel me tibi vel te mihi bona fide praestare oportet; Dig. 
RVers | 

158 BOOK III CH. XXX § 74, 

pro socio: [Partnership again is a confidential relation. Whether it 
exist in relation to some one matter or business or be extended over all the 
concerns of the partners, it rests on a community of profit and loss; 
and any partner has an action in that character (pro socio) to compel his 
partners to account for their profits or share his losses. Cicero’s words in 
Rose. Com. 6 § 6 are very apt, si qua sunt privata judicia summae existi- 
mationis et paene dicam capitis, tria haec sunt, fiduciae, tutelae, societatis. 
Aeque enim perfidiosum et nefarium est fidem frangere, quae continet vitam, 
et pupillum fraudare qui in tutelam pervenit et socium fallere qui se im 
negotio conjunxit. R.] 

fiduciae : [/%ducta ‘trust’ was a general term but specially applied to 
cases where a person was given for a special purpose legal rights over 
persons or things, which in form were permanent but were intended to be 
only temporary. Thus things deposited with a friend for safe keeping 
were sometimes legally conveyed to him. Land or other things given to a 
person as security for a debt were formally conveyed to him in full property 
(as in our mortgage deeds) with the understanding embodied in a pactum 
fiduciae, that on the payment of the debt the land &c. should be restored. 
So Cic. Flac. 21 § 51 pecuniam adulescentulo grandi fenore fiducia tamen 
accepta occupavisti. Hane fiduciam commissam tibi dicis; tenes hodie ac 
possides. ‘You lent money to the youth ata high rate of interest but took 
a mortgage (1.e. some property in mortgage) for it. This mortgaged pro- 
perty you say is forfeited to you’. Cf Paul. Sent. 13; Gai. 1160. A third 
use of fiducia was in the old forms for enabling a woman to change her 
guardian or make a will. She passed into the absolute control of some one, 
who however was under a trust to emancipate her (Gai. I § 115). A fourth 
case was that of trusts by will where the trustee was called fiduciarius 
heres &c. (Dig. xxxvt 1. 1 48) though in Justinian’s books the term is 
rare, hh. | 

reliqua: so alia, at the end of a list without connecting particle, 
above § 52. 

judicium publicum: a case in which an injury was considered to be 
done to the public, and in which therefore any one might proceed against 
the offender, cf. Znst. 1 26 § 3. 

Plaetoria: the name in the mss is Zaetoria, which Heind. corrected 
in accordance with the Tabula Heractliensis, (Lex Julia Municipalis 25 
§ 110). [Comparing Of. 111 61 iste dolus malus et legibus erat vindicatus, ut 
in tutela duodecim tabulis, circumscriptio adulescentium lege Plaetoria, et 
sine lege judiciis, in quibus additur ‘ex fide bona’; Sueton. ap. Prisc. vuI 
§ 21; Capitol. Mf, Anton. 10 § 12; Cod. Theodos. vir 12. 1 2, we may 
conclude that the law was directed against money-lenders taking advantage 
of young men; that it allowed or required curatores to be assigned to 
youths after the age of puberty and consequently when they ceased to have 
legal guardians ; that the offence of cheating young men was regarded as 
criminal and not merely as matter for private compensation ; and that 

BOOK III CH. XXX § 74. 159 

consequently convicted offenders were ineligible for public office. Further 
there seems little doubt that this law is referred to in Plaut. Pseudol. 201 
where a young man in want of money says Pert: annorwm lex me perdit 
quinavicenaria; metuont credere omnes; and Rud. 1380. If this be so, it 
was the lex Plaetoria that established the distinction between those under 
25 years of age (minores) and those over that age, the former having 
curatores. The Pseudolus is shown by Ritschl (Parerg. Pl. p. 295) to have 
been exhibited in 192 or 191 B.c. And hence the lex Plaetoria was pro- 
bably cir. 200 years B.c. This is the sum of our knowledge. Savigny 
Verm. Schr. 11 p. 821 foll. has an interesting essay on the subject. R.] 
See Mayor on Juv. x 223, xv 135, and Orelli Jnd. Leg. p. 231. [Cohen 
Méd. Consul. p. 250 contains exx. of coins of the Plaetorian family. 
Swainson. | 

everriculum : ‘C. Aquillius Gallus sweeps off every kind of fraud 
into his net’. The word is used metaphorically of the avarice of Verres 
(2 Verr. Iv 53). On Aquil. see Roby Introd. to Digest p. cix. He was a 
colleague of Cic. in the praetorship B.c. 66, and is much praised in the 
orations pro Quintio, and Caecina 77. On the edict here referred to see 
Of. 111 60 nondum C. Aquillius collega et familiaris meus protulerat de dolo 
malo formulas: in quibus ipsis, cum ex eo quaereretur quid esset dolus 
malus, respondebat, cum esset aliud simulatum aliud actum. [Probably 
Aquillius, as praetor, first granted a right of action or a defensive plea on 
the ground of fraud, though not coming under any formula previously 
recognized. In the later consolidated edict, as quoted in the Digest Iv 3, 
an action de dolo malo was granted when fraud was alleged and no other 
action was available (quae dolo malo facta esse dicentur, si de his alia actio 
non erit et justa causa esse videbitur, judicium dabo). R.] 

familiaris noster: he was a pupil of Q. Mucius along with Balbus, as 
well as a friend of Cicero’s. 

protulit: published as an edict in the Album Praetoris, stating the 
grounds of actions and the mode of procedure. 

teneri: ‘to be proved’ (clenched); used here of the charge, as in 
Cluent. 125 nec ullo argumento Cluentianae pecuniae crimen tenebitur, 
2 Verr. Vv 101 certis testibus istius audacia tenebatur (this use is not noticed 
in Lexx.); but more frequently of the person convicted of a crime ; e.g. 
tenetur furtt. 

§ 75. sementim: cf. Att. 1x 8 sem. proscriptionis, and the proverb 
Orat. 11 261 ut sementem feceris ita metes. [Amm. XXXI 2.1 sem. exitiv. 
J.E. B. M.] 

malitia: cf. Of. 11 10 versutos homines et callidos admirantes malitiam 
sapientiam judicant ; 111 71 quocirca astutiae tollendae sunt eaque malitia, 
quae vult illa quidem videri se esse prudentiam, sed abest ab ea distatque 
plurimum ; Tusc. Iv 34 virtutis contraria est vitiositas—sic enum malo quam 
malitiam appellare eam quam Graect xaxiav appellant, nam malitia certi 
eujusdam vitit nomen est, vitiositas omnium, also Fin. 111 39, 40, Leg. 1 49. 

160 BOOK III CH. XXX § 75. 

utinam—trabes : the opening lines of Ennius’ Medea, cited also in 
Herenn. 11 22 § 34, Cael. 18 (referring to the evil arising from the passion 
of Clodia for his client), Jnvent. 1 91, Top. 61, Fin. 1 5, Fat. 35 (where he 
continues licuit vel altius ‘Utinam ne in Pelio nata ulla umquam esset 
arbor’, etiam supra ‘Utinam ne esset mons ullus Pelius’, similiterque 
superiora repetentem regredi infinite licet). 

caesa accedisset—trabes: the mss have the Pl. but most editors 
follow the reading given in Varro LZ. Z. vit 33 (who adds sie dictum est a 
qguibusdam, ut una canes, una trabes), and Priscian vit 8. For the use of 
accid. cf. Varr. ap. Non. p. 494 trabs in humum accidens frangit ramos 

bonitatem : ‘given for purposes of deception not of upright dealing’. 
The word has two shades of meaning, like our ‘ goodness’, (1) amiability, 
(2) honesty ; of which latter we have an example in Of. m1 77 cum fidem 
alicujus bonitatemque laudant, ‘dignum esse’ atunt ‘quicum in tenebris 
maces’. Cicero speaking in his own person takes the opposite and truer 
view of the relation between virtue and reason; Off. 1 50 (in the case of 
beasts) justitiam, aequitatem, bonitatem non dicimus; sunt enim rationis et 
orationis expertes. 

Da (6). You say ‘it is all man’s fault for nrisusing his reason’, 
but what are we to think of a Being who deliberately endowed him with 
a faculty, which he knew would be productive of more harm than good? 

8$ 76—78. 

Ch. xxx1 § 76. sed urgetis: cf. above ch. xxviil. 

hominum culpam: cf. Odyss. 1 32 6 moro, oiov 89 vv Beovs Bporot airt6- 
evra, €& nuav yap daow kak’ Eupevat' of O€ Kai avroi odnow aracbadrinow 
Umép popov adye exovow, Plato Rep. X 617 airia éXopévov, Oeds avaitios, 
Chrysipp. ap. Gell. vir 2 § 12 66 cat vad rev TvOayopeiwy eipntau’ yvooe © 
dvOparous avOaipeta mypar éyovtas, os TH 3AaBav ExaaTots Tap avrots (Should 
this be avrovs, ‘all along of themselves’ ?) yivopevwv kal ka’ opuny adrav 
dpaptavovtey Te Kal BNatTopevoy Kal KaTa THY avTav Oiavotay Kal Béow, Senec. 
N.@. V 18 § 5 non ideo non sunt ista natura bona, si vitio male uten- 
tium nocent, ib. § 13 non quert possumus de auctore nostri deo, si beneficia 
ejus corrupimus et, ut essent contraria, efecimus, ib. § 15 nihil invenies tam 
manifestae utilitatis, quod non in contrarium transeat culpa, Aug. C. D. 
xxi 1, Zeller rv p. 175. 

ut si: ‘therein behaving as if’. This is part of Cotta’s reply ; ‘you 
say it is all the fault, not of the Divine operator, but of the human material 
operated upon ; which is just as if the physician or pilot were to plead the 
severity of the disease or the storm as an excuse for their inefficiency ’. 

medicus : cf. above § 15 and 11 12, where the same illustration is used 
in reference to the science of divination. 

BOOK III CH. XXXxI § 76. 161 

etsi—liberius: ‘though such a comparison is absurd’, lit. ‘though 
these are mere men—still even as such they act absurdly; for who would 
have employed them, if it were not for the difficulties to be overcome ?— 
and we may speak more freely (we have no similar weaknesses to allow 
for) in pleading against God’, since he cannot shelter himself under the 
excuse of ignorance or inability. The form of the sentence is altered 
owing to the parenthesis ; we should have expected deus falli non potest or 
something of the sort. For the argument see below § 90. 

homunculi: cf. Acad. 11 134 deus ille, qui nihil censuit deesse virtuti, 
homuncio hic, N. D. 1 123 ut homunculi similem deum fingeret. 

ais: addressing the Deity, cf. Acad. 11 80. 

dedisses : ‘ you ought to have given it’. This is an instance of what 
is known as the Jussive use of the Subjunctive, thus defined by Madv. 
§ 351 a 4, ‘in the imperfect and pluperfect the subjunctive is used to ex- 
press advice or command, imperatively, of a thing which ought to have 
been done, in opposition to a previous intimation of what actually was 
done’; see also his n. on /%n. 11 35, Zumpt § 529 n., Kennedy p. 340, Roby 
§ 1604, Draeg. §§ 148, 149, Nigelsb. p. 267, Allen, Wyttenbach and Lesca- 
loperius on this passage; and compare QY. Frat. ut 4 atiunt 
oportuisse accusare. Is ergo judicibus committerem ?...non eaxistimo te putare 
id mihi suscipiendum fuisse. Alterutrum, inquit idem Sallustius, defendisses 
(which Manutius calls elegans et antigua locutio pro eo quod vulgo dicunt, 
defendere debebas) ; Off. 111 88 male Curio, cum causam aequam esse dicebat, 
semper addebat ‘vincat utilitas’. Potius doceret non esse aequam quia non 
esset utilis rei publicae, quam, cum utilem non esse diceret, esse aequam 
fateretur, where Holden calls doceret ‘a past imperative’; Orat. 1 167 quod 
cum impetrasset, causa caderet, of which Wilkins says “a kind of past 
imperative ‘he ought to have lost his case’” (the jussive force is not 
however absolutely required here); Philipp. 11 86 misericordiam captabas 
...guid petens? ut servires? tibt uni peteres, qui ita a puero vireras...ut 
facile servires (where Mayor refers to Halm on Sulla 25, Wagner on 
Virg. Aen. Iv 679, Naeke on Valer. Cato p. 161); Philipp. 1 75 quem erat 
aequissimum contra Cn. Pompei liberos pugnare? quem? an cum tu... 
convomeres, Dolabella pro te dimicaret? ‘was he to be fighting for you?’ Sest. 
45 restitisses, oppugnasses, mortem pugnans oppetisses, where Halm’s note is 
dictum pro ‘ resistere debuisti’ ; ib. 54 st meis incommodis laetabantur, urbis 
tamen periculo commoverentur; Fin. Iv 57 saltem aliquid de pondere 
detraaxisset et paulo minoris aestumavisset ea; Rosc. Am. 72 diligentius 
venisses, Which Halrn renders ‘ hattest kommen sollen’; Verr. 11119 Voconia 
lex te videlicet delectabat ; imitatus esses illum ipsum C. Voconium ; ib. v 
59 quo tempore...etiam si precario essent rogandi, tamen ab vis impetraretur 
(=impetrart debebat Halm, who is however mistaken, as Draeger has 
pointed out, in comparing §§ 150 permoverem, 171 commoverentur, where 
the ordinary force of the Subj. gives a satisfactory meaning); Rabir. Post. 
29 moreretur, inquies ; Livy. XLV 37 § 3 non triumphum impedire debuit...sed 

M. C;: TIL iBt 

162 BOOKA CH XXxKT S70: 

postero die nomen deferret. Other exx. may be found in the books referred 
to; I will here only add for the negative sentence, Verr. 111 195 quid 
facere debursti ?, ut ambitiost homines,...ex senatus aestimatione solvisses : 
sin, ut plerique emisses ; Att. 1 1 § 3 aut ne poposcisses, Plaut. 
Poen. 1 5, 22 vel tu ne faceres tale in adulescentia ; Trinumm. 1384 non ego 
uli argentum redderem? non redderes, where Brix says ‘non statt ne, so 
dass die Antwort, der Frage eng angepasst, wie ein Echo zuriicktoént’. 
[So we find both non and ne after wtinam, cf. Att. xX 9 § 3 utinam sus- 
ceptus non essem aut ne quid ex eadem matre postea natum esset.) A 
comparison of these passages shows plainly that the Subjunctive may 
have the force of debebut. This use has been generally connected with 
the Imperative force of the Subj., thus accounting for the employment 
of ve for non, but such an explanation has been challenged of late 
by two distinguished Cambridge scholars on the ground that ‘a past 
imperative is an inconceivable thing’, I presume that those who used 
the phrase ‘past imperative’, simply meant that the Subjunctive in this 
use stands to the Imperative, as the phrase ‘you should not have 
done that’ stands to the phrase ‘you should not do that’. Whether we 
choose to speak of these as different tenses of the Imperative, is a verbal 
question of no great importance: if we confine the Imperative to 
commands which are capable of fulfilment, of course we must. select 
another name. The alternative explanation offered by Mr Reid (Sulla 
§ 25 p. 96) is as follows : “so-called ‘jussive subjunctives’ are merely parts 
of elliptic conditional propositions” ; “the fact that ae occurs with some 
of these subjunctives has led some scholars to regard them as conveying 
commands or prohibitions put in past tenses, because the circumstances 
to which they might have applied are past...but ve is merely equivalent to 
non, as ne often was in early Latin”. Mr Reid is commenting here on the 
words ae st, judices, ceteris patricits me et vos peregrinos vidert oporteret, a 
Torquato tamen hoc vitium sileretur...est enim municipalis, which I under- 
stand to mean ‘whatever right other patricians might have to dub us 
foreigners, Torquatus at least ought to have kept silence on this defect in 
our citizenship, being, as he is, himself connected with a munictpiwm only’. 
Mr Reid's note is “ editors explain s¢leretur as equivalent to silert debebat, 
but the subjunctive in Latin has no such force ”...“‘ sz/eretur is not the true 
apodosis to the protasis s? oporteret, but is rather the apodosis to a 
suppressed protasis such as s? caperet. So with Virgil’s famous words at tu 
dictis, Albane, maneres”. I confess I cannot quite make out what is meant 
by this; but we may compare another note by the same scholar on Acad. 
11.58 p. 169 ed. 1 idlud attendimus in hoc omni genere quam inconstanter 
loquamur? non enim proferremus vino aut somno oppressos, rendered in his 
translation p. 52 ‘are we aware how inconsistent is our talk concerning 
this entire class of arguments? If we were, we should not quote men 
overpowered by wine or sleep &c.’ That is to say, it is an instance of an 
ordinary hypothetical sentence, s? attenderemus being naturally understood 

BOOK III CH, XXXI § 76. 163 

from what precedes. But in his note Mr Reid says “this must apparently 
be added to the exx. of the subj. used to denote non id quod fieret factumve 
esset, sed quod fieri debuerit. As such passages are often misunderstood, 
I note that they can be most rationally explained as elliptic constructions 
in which a condition is expressed without its consequence. We have an 
exact parallel in English; e.g. tw dictis, Albane, maneres may fairly be 
translated ‘hadst thou but kept to thy word’. Here the condition ‘if 
thou hadst kept’ stands without the consequence ‘thou wouldest not have 
died’”. It is to be noted that in his comments on these two passages 
Mr Reid gives inconsistent explanations of the quotation from Virgil: in 
the one place speaking of the protasis being understood (I suppose, ‘if you 
had known it beforehand, you would have kept to your word’), in the 
other, of the apodosis. Probably we are to understand that he would 
make two classes of jussive subjunctives, those in which the apodosis, and 
those in which the protasis is to be supplied, and that he would distribute 
the cases under either head as he found it easiest to supply one or the 
other. Mr Nixon (J. of Phil. vol. vir p. 57) says “itis not denied that 
there is an important class of so-called ‘jussive’ subjunctives, but of these 
those with ne are intelligible imperatives (ne poposcisses) [on a subsequent 
page this concession is withdrawn], those with non can always be ex- 
plained as hypothetical with or without protasis suppressed”. It appears 
then that there are three points for consideration : (1) is ne to be regarded 
merely as equivalent to non ? (2) is it the fact that the Latin Subjunctive 
cannot mean ‘ought’? (3) is it possible to explain all ‘jussives’ as parts of 
elliptic conditional propositions? As to (1), no doubt there are compounds 
and phrases such as nefas, nequaquam, in which ne retains its old simple 
force, but I think we may safely assume that if xe continued to be used with 
some one particular coustruction, however much the words were varied, it 
must have been because it was felt that there was something in that construc- 
tion which suited the later specialized use of ne. And whether, or not, we 
employ the phrase ‘past imperative’ it cannot be denied that the use of 
ne in such a phrase as ne poposcisses approaches more or less nearly to the 
use of ne to express a wish (as in di ne dedissent above § 75), or a command. 
(2) It appears to me that the feeling of the Latin writers as to the meaning 
of the Jussive Subj. is sufficiently shown, by its being frequently opposed 
to debeo and similar words, cf. the instances cited above from Q. Fr. 11 4, 
Philipp. 1 75, Liv. xuv 37, Verr. 11 195, Sulla 25, Fin. 11 35 st eam quam 
Aristippus (voluptatem dixisset), idem tenere debuit ultimum bonorum ; sin 
eam quam Iveronymus, fecisset, &c., where Madvig says id est, facere debuit ; 
also that we find the same meaning in other uses of the Subj. esp. in what 
_ is known as the ‘ Deliberative’ use, with which the Jussive is coupled in 
Trin. 134, cf. Mere. 633 quid ego facerem? Cu. quid tu faceres, men’ rogas ? 
requaereres, rogitares quis esset, Ter. Hec. 341 non visam uxorem Pamphili ? mittas quidem visendi causa quemquam. Again does not the fact 
that, in conditional sentences (in the secondary as well as in the primary 


164 BOOK III CH. XXXI § 76. 

tenses), verbs such as possum, debeo, oportet are used in the Indicative 
in the apodosis, where the Subj. is used in the protasis, does not this indi- 
cate that these quasi-auxiliary verbs were felt to take the place of the 
Subjunctive mood; in other words that the force of the Subj. was felt 
to be expressed by these auxiliaries? see Boetticher’s Lex. Tac. p. 106 
(on the pregnant force of the Conjunctive) and Nagelsb. p. 267. Lastly, 
is it true that this Jussive force is confined to conditional or quasi-con- 
ditional sentences, as asserted by Mr Reid and Mr Nixon and apparently 
by Mady. Fin. 1 35 (where he speaks of it as a particular use of the 
conjunctive guod post condicionem, sive ea verbis expressa est sive intellegi- 
tur, ponitur ad significandum id quod fiert debuerit)! Tf we are right in 
connecting this use with the Deliberative and Optative uses, there seems 
no @ priori reason for limiting it to the conditional sentence, and certainly 
there is nothing to suggest it a posterior’. It would at any rate require 
a remarkable power of special pleading to explain as conditional sentences 
all the exx. cited above. Even, if we should allow that the Jussive origi- 
nated in an ejaculatory hypothesis, yet such an ejaculatory use is itself 
closely connected with the other recognized uses of the Subj., all springing 
from the root conception of the mood as expressive of thought in contrast to 
fact ; and in any case this particular use has outgrown its origin and estab- 
lished its right to be treated as an independent off-shoot of the root, just 
as much as the Imperative, Deliberative and Optative uses. I will only 
add that two other exx. of this use are generally cited from the V. D., swmp- 
sisses tuo jure 189, and quid enim dedissent 11 71. I have not treated 
them as such myself, because I thought them capable of another explana- 
tion, but I am far from denying that Cicero and his readers may very 
probably have understood them with what we know as a ‘jussive’ force. 
[I think those who object to the so-called jussive use of the subjunctive 
have failed to see that the ground of objection is applicable to a number of 
other uses which no one could think of disputing. Faciat, ne faciat, 
ne feceris in the usual imperative meaning : faciat, fecerit, fecisset in the 
concessive uses; moriar, morerer in optative uses; quid agam? quid 
agerem? in so-called dubitative uses; the whole class of subjunctives of 
purpose (as distinguished from subjunctives of result) including such uses 
as mitto ut (or qui) faciat, postulo faciat, censeo facius, &e., all exhibit 
a jussive meaning (see my Grammar ch. xx1), and I can see no reason in 
objecting to treat as such the verbs in A¢ tu dictis, Albane, maneres / or in 
Quid tibi cum pelago? terra contenta fuisses (Ov. Am. I 8. 49). But 
neither could I assert that here, as elsewhere, there are not more ways 
than one of taking particular expressions. The original subjective force of 
the subjunctive mood was gradually specialised in various directions, one 
phrase or class of phrases being developed by analogy to some other. 
Whether this jussive use was developed from the protasis of a conditional 
sentence by suppressing the apodosis, or from the apodosis by suppressing 
the protasis, is impossible to say. It may well have been a collateral to, 

BOOK III CH. XXXI § 76. 165 

not a descendant of, either. Grammatical as well as lexicographical deve- 
lopments are often curiously restricted to particular phrases or classes of 
expression. And what would be unintelligible or unbearable in ordinary 
writing or speaking may be boldly and judiciously ventured on when the 
emotions or imagination are excited; just as on the other hand the 
familiarities of conversation assisted by looks and gestures render possible 
many turns of language which would fail in different circumstances. A 
writer in quiet, unimpassioned prose would scarcely use maneres for 
manere debebas, if he wished to be quickly and certainly apprehended ; 
but that is no objection to such a use by Vergil, who was continually 
making experiments. R.| 

ubi igitur locus: the gitur refers to the general argument, not to the 
immediately preceding clause : ‘ you say, the fact that men misuse their 
reason, is not inconsistent with benevolent intention on the part of the 
Gods who bestowed reason on man, any more than an heir’s misuse of a 
legacy is inconsistent with benevolence on the part of the testator : where 
then is there room for mistake on the part of the Gods? the testator may 
be deceived in his expectations, but God cannot be deceived’. On patri- 
monia see above § 70. 7 

an ut Sol: abbreviated for an falli potuit, ut Sol fallebatur ? 

Phaethontem: see the story in Ovid Met. bk. 1, and compare Of. 111 
94 Sol Phaethonti filio..,facturum se esse diait quicquid optasset. Optavit 
ut im currum patris tolleretur: sublatus est ; atque is, antequam constitit, 
actu fulminis deflagravit. Quanto melius fuerat in hoc promissum patris non 
esse servatum. Quid? quod Theseus exegit promissum a Neptuno? Cut 
cum tres optationes Neptunus dedisset, optavit interitum Hippolyti filii, cum 
is patri suspectus esset de noverca ; quooptato impetrato Theseus in maximis 
Suit luctibus ; ib. 1 32, NV. D. m1 45, and the Hippolytus of Euripides. 

cum—perdidit, cum—habuisset: combination of Temporal and 
Causal uses, ‘at the time when Th. caused his son’s death, owing to the 
power received from Neptune’, 

§ 77. di poetici: see above on I 61, and compare Aug. C.D. Iv 27, 
v1 5 foll. 

scissent: Quintilian (1 6 § 17) speaks of the form scivisse as unusual ; 
and so Cic. Orat. 157 (in regard to nosse and novisse) quasi vero nesciamus 
in hoc genere et plenum verbum recte dici et imminutum usitate. 

si verum est: Ba. after Madv. reads esse¢ on account of the following 
praestaret, but the anacoluthon is easily explained by the length of the 
sentence and by the change of tense in the repeated form of the protasis 
(st essent discessuri). Moreover it is paralleled by the following sentence, 
st convertunt, non dari—melius fuit. 

Aristo: cf. 1 37. 

[audientibus: used substantively like discens, Plin. Zp. mr 18 § 8 n. 
The technical term in the schools for a disciple was auditor dkovatis, see 
Juv.rln; J. E. B. M.] 

166 BOOK Tt CH, SXxI 8 474 

asotos ex Aristippi: this saying is attributed to Zeno by Antigonus 
Carystius ap. Athen. x1 19 p. 365. [Asotus is also cited from F%in., asotia 
from Gell.; add for latter Macrob. Sat. vi 4 § 22. J. E. B. M.] 

si qui audierunt—interpretarentur : bracketed by Ba. after Madv. 
(1) on account of the tautology, (2) because of the distance separating 
prorsus from praestaret. But as regards (2) we have an example of prorsus 
heading the clause, at some distance from its verb, in Rose. Am. 59 prorsus 
ut vestro consessu et hoc conventu pro summa solitudine abuterctur ; and for 
the repetition of the protasis Sch. refers to Madv. himself on /%n. 1 7. 

philosophos: this emendation by Lambinus is evidently right. It 
is not the interest of philosophers, but the abstract better, which is in 
question. The Dat. of mss would be suggested by the other meaning of 
praestaret and the following vs. 

qui se audissent: for the use of the Reflexive in reference to a 
remoter subject, see Index. 

§ 78. si convertunt, melius fuit: ‘if as a fact they do now abuse 
it, it would have been originally better not to give it’. The mood and 
tense here are in favour of the reading si est verwm above. 

ut si medicus: see above § 69. 

meracius : used metaphorically by Cic. 2. P. 1 66 nimis meracam 
libertatem hauserit. [The comparative is also found in Aug. @ D. 1 30. 
J. E. B. M.] 

vestra: ‘of you Stoics’, cf. 150 Balbe soletis. 

utinam quidem: cf. Sulla 54 utinam quidem—satisfacere posset ; Nepos 
Hum. W185 utinam quidem istud evenisset; and for the elliptical use Att. 
x1 48 quod utinam, iterum utinam ! tuo tamen commodo; Orat. 11 361 
habetis sermonem hominis, utinam non impudentis. [Plin. Ep. v 8 § 7 potes 
..utinam. J. E. B. M.] 

quanti ejus nomen : ‘how highly you esteem her name’ (providentia, 
which excludes the possibility of ignorance). 

Db. Lf lack of wisdom is the greatest of evils and all men lack 

wisdom, how can it be said that man is specially favoured by Heaven? 
oO . 

Ch. xxx § 79. stultitia—malum: see 1 23 n. So even Epicurus 
nemo stultus non miser Fin. 1 59, and more strongly Tuse. 11 17. 

et fortunae et corporis: on this classification see in. m1 43 cum tria 
genera bonorum sint, quae sententia est Peripateticorum; Tusc. v 85 tria 
genera bonorum, maxima animi, secunda corporis, externa tertia, ut Peripa- 
tetict, nec multo veteres Academici secus; Tusc. Vv 22 miht quidem non vide- 
batur quisquam esse beatus posse, cum in malis esset; in malis autem 
sapientem esse posse, si essent ulla corporis aut fortunae mala ; ib. § 23 cum 
vero tria genera malorum esse dicant, qui duorum generum malis omnibus 
urgeatur, ut omnia adversa sint in fortuna, omnibus oppressum corpus et 

BOOK III CH, XXXII § 79. 167 

confectum doloribus, huic paulumne ad beatam vitam deesse dicemus? and 
§ 25. Aristotle gives the same classification and speaks of it as ancient 
and accepted by philosophers, Eth. 1 8 veveunuevav trav dyabdv tpixn Kal 
TOV pev ExTds Aeyouevwy Tav dé wept uxhy kal Toma, TA Tepi Wuxny Kupiorata 
Aéyouev kal padiora ayaa, cf. Reid Acad. 1 19. 

sapientiam nemo assequitur: Zwsc. 11 51 in quo vero erit perfecta 
sapientia, quem adhue nos quidem vidimus neminem, sed philosophorum 
sententiis, qualis hice futurus sit, si modo aliquando fuerit, exponitur ; Off. 
11t 16 nec vero cum duo Decti aut duo Scipiones, fortes viri, commemorantur, 
aut cum Fabricius justus nominatur, aut ab illis fortitudinis aut ab hoe 
justitiae, tamquam a sapiente, petitur ecemplum: nemo enim horum sic 
sapiens, ut sapientem volumus intellegi, nec ii qui sapientes habiti et nominati, 
M. Cato et C. Laelius, sapientes fuerunt; ne uli quidem septem, sed ex 
mediorum officiorum frequentia similitudinem quandam gerebant speciemque 
sapientium ; Div. 11 61 si quod raro fit id portentum putandum est, sapien- 
tem esse portentum est: saepius enim mulam peperisse arbitror quam sa- 
prentem fuisse, Hirzel Unters. z. Cic. 1 pt. 1 pp. 279 foll. The inconsistency 
between the Stoic view of human life and the belief in providence is 
noticed by Plutarch St. Rep. c. 31 (Chrysippus affirms) paiverOa mavtas... 
em dkpov jee Svaotvyias, kaxoSatmovias amaans, etra mpovoia Gedy StaxetoOat 
Ta kKa® nuas ovtws dOXiws mpatrovras. ‘What worse could happen to us if 
it were the aim of the Gods to do us all possible evil ?’ 

in summis malis: such was the original teaching of the Stoics, but 
the later development of Stoicism took a less pessimistic view of humanity, 
recognizing an intermediate state, mpoxorn ‘progress’, between folly and 
wisdom, and intermediate duties, péca xaOjkovra ‘media officia’. We read 
that Chrysippus distinguished three degrees of Progress (Zeller 11 1, 
p. 270 n.) and that Posidonius spoke of Socrates, Diogenes and Antisthenes 
as being only év mpoxory (Diog. L. vit 91). 

quibus consultum dicitis: for omission of esse cf. § 26 aedificatum n. 

Do. If God really cared for men, he ought to have made all men 
good, or at least to have rewarded the good and. punished the bad. 
§§ 79—85. 

Telamo: the reference is to the so-named tragedy of Ennius, cited in 
Div. 11 104 Ennius, qui magno plausu loquitur assentiente populo ‘ Ego deum 
genus esse semper dixi et dicam caelitum, sed eos non curare opinor, quid 
agat humanum genus’. Et quidem, cur sie opinetur, rationem subjicit ; sed 
nihil est necesse dicere quae sequuntur. The line alluded to is that here 
quoted, which is also referred to in Div. 1 132. Telamon is bewailing the 
death of Ajax, caused, as he believes, by the malice of his enemies and the 
treachery of Teucer. Cf. Attius 1. 142 Ribb. yam jam neque regunt di 
neque profecto deum summus rex onvnibus curat. 

cur neglegant: brachylogy for eur neglegere putandi sint, see n. on 
il 70 idcirco consuluit and Index. 

168 BOOK II CH. XXXII § 79. 

nam si—abest: trochaic tetrameter catalectic. For the thought 
compare the epigram marmoreo Licinus tumulo jacet, at Cato parvo, Pom- 
petus nullo, quis putet esse deos ? and the famous lines of Claudian (Ruf 1 
12) sed cum res hominum tanta caligine volvi aspicerem laetosque diu florere 
nocentes, vexarique pios, rursus labefacta cadebat religio foll., also Ps. 73, 
Job 21, Niigelsb. V. Theol. ch. 1 pp. 40—59, Aristo ap. Theophilus A wtéol. 
ur p. 121 C., Seneca Provid. 11 4 Fortuna rectissimum quemque aggreditur 
adversus quem vim suam tntendat ; ib. § 3 nihil mihi videtur infelicius eo 
cut nihil mali accidit ; Sext. Emp. P. H. m1 9—12. 

omnes bonos efficere: the difficulty here stated is thus met by Theodore 
of Mopsuestia (Labbe Concil. v p. 449) “ Because God knew it to be useful 
for us or rather for all rational creatures that first there should be an 
entrance of evils and of what is worse; but that afterwards these should 
be destroyed and better things be introduced ; therefore God divided the 
creation into two states, the present and the future, in the latter indeed 
intending to lead all to immortality and immutability, but in the present 
letting us fall into death and mutability... For otherwise, not knowing the 
experience of evils, we could not have gained the knowledge of those good 
things” cited by Owen Jntrod. to Dogm. Theol. p. 214. Similar answers 
were made by the Stoics, see my Ane. Phil. p. 163, Zeller 111 1 p. 175, Plut. 
Mor. p. 1067. 

De. (1). On the contrary we see virtue constantly followed by 
adversity. § 80. 

§ 80. Scipiones: the brothers P. and Cn. defeated and slain in Spain 
in the year B.c. 212. P. was consul in 218 and, after missing Hannibal in 
Gaul, had sent on his army to Spain under the command of his brother. 
Arnold says of this resolution that it ‘appears to shew that he possessed 
the highest qualities of a general, which involve the wisdom of a statesman 
no less than of a soldier...If the Carthaginians were suffered to consolidate 
their dominion in Spain, and were to avail themselves of its immense 
resources, not in money only, but in men, the hardiest and steadiest of 
barbarians and, under the training of such generals as Hannibal and his 
brother, equal to the best soldiers in the world, the Romans would hardly 
have been able to maintain the contest. Had not P. Scipio despatched his 
army to Spain at this critical moment, instead of carrying it home to Italy, 
his son in all probability would never have won the battle of Zama’. Cicero 
often mentions the two brothers as patterns of patriotic devotion, e.g. Cato 
75 duos Scipiones qui iter Poents vel corporibus suis obstruere voluerunt ; 
Of. 111 16 cited above on sapientiam nemo assequitur ; called duo fulmina 
nostri imperii (Balb. 34), duo propugnacula belli Punici (Parad. 1 12) ; ef. 
A ATETOG tak o\? Sa SD aes Oe 

Maximus: Q. Fabius surnamed Cunctator (above 11 61). The death 
of his son is mentioned Cato 12 multu in eo viro praeclara cognovi sed nihil 
admirabilius quam quo modo ille mortem filid tulit, clari vive et consularis. 

BOOK III CH. XXXII § 80. 169 

Est in manibus laudatio, quam cum legimus, quem philosophum non con- 
temnimus ? also Tusc. 111 70. 

Marcellum: he fell at Venusia B.c. 208, see on 11 61 Virtutis. 

Paulum : his death is mentioned along with that of Marcellus Cato 75, 
with that of the Scipios ib. 82, and 7wusc. 1 89, see Div. 11 71. 

Reguli: M. Atilius Reg. is the stock example of a good man struggling 
with adversity, 7’wusc. v 14 prudentia ipsa hoc videt non omnes bonos esse 
etiam beatos, multaque de M. Atilio...recordatur ; on the other hand /%n, 11 
65 ‘virtue declares that Regulus cum sua voluntate, nulla vi coactus praeter 
Jfidem quam dederat hosti, ex patria Karthaginem revertisset, tum ipsum, 
cum vigiliis et fame cruciaretur, was more blest than the happy man of the 

domestici parietes: B.c. 129 he was found dead in his bed aged 56, 
see above 11 14, Milo 16 quantum luctum in hac urbe fuisse a patribus nostris 
accepimus, cum P. Africano domi suae quiescenti illa nocturna vis esset 
ulata ! where the Scholiast says hic cum Latinorum causam societatis jure 
contra C. Gracchum triumvirum ejusque collegas perseveranter defensurus 
esset, ne ager ipsorum divideretur, repentina morte domi suae interceptus est, 
non sine infamia et ipsius C. Gracchi et uxoris suae Semproniae; R. P. v1 
12 st impias propinquorum manus effugeris. Carbo is named as the 
murderer in Q. fr. 1 3 § 3 Pompeius dixit aperte se munitiorem ad custodien- 
dam vitam suam fore, quam Africanus fuisset, quem C. Carbo interemisset, 
Fam, 1X 21 § 3, Or. 11170; but nothing was ever proved. 

Rutilius Rufus, a friend of Panaetius and Posidonius, served under 
Scipio in the Numantine war and was legatus in Asia under Mucius 
Scaevola the pontifex, about B.c. 98. By his honesty in repressing ex- 
tortion he incurred the illwill of the publicani, and was condemned on 
his return to Rome on a false charge de repetundis. He is always spoken 
of as a noble representative of the Roman Stoics, cf. Scaur. 12 P. Rutilio 
damnato nemo tam innocens videbatur ut non timeret judicia, quae tune 
penes equestrem ordinem erant; Or. 1 229 cum esset ille vir exemplum inno- 
centiae, cumque ulo nemo neque integrior esset in civitate neque sanctior, non 
modo supplea judicibus esse noluit, sed ne ornatius quidem aut liberius 
causam dict suam, quam simplex ratio veritatis ferebat (‘like Socrates’, as 
he goes on to say § 231); Cotta, who was his sister’s son (A?ét. x1I 20, Sen. 
Cons. ad Helv. 16), spoke in his defence; see also Piso 95 major mihi judt- 
cum et ret publicae poena lla visa est quam Rutilii, Seneca Provid. 3, Consol. 
ad Marc. 22, Minuc. F. 5. Seneca joins him with Socrates and Cato as 
one of those who levi temporis impensa invenerunt quo modo aeterni fierent 
et ad immortalitatem moriendo venerunt. Cicero tells us that his dialogue 
de R. P. is a report of what he had himself heard from Rut. when he was 
in exile at Smyrna, cf. Roby Jntrod. to Digest p. ci. 

sodalis meus: Cotta is said to be Drusi maxime familiaris Or. 1 25. 
They were both pontifices, though not at the same time, Drusus having 
been murdered in 91 B.c., and Cotta being made pontifer in 82. 

170 BOOK UI CH. XXXII § 80. 

Drusus: cf. J/ilo 16 domi suae nobilissinus vir, senatus propugnator 
atque tlis quidem temporibus paene patronus, trib. pl. M. Drusus occisus est ; 
Tlerenn. 1V 22 § 31 tuus, O Druse, sanguis domesticos parietes et vultum 
parentis adspersit ; Vol. 1 p. xl, Wilkins Orat. 1 Introd. p. 5. No attempt 
was made to discover who had committed the murder: Cicero (below § 81) 
charges Varius with it. The reforms proposed by Drusus were (1) the 
transference of judicial functions from the equites to the Senate enlarged by 
the addition of 300 equites ; (2) a special commission for the purpose of trying 
any juryman who should be guilty of receiving bribes ; (3) distribution of 
grain to the citizens on a larger scale; (4) colonization of the state domain ; 
(5) extension of the franchise to the Italians. See below on Varius. 

simulacrum Vestae: compare, what is to my mind the most beautiful 
and touching passage in all the works of Cicero, if not in the whole of 
Latin literature, when we remember the fate of the writer himself, Orat. 
1 1—14, Cicero is there speaking of Crassus as saved by his early 
death from beholding the evils impending on his friends and on his 
country : among other things ‘he did not see the image of Vesta sprinkled 
with the blood of his colleague, the pontifex Mucius Scaevola’. This 
Scaevola is son of P. Mucius Sc. mentioned above 1 115, 11 5. He is 
always spoken of with the utmost reverence and affection by Cic., who 
studied law under him, after the death of his earher tutor, Q. Mucius Sc. 
the Augur. Thus in Lael. 1 he calls him wnwm nostrue civitatis et ingenio 
et justitia praestantissimum. The thought of Scaevola’s end was often 
before the mind of Cic. in the later Civil war, see A7¢t. Ix 12 torqueor 
infelia, ut jam ulum Mucianum exoptem; ib. 15 nihil expedio, nisi aut 
ab hoc (by a new Marius) tamguam Q. Mucius, aut ab illo (by a 
new Sulla) tamguam L. Scipio. ‘ At the funeral of C. Marius, B.c. 86, 
C. Flavius Fimbria, one of his violent adherents, endeavoured to have 
Scaevola assassinated. He was wounded, but not fatally ; whereupon 
Fimbria gave him notice of trial, and the charge being asked declared that 
it was for having only half received the thrust of the dagger (lose, Am. 33). 
Four years later the Marians effected their object. In B.c. 82 Damasippus, 
on instructions from the younger Marius, then shut up in Praeneste by 
Sulla, attacked and killed Scaevola before the statue of Vesta” (which 
stood in the vestibule of the famous circular temple of Vesta, see Burn 
tome yp. 102 foll.), “‘or as some say in or near the Curia LHostilia” (Roby 
Digest p. ev foll.). 

a Cinna: the orator Antonius and Catulus were among the victims in 
the massacre which followed the return of the elder Marius to Rome, 
B.C. 87, after Sulla’s departure for Greece, see Z'usc. v 55 Cinna collegae sui, 
consulis Cn. Octavii, praecidi caput jussit, P. Crassi, L. Caesaris, nobilissi- 
morum hominum, quorum virtus fuerat domi militiaeque cognita, M. Antonii, 
omnium eloquentissimt, quos ego audicrim, C. Caesaris, in quo mihi videtur 
specimen furisse humanitatis, salis, suaritatis, leporis foll., Cat. ut 24, Vell. 
Pant 22, Ano. C. Doi 2y, 

BOOK II CH. XXXII § 80. el 

Marius: Cic. was proud of him as an Arpinate and novus homo, and 
often praises him in the highest terms, see Rabir. 27, Balb. 46, Verr. v 25, 
Sest. 37, Parad. 16: he even wrote a poem on his achievements Leg. I 2 ; 
in Jusc. v 56 however he speaks of his cruelty to Catulus as blotting out 
all his former glories. See on the latter 1 79 n. 

De. (2). Vice ts in like manner rewarded by prosperity, as in the 
case of tyrants, like Dionysius. If some come to a bad end at last, 
this is no equivalent for all the suffering they have caused. $§ 81—84. 

§ 81. dies deficiat: so Zusc. v 102 dies deficiat, si velim paupertatis 
causam defendere, Cael. 29 dies jam me deficiat si coner expromere, Verr. I 
52 nam me dies vox latera deficiant, si hoc nune vociferart velim, Rose. Am, 
89 tempus te citius quam oratio deficeret. 

crudelissimus Cinna regnavit: he was consul for four years together 
from B.c. 87 to 84; cf. Philipp. x1 1 Cinna, Sulla, Caesar, hi tres post 
civitatem a L. Bruto liberatam plus potuerunt quam universa res publica ; 
and, for the phrase, Lael. 41 (of Tib. Gracchus) regnum occupare conatus 
est, vel potius regnavit is quidem paucos menses ; so Clodius of Cic. himself 
(Att. xvi 10) quousque hune regem feremus? cf. Sall. fr. ine. 52 Kritz, 
tyrannumque et Cinnam maxima voce appellans. In Phil. xt 1 Cicero, 
comparing Marius, Sulla and Cinna, makes cruelty the distinguishing 
characteristic of the last. 

dedit poenas: he was killed in a mutiny at Brundisium, whilst 
endeavouring to induce his soldiers to cross over to Greece against Sulla 
(Appian B.C. 178, Liv. Epit. 83). 

Ch. xxx. Varius: son of a Spanish woman, and hence called 
Hybrida, offered himself as a tool to the equites in their struggle against 
Drusus, and proposed a law de majestate in his tribuneship (B.c. 91) to punish 
all who had in any way encouraged the Soci to take up arms against 
Rome; see above Vol. rp. xl, 1§ 61. Cotta was among those who had to go 
into exile in consequence. Within two years from his tribuneship Varius 
was condemned on his own law and sent into exile (Brut. 306). We are 
not informed as to the particulars of his death, nor are we elsewhere told 
of his poisoning Metelius, i.e. probably Numidicus, the conqueror of 
Jugurtha, who was recalled from exile in B.c. 99. 

importunissimus: the word is properly used, like importuosus, of a 
coast which offers no harbour, as in Ov, Met. x1v 481 quos communis hiemps 
importunusque Caphareus mersit aquis, cf. Plaut. Trin. 11 3. 7 suae senectuti 
acriorem hiemem parat, quom ilam importunam tempestatem conciet : from 
this first sense flow three secondary senses (1) ‘unfavorable’, ‘ unseason- 
able’, ‘unsuitable’, opposed to opportunus; (2) ‘storm-tost’, ‘restless’, 
‘troublesome’ (hence our ‘importunate’) as in Hor. Lpist. 118. 23 argent? 
sitis importuna ; Plaut. Asin. 1 1. 47 (uxorem) importunam. atque incom- 
modam ; and (3) as here, ‘threatening’, ‘dangerous’, ‘ pitiless’, ‘savage’, 


melius fuit: cf. be/lwm erat 1 84 and Index under ‘ Indicative’. 

Dionysius: the Elder, tyrant of Syracuse between B.c. 405 and 368, see 
Grote’s Greece Ch. Ixxxi to Ixxxiii. 

§ 82. in ipso flore: here apparently used of place, answering to opulen- 
tissimae civitatis before, rather than of time: the ‘prime of Greece’ would 
have been a century later. So Ligar. 32 possum totum...agrum Sabinun, 
florem Italiae, proponere and Phil. 11 13 nee vero de virtute...provinciae 
Gallicae tacert potest ; est enim lle flos Italiae. Pisistratus ruled Athens 
from B.c. 560 to 527. 

Phalaris: tyrant of Agrigentum from about B.c. 560 to 540. The 
story of the hollow bull of brass in which he burnt his victims is 
noticed by Pindar Pyth. I fin. The bull was afterwards taken to Carthage 
and then restored to Agrigentum by Scipio (Verr. Iv 73). According to 
Aristotle (het. 11 20) Stesichorus endeavoured to warn the people of 
Himera against allowing Phalaris a body guard, by relating the fable of 
the horse and the stag. Heraclides Ponticus, the pupil of Aristotle, 
after mentioning the brazen bull and other instruments of torture used 
by Phalaris, adds dvmep 6 Sjpos erypwpynoato évérpynoe O€ Kal thy pynTépa Kal 
tos didrous (frag. Hist. 1 p. 233), cf. Ovid 1b. 4389 utque ferox Phalaris, 
lingua prius ense resecta, more bovis Paphio clausus in aere gemas. 
Cicero calls him ecrudelissimus omnium tyrannus (Verr. l.c.); ch Off 
26 Phalaris cujus est praeter ceteros:nobilitata crudelitas, and Att. VII 
20 incertum est Phalarimne an Pisistratum sit unitaturus Caesar (ie. 
whether he will be mild or cruel). 

Apollodorus: tyrant of Cassandria, the ancient Potidaea, about B.c. 
280. “After gaining over his fellow-citizens by his profession of an ardent 
zeal for liberty, he seized the government with the help of a band of con- 
spirators, whom he is said to have pledged in a draught of human blood. 
It appears that his tyranny was at first exercised only at the expense of 
the rich and for the benefit of the poor. But it was maintained by a body- 
guard of Celts, who were the ready instruments of every cruelty ; and the 
possession of absolute power seems to have tempted him to the worst abuse 
of it” (Thirlwall). He was finally overthrown by Antigonus Gonatas. 
Plutarch mentions Ap. as an example of punishment inflicted by mental 
terrors and horrible dreams gaoly ’Aq. kata tods trvous dpav éxdepopevov 
€autov Ud SkvOay, eira ckabewopevov, thy S€ Kapdiav ex Tob NEBNTOs VT0pbey- 
youény Kal héyovaay, "Eyo oot Tovtwy aitia’ Kal radw tas Ovyatepas Suarvpovs 
kal preyouevas Tots odpace KUKA@ Trepl avtov TepiTpexovoas. Polyaenus IV 
6 § 18 calls him govkeéraros cat eGpdtatos tupayywv, and his name is 
coupled with Phalaris by Polybius vir 7, Ov. Pont. 11 9. 48, Sen. Benef. vit 
19 § 5 quid, si non tantum malus factus est, sed ferus, sed immanis, qualis 
Apollodorus aut Phalaris? [cf. ibid. § 7, Jra115§ 1. J. E. B. M.] 

sustulit: from sufero, cf. Madv. Opuse. 1 16, Attius Myrm. 17 poenas 
sufferam, Cic. Catil. 1 28 poenam sui sceleris sufferat, Font. 39 victoriae 
poenas sufferre. YT do not know however of any exuuple of the Perf. in this 

BOOK III CH. XXXII § 82. 173 

sense. [Auson. Sept. Sap. Sent. (sept. vers.) Thales 3, quod facturus eris, 
dicere sustuleris. J.E. B.M.] Cobet (Var. Lect. p. 463) says quis sie 
loquitur ? videtur fuisse ‘poenas luit’; and no doubt it is possible that 
sustulit might have arisen from this through a dittographia of the last 
syllable of poenas. L. and 8. give the passage both under suffero and 
tollo, comparing for the latter 2 Verr. 11 1 providere quid oneris tollant ; 
but ¢ollant there means ‘take up’ not ‘endure’, 

multis quidem—necatis: cf. n. on et guidem 1 79, and Madv. Fin. 1 
35, where exx. are given of guzdem by itself having the same force: so xal-ye 
and ye with Part. to which this is an exact parallel. 

et praedones: Ba.’s correction e¢iam is unnecessary. St here has the 
ironical force of et guidem, as in I 79, ef. 111 27 et ego quaero. 

multi saepe: a colloquial pleonasm, for ‘we often see pirates punished’ 
or ‘we see many pirates punished’. It does not mean that ‘many repeat- 
edly suffer’. Compare Plaut. Capt. 44 saepe jam in multis locis (where see 
Brix), ib. 325 multa multis saepe suasit, ib. 994 vidi multa saepe picta, 
Mil. Glor. 11 3. 12 multos saepe vidi, Cic. Off. 1 74 multe bella saepe quae- 
siverunt (where see Gernhard and Allen), ib. 111 40 tincidunt multae saepe 
causae, R. P. 111 42 multas tu quidem Laeli saepe causas ita defendisti, Red. 

in Sen. 15 non eloquentia, quod in multis saepe accidit, vos decepit, Har. 
— Resp. 56 multis saepe optimis civibus accidit, Verr. 11 188 multos saepe viros 
bonos, ib. IV 107 multa saepe prodigia vim ejus declarant, Cluent. 195 multi 
saepe in judicando peccata concesserunt, ib. 183 saepe multorum veritas 
emergit, also Piso 75, Flacc. 86, Plane. 50, Verr. v 147, Sest. 109, Cluent. 
171, Catil. 111 23, Hor. Sat. 1 6. 10, Hpzst. 11.1. 219. 

Anaxarchus: a philosopher of Abdera, who accompanied Alexander 
into Asia, and after his death fell into the hands of Nicocreon king of 
Salamis in Cyprus, whose hatred he had incurred by his free-speaking. 
Laertius tells us (1x 59) that he was pounded to death in a mortar, and 
that in his tortures he uttered the words often quoted by the Christian 
Fathers mricoe rov ’Ava€apyov OvAakov, ’Avagapxov de ov mrisoets (see 
Menage in loc.). He adds that when the tyrant, in order to silence him, 
ordered his tongue to be cut off, he bit it off and spat it in his face ; see 
Cic. Tusc. 11 52 Zeno proponatur Eleates, qui perpessus est omnia potius 
guam conscios delendae tyrannidis indicaret: de Anaxarcho Democriteo 
cogitetur, qui cum Cypri in manus Timocreontis (sic) regis incidisset nullum 
genus supplici deprecatus est neque recusavit ; Val. Max. 111 3 § 4 extr. 

excarnificatum: ‘butchered’, only found here in Cic. [in Seneca 
three times, twice in metaphorical sense, Clem. 1 16 § 3, Jra ur 4 § 3. 
Add to lexx. Lact. If, P. 1, Oros. vir 8, Cyprian (ed. Hartel) p. 552. 9, 
559.5 and 18. J. E. B. M.] Livy uses the simple verb. 

Zeno: the disciple of Parmenides, b. B.c. 490, see vol. I p. xiv. The 
circumstances of his death are variously reported. It is agreed that he 
underwent torture, but the torturer is sometimes called Nearchus, sometimes 
Diomedes or Demylus or even, by a palpable blunder, Phalaris or Dionysius ; 

174 BOOK III CH. XXXIII § 82. 

again the place is sometimes Elea, sometimes Agrigentum ; some say that 
he bit off his tongue to avoid confession, others that he named confidential 
friends of the tyrant as conspirators, others that he bit off the tyrant’s 
ear under pretence of whispering a secret to him: some (e.g. Hermippus 
B.C. 250) repeat of him the story told of Anaxarchus, see Diog. L. 1x 26 nn., 
Zeller 1 p. 536. Three of the instances here cited by Cic. (Dionysius, 
Anaxarchus and Zeno) are also referred to by Philo Prov. 1 6—11, 26. 

Platonem legens: the Phacdo is also alluded to in Twuse, 1 24, 84, 102, 
cf. the well-known story of Cato. 

discrimen: sc. ¢nter bonos et tmprobos. 

Ch. xxxiv § 83. Harpalum: edd. generally assume that the reference 
is to a pirate, elsewhere named Scirpalus (Diog. L. v1 74), who captured 
Diogenes and sold him for a slave; but why may we not understand it of 
the well-known Harpalus, Alexander’s dishonest treasurer, who, fearing to 
be punished for his reckless and profligate expenditure at Babylon, fled for 
refuge to Athens in the year B.c. 324, bringing with him enormous sums of 
money, with which to bribe the leading men and so obtain the protection 
of the city? Diogenes did not die till 323, so that he may well have 
expressed his disgust at seeing the wealth and luxury of the unprincipled 
adventurer ; see Grote’s Greece vol. x1t ch. 95. Harpalus left Athens on 
the demand of Antipater and was not long afterwards treacherously slain 
in Crete by one of his companions. The following phrase tn ila fortuna 
seems more suited to one who had risen ,to high position, like Harpalus, 
than to a pirate, whose name is unknown except from the fact that he 
happened to capture Diogenes. [But tam diu viveret does not seem very 
appropriate. R.] See Introduction on Mss. 

qui temporibus illis praedo felix habebatur: ‘a freebooter of the 
day who passed for fortunate’; cf. 1 63 sophistes temporibus «lis vel 
maximus, The same term is frequently used of Verres and other 
extortionate governors by Cic. e.g. 2 Verr. 1152 quod ornamentum pueritiae 
pater dederat,...hoc ab isto praedone ereptum; ib. UW 184 cujusmodi praedo 
este in lla provincia fuerit; Prov. Cons. 11 quos non virtus...non splendor 
tuert potuit contra ulius helluonis et praedonis audaciam (of Gabinius). 
The reading is very doubtful, and there is certainly something peculiar in 
the expression. Perhaps Cicero’s authority may have spoken of Harp. 
much as Plato does of Archelaus (Gorg. 472) od nyet ociov re eivat pakapioy 
dySpa adikovvta te kal adcxov Orta, etmep "Apxédaoy Adixov pev nye etvat, 
evoaivova 6é, whereas it is only the just and temperate man who is really 
happy, not one who allows émiOupias dxudaorous elvat Kal Tavtas émixetpotvTa 
mAnpovy, avnvuTov Kakor, AnaTod Biov Cavta (ib. 507 D). 

contra deos testimonium dicere: cf. below § 88, Sext. Emp. 1x 53 
of Diagoras, adicneis vro Twos emiopkicavros Kat pndév evexa ToUTOY TaOdrTos 
peOnppoaato eis To eye py eitvae Oedv. Menage on Diog. L. |. c. quotes 
Martial Iv 21 nullos esse deos, inane caclum afirmat Selius probatque, quod 
se faectum, dum negat hoe, videt beatum, Seneca Cons. ad Mare. 12 § 6 

BOOK III CH. XXXIV § 83. 175 

deorum crimen erat Sulla tam felix, and a line from Greek comedy cod 
& dveSos rods Kakods eddapovetv. [Sen. Med. 1027 per alta vade spatia 
sublimi aetheris, testare nullos esse, qua veheris, deos; Ovid Amor, 111 3 1 
esse deos credamne? fidem jurata fefellit: et facies illi, quae fuit ante, 
manet. J. E. B. M.] 

fanum Proserpinae: this, the most famous temple of the Epizephy- 
rian Locri, was plundered by Pyrrhus, who was visited with a storm in 
consequence and compelled to restore the stolen treasure; cf. Liv. xx1x 
18, where the Locrian speaker, complaining of the plunder of the temple 
in the Hannibalian war by Pleminius, the legate, refers to the sacrilege 
of Pyrrhus, and says that he was the first who had ever ventured to lay 
hands on the treasures (intactos ad eam diem). The senate condemned 
Pleminius and ordered restitution to be made. Diodorus (xxvit 4) tells 
the same story, adding éempavéoratov téyv kata THY “Itadiav tepav Tour eivat 
héeyerat kal Sid mavros ayvoy vo TaY eyxwpiov Tetnphja Oa, cf. Val. Max. 1 20 
ext. 1. It would seem therefore that neither Livy nor Diodorus accepted 
the story here told by Cic., which in fact is hardly credible on other 
grounds, as Locri was the native place of Doris, the wife of Dionysius, and 
was also of great use to him in his wars against Rhegium and other states 
of Magna Graecia, services which he repaid by repeatedly enlarging its 
territory at the expense of his enemies. As we are told of the detestation 
in which the younger Dionysius was held at Locri, during his residence 
there after his first expulsion from Syracuse in 356 B.c., it might be 
supposed that he is the person here referred to, but the other anecdotes 
seem to be all spoken of the elder Dionysius. Is it possible that Cic., or 
his authority, has written Locri for Crotona and Proserpina for Juno? because 
we read that the elder Dionysius plundered the temple of Here Lacynia at 
Crotona, and sold to the Carthaginians for 120 talents the costly robe of 
the goddess, which had been presented as a votive offering by the Sybarite 
Alcimenes, see the references in Grote vol. x1 p. 31. He also pillaged the 
temple of Leucothea at Agylla, from which he is said to have taken 
1000 talents, cf. Pseudo-Arist. Oecon. 11 21 (where many similar anecdotes 
are related of him) and Diod. xv 14. For the following anecdotes ef. 
Lactant. 11 4, Arnob, vi 21, Clem. Protr. p. 46 P., Ael. V. H. 1 20, Val. 
Max. I ext. 3. [Philo Prov. 116. On sacrilege see Juv. index. J. EK. B. M.] 

isque: see Index under ‘ pleonastic demonstrative ’. 

bene planeque: Orelli proposed to omit gue, as in Tusc. 11 44 bene 
plane magnus videtur. 

ad Peloponnesum classem appulisset: we are nowhere told that 
Dionysius visited Greece in person, and Victorius (Var. Lect. xx1 10) 
followed by Grote (vol. x1 p. 35) is probably right in supposing that Cic. 
here confounds the temple of Zeus at Olympia with a temple of the 
Olympian Zeus at Syracuse. Two such are mentioned, the ’OAvpmeiov by 
the river Anapus, spoken of by Thuc. vi 64 and Liv. xxiv 33, and that 
situated in Achradina, which Cic. calls templum egregium Jovis Olympii 

176 BOOK III CH. XXXIV § 83. 

(Verr, tv 119), cf. Liv. xxiv 21 inermes ex Olympit Jovis templo spolia 
Gallorum Illyriorumque dono data Hieront a populo Romano detrahunt. 
Aelian (1 20) distinctly says that D. plundered all the temples in Syracuse, 
and that he stripped the statue of Jupiter of gold to the amount of 85 
talents, himself being the first to lay hands upon it, when the workmen 
shrunk back; see also Clem. Al. Protr. p. 15 who tells the tale of the 
younger D. in reference to a Sicilian temple. In lke manner he cut off 
the golden curls from the image of Apollo, cf. Plut. Jsis p. 379. 

aureum detraxit amiculum: so Lachares B.c. 295 stripped the 
image of Athene in the Parthenon (Paus. 1 25); Verres the image of Diana 
at Perga (2 Verr. 1 54) and the golden ornaments from the Gorgon’s head 
in the temple of Minerva at Syracuse (ib. Iv 60 foll., cf. 1v 124) ; in the 
sack of Carthage an image of Apollo met with the same treatment (Val. 
Max.11 $18). Even Pericles reckoned the gold attire of the goddess among 
the resources of Athens, which might be used in case of emergency, though, 
if so used, it must be afterwards restored (Thuc. 1113). In lke manner 
the kings of Judah used the gold of the Temple to buy off their enemies. 
Cf. Liv. v 50 § 6 jam ante in co religio civitatis apparuerat, quod, cum in 
publico deesset aurum, ex quo summa pactae mercedis Gallis confieret, a 
matronis collatum acceperant ut sacro auro abstineretur; Val. Max. vit 6 
§ 4 (in the consulship of Marius and Carbo) senatus consulio aurea atque 
argentea templorum ornamenta, ne militibus stipendia deessent, conflata 
sunt ; Tac. Ann. xv 45 § 2. For the lanewm pallium cf. what we are told 
of Caligula, who consecrated his own image (simulacrum aureum iconicum), 
and had it dressed every day in robes such as he wore himself (Suet. Cad. 
22). Such robes were often presented to deities, e.g. the peplum of 

Gelo: tyrant of Syracuse at the time of the Persian war. He was 
renowned for his pious munificence both at home and at Delphi (Athen. 
VI p. 231) and Olympia (Pausan. vi 19 § 4). The spoils here mentioned 
were gained in the great victory at Himera B.c. 480. Hiero is named 
instead of his predecessor Gelo in the best ms of Val. Max. (1 1 ext. 3). 
He also was famed for his liberality to the temples at Delphi and Olympia. 
One of his offermgs at Olympia, a golden helmet, is now in the British 

in eo cavillatus est: ‘made it the subject of a jesting remark’. 
For the use of zz cf. below § 87 cn virtute gloriamur, 1 71 in ceris diceretur, 
75 in Venere Coa, and Roby § 1978. For the object clause after cav. cf. Plin. 
WV. IT. x1 112 pisces non in totum sine ullo sono sunt: stridorem eum dentibus 
fiert cavillantur, For similar jesting compare the language put into the 
mouth of Brennus by Justin xxiv 6 animum ad deorum immortalium 
templa convertit, scurriliter jocutus ‘locupletes deos largiri homdtnibus 

cum—diceret: ‘saying’. On the postponement of the cwm-clause, see 
1 58, and Roby § 1722. 

BOOK III CH. XXXIV § 83. 177 

esse ad omne anni tempus: the edd. add aptum, which is omitted in 
the best Mss. Forchhammer p. 28 cites Caes. B. C. 111 101 res quae sunt 
ad incendia (where also the inferior Mss add aptae), Cato R. R. 125 vinum 
murteum est ad lateris dolorem ; cf. Cic. Att. 11 7 § 2 reliqua tempora sunt 
non tam ad medicinam quam ad finem doloris. | Plane. 59 ad praecepta 
aetas non est, where some add gravis. J. E. B. M.] 

Epidauri: Forchhammer follows Lamb. in reading Epidawrii, as we 
have no reason to suppose that D. was ever at Epidaurus or would have 
dared to offer such an insult to the religious and patriotic feeling of 
the Greeks. However we have seen that C. was capable of a similar 
blunder in reference to the still more sacred temple at Olympia, so he 
may easily have mistaken the Epidaurian god for the god at Epidaurus; 
and the reading of the Mss is supported by Val. Max. 1 extr. 3 idem 
Epidauri Aesculapio barbam demi jussit. The epithet might refer to 
the particular attributes of the Epidaurian image, bearded and enfolded 
with the snake, as distinguished from the Gortynian or Aulonian or 
the beardless Asclepius (Paus. 1 11 p. 187, ib. IV 36 p. 373). His 
worship was introduced into Rome from Epidaurus by order of the 
Sibylline books B.c. 293. For an account of the arrival of the sacred 
snake see Val. Max. 1 8 § 2. Athenaeus (xv p. 695) tells the story in 
reference to a Sicilian Asclepius, cf. Cic. Verr. Iv 128 signum Pacanis ea: 
aede Aesculapiit...sustulisti, and Iv 93 (of Agrigentum) signum Apollinis 
pulcherrimum...ex Aesculapii religrosissimo fano sustuliste. 

barbam auream: cf. Pers. 11 56 sttque ilis (i.e. the gods who send 
prophetic dreams) aurea barba, Petron. 58, Suet. Calig. 52. We are told 
of the indignation excited amongst the Christians at Carthage about 
400 A.D. by the gilding of the beard of Hercules, Neander 111 105 (in Clark’s 
series); he refers to Aug. Serm, 24. 

imberbis: see above i 83. Miiller Anc. Art. tr. 394 § 2 gives exx. of 
an tmberbis Aesculapius. 

§ 84. mensas argenteas—dicebat: a comparison of Athen. xv 
p. 693 and of the pseudo-Aristotelian Oecon. 11 42 seems to show that Cic. 
has misunderstood his authority. In the former we read dri d€ dobeions 
™s Tov "Ayabod Aaipovos kpacews bos jv Bactatew tas tpaméfas, eke Sia 
TS avToU aoeBeias 6 Sixedidryns Avovvovos. TO yap ’"AckAnmtie ev rais Supa- 
Kovoas avakeeyns tTpamé(ns ypvons mpomiayv avr@ akpatov adyabov Saipovos 
exeAeve BaoraxOjvai thy TpameCay : in the latter Arovdctos ra iepad mepumopevd- 
pevos, ei prev TparreCav idor mapaxetpevny xpuvony f apyupay, dyabod Saipovos 
keevoas eyxéar éxédevoev adaipeitv. (What follows illustrates other anec- 
dotes in our text, dca 5¢ rdv dyadpdrwv diddnv elye mporerakéra, etras av Ste 
* déxouar’ eEaupeiv exédevev’ ta O iwaria Ta TE xXpvoa kal Tovs oTEepdvous 
TEpinper TOV ayadpdrov, Packav avros Kat KovPdrepa kai evodéorepa Sodvat, 
eira iparia pev Aevka, oredavovs S€ Aevkivovs (of poplar) weprerider.) There 
was no class of boni det or dyaOoi Saipoves, and we nowhere read of tables 
inscribed with their name. The real account of the matter is this : 

M. Cc. Iit, 12 

178 BOOK III CH. XXxIVv § 84. 

Dionysius makes a scoffing allusion to the Greek custom of taking a sip of 
unmixed wine and pouring a libation in honour of the giver of the grape 
(dyaOos Saipewv) at the end of the first course, before the tables were removed 
to make room for the symposium ; cf. Aristoph. 4g. 85 dxparov otvoy dyabod 
Saivovos, Vesp. 525, Nicostratus (son of Aristophanes) in his comedy 
Pandrosus cited by Athen. xv 693 aN eyyéaca Oarroy adyabov Saipovos 
dmeveykatw po Thy tpamefav éx TrOd@V, ikavas KeXOpTagpat yap: ayabod 
daipovos Séyopat: AaBova améveyxe tavtnv ex moday, ib. If p. 38, Diod. Iv 3. 
Instead of the formula ayadod duipovos it was also customary to say 
vyteias (Becker Char. tr. p. 329). As the worship of ‘Yyleca was combined 
with that of her father Asclepius, we may suppose that Dionysius on 
entering their common temple would pour a libation to her, as a signal to 
his servants to remove her table, which would probably be a votive offering 
and might even have her name inscribed upon it. 

mensas argenteas: cf. Macrob. Sat. 11 11 tz Papiriano jure relatum 
est arae vicem praestare mensam dicatam, Sut in templo’ inquit ‘Junonis 
Populoniae augusta mensa est. Namque in fanis alia vasorum sunt et 
sacrae supellectilis, alia ornamentorum. Quae vasorum sunt, instrumenti 
instar habent, quibus semper sacrificia conficiuntur, quarum rerum principem 
locum obtinet mensa, in qua epulae libationesque et stipes reponuntur’; Festus 
S. v. mensae p. 157 M., ib. curiales mensae p. 64, Virg. den. 11 764. For 
arg. cf. Petron. 73 mensas totas argenteas cited by Mayor on Juy. x1 128. 
Verres took marble tables from the temples (Cic. Verr. Iv 110). 

Victoriolas: these were most commonly found with statues (hence 
called vixnpopor) of Zeus and Athene, see Miller Anc. Art pp. 422, 465, 
and the account of Phidias’ statue of Athene in Epict. 11 8. Verres proved 
himself a worthy successor of Dionysius in this as in other modes of 
extortion, cf. Ver. Iv 110 cnsistebat in manu Cereris dextra grande simula- 
crum pulcherrime factum Victoriae ; hoc iste avellendum curavit, ib. 112. 

porrectis manibus: cf. Arist. Eccl. 778 NapBavew nuas povov det vn AL. 
kal yap of Oeoi: yvaocer S amd tev xelpav ye TOY dyahparay, Gray yap evxo- 
pecba Sidovar tayada, €aTnkev exTeivovTa THY XEIp UmTlay, OvY ws TL O@oOrT 
GAN ors Te AnWera, Justin XXx1x 2 of a king of Syria at Antioch, cwm 
stipendia militibus deessent, templo Jovis solidum ex auro Victoriae signum 
tolli jubet, facetis jocis sacrilegium circumscribens, nam Victoriam commo- 
datam sibi ab Jove esse dicebat. 

esse enim stultitiam—nolle sumere: Draeger § 431 compares Plaut. 
Stich. 139 stultitiast venatum ducere invitas canes, and Cic. Brut. 1 17 § 4 
O magnam stultitiam timoris, id ipsum quod verearis ita timere ut &e. 

a sacris: if this is correct it must mean ‘ obtained from sanctuaries’, 
but it is more natural to read sacri with Ba. 

impietatem in deos: for exx. of the preposition joining substantives 
see Index. 
_ Ch. xxxv. nec Olympius—percussit: a different view is given 
Tuse, V 57 foll., where it is said that no right-jndging man can doubt that 

BOOK III CH, XXXV § 84. 179 

Dionysius was most miserable : propter injustam dominatus cupiditatem in 
carcerem quodam modo ipse se incluserat: he could not trust even his wives 
or daughters or most intimate friends: then, after telling the story of 
Damocles, Cic. concludes hujus vita taetrius, miserius, detestabilius eacogi- 
tare nihil possum; see further on § 85. Valerius (1 1 extr. 3) finds his 
punishment in the misfortunes of his son, lento enim gradu ad vindictam 
sui divina procedit ira ; Justin (xx 5) says assiduis belli certaminibus victus 
fractusque insidiis postremum suorum interficitur, herein differing from the 
account below, where see n. But Grote no doubt expresses the ordinary 
feeling of the contemporaries of Dionysius, when he says, in reference to 
the denunciations of impending wrath uttered by Phyton, the brave com- 
mander of the Rhegians, ‘the prophetic persuasion under which this 
unhappy man perished, that divine vengeance would soon overtake his 
destroyer, was no way borne out by the subsequent reality’. 

atque: on its use after a negative sentence see Roby § 2200. 

in Typanidis rogum: as regards the cause of his death, the account 
of Justin l.c. is confirmed by the statement in Nepos (Dion 2) that poison 
was given to him in his last illness by his physicians at the instance of 
his son, in order to prevent Dion’s speaking to him about the division of 
the kingdom ; and by Plutarch (Dion 6), who cites Timaeus as his autho- 
rity, and only differs from Nepos in imputing the action entirely to the 
physicians, who thought thus to secure the favour of the younger D. 
This is not inconsistent with the report of Diodorus (xv 4) that the illness 
of the elder Dionysius was itself caused by excessive feasting in his delight 
at the success of his tragedy (Avrpa “Exropos) at Athens; cf. Plin. vit 53, 
who makes him die simply of excitement on hearing the good news. The 
funeral of Dionysius was celebrated for its magnificence : thus Diodorus 
l.c. says of the younger D. rov warépa peyadtomperds Baas Kata THY *AKpo- 
mow mpos rais BaciNiot Kadoupévais TUAGLS, Hoparioato Ta KaTa THY 
dpxjv. (As we know from Plut. Dion 29 that the citadel constructed by 
the elder D. stood within the island Ortygia, immediately fronting the 
mainland, this disposes of all emendations referring to Temenitis, which 
was at some distance from Ortygia.) Theo (Progymn. 8 in Walz Ihet. Gr. 1 
p- 164) cites as a pattern of good description the 11th book of Philistus 
concerning the funeral of D. kat rs mupas tiv motxedéay : there are allusions 
to this pyre in Plut. Pelop. 34 ékxelvov dé trav rapdy od Soxotow €repar 
Aapmpdrepar yever Oar Tois TO Aaumpov ovK ev ehe*parre kal xpvoG kai mopupats 
eivat vouicovew, dorep BitioTos vuvav Kai Oavpdlwyv thy Avovuciov tapyy, oiov 
tpay@dias peyadns Tis Tupavvidos €Eddi0v Oearpixdy yevouéynv, and in Moschion 
ap. Athen. v 206 Tiuaios Oavpatera: emt rH Tupa TH KaTacKkevacbeion Atovvai 
TG SukeXlas rupavvw. This occurs ina list of the chief works of famous 
engineers, as the engine (€Aéodus) used by Demetrius against Rhodes, the 
bier on which Alexander’s body was carried &c., so that we should 
naturally translate ‘Timaeus is admired for the pyre he constructed’, 
understanding him to have been the engineer employed to construct the 


180 BOOK TIT CH. XXXv § 84, 

pyre (so Grote Pt. 1 ch. 84, vol. xt p. 91), but the name mentioned in con- 
nexion with the engine of Demetrius is not Epimachius, its actual con- 
structor (as we learn from Vitr. x 22 § 4), but a certain Diocleides of 
Abdera ; hence it has been supposed that Diocleides was a writer, admired 
for his description of the Helepolis, or even (taking Oavpaterar as middle, 
so Schweig. in loc.!) that he was one who expressed his admiration for it. 
(In Didot’s Script. Alex. Magn. p. 133 it is quoted Oavpatérw.) On the 
same principle we should understand Timaeus here to be the historian, 
though it would seem from previous quotations that his description could 
not have been so celebrated as that by Philistus. We may form some 
idea of the magnificence of the pyre from the account given of another 
pyre by Herodian Iv 2 (quoted in Dict. of Ant. under apotheosis). We 
come now to the word typanidis, various emendations of which will be 
found in Not. Crit., some turning on the disease, others on the place of 
burial. As we have seen that the pyre itself was so celebrated, it seems 
not improbable that the name of the constructor may have been added. 
Professor Jebb however prefers the reading of B (tyrannidis) and refers in 
support of it to Isocr. Archid. 49, where it is said that D. was once shamed 
out of a flight from Syracuse by the words of one of his friends, reminding 
him os kadov evradiov 7 Tvpavvis ‘the purple is a noble winding-sheet’ 
[cf. the words of Theodora in the sedition A.D. 532, as cited by Gibbon 
ch. xl, ‘For my own part I adhere to the maxim of antiquity, that the 
throne is a glorious sepulchre’, Swainson], and so tupavyay tov Biov 
duéreNecev (Cambr. Philol. Trans. i p. 21, where there is a wrong reference 
to J. of Phil. v 266). There is a remarkable resemblance between these 
words and those quoted above from Philistus (a writer cited in the De 
Divinatione, which was written just after the V.D. and taken probably 
from the same authorities), but 1 do not think tyrannidis rogum is an 
expression which Cic. could have used. If it meant anything, it must 
mean, as Lambinus observes, ‘the extinction of the tyranny’, like bustwm 
ret publicae in Piso 9. I should myself suggest that the original reading 
may have been something as follows, in suo lectulo mortuus, ut tyrannidis 
fabula magnificum haberet exitum, in Typanidis\?) rogum dalatus est. If 
Typanidis is right (any name with the same termination would account 
for the omission of the words following tyrannidis), it would probably be 
after the form Alcibiades, Carneades. According to Plutarch S. VW. V. p. 
559 the body of D. was afterwards taken up and cast beyond the bound- 
aries by the Syracusans. See on the whole passage Fortsch Qu. Tull. 
pp. 1—5 Naumburg 1837, Sch6mann Opuse. IM p. 353. 

De. (3). Such a state of things is inconsistent with any moral 
government. § 8d, 

§ 85. invita versatur oratio: for the personification cf. 1 102 haec 
oratio deos spoliat motu, Ac. 11 101 conclusio ipsa loquitur. 

recte videretur : ‘we should be justified in so thinking’. 

BOOK HI CH, XXXV § 85. 181 

virtutis et vitiorum...grave ipsius conscientiae pondus: ‘the 
weight of the consciousness of virtue or vice’, ie. ‘the weight of a 
good or bad conscience’. So far all schools were agreed, cf. Milo 61 magna 
vis est conscientiae, judices, et magna in utramque partem, ut neque timeant 
qui nihil commiserint, et poenam semper ante oculos versart putent gut 
peccarint ; Parad. 18 te conscientiae stimulant maleficiorum tuorum; te 
metus exanimant judiciorum atque legum: quocumque adspexisti, ut furiae, 
sic tuae tibi occurrunt injuriae, quae te suspirare libere non sinunt ; Leg. 1 40 
poenas luunt non tam judiciis...sed eos agitant insectanturque furiae... 
angore conscientiae fraudisque cruciatu; Lucr. m1 978—1023, Juv. xt 
192 foll. with Mayor’s nn. 

sine ulla divina ratione: ‘without any divine arrangement’; it was 
this negation which separated the Epicurean and sceptical schools from 
the others. The true view is given Cluent. 159 maxim aestimare conscien- 
tiam mentis suae, quam ab dis immortalibus accepimus, quae a nobis divellt 
non potest ; Har. Resp. 39 a dis quidem immortalibus quae potest homint 
major esse poena furore atque dementia ?,..tu cum domos civium evertis... 
cum servos concitas, tum das eas poenas quae solae sunt hominum scelert a 
dis immortalibus constitutae...deorum tela in impiorum mentibus figuntur ; 
Leg. i 43 meritas dis gratias ago (for punishing the guilty), sed nimis 
saepe secus aliquanto videmus evadere. Non enim, Quinte, recte existimamus 
quae poena divina sit, sed opinionibus vulgi rapimur in errorem...morte aut 
dolore corporis aut luctu animi aut offensione judicit hominum miserias pon- 
deramus, quae fateor multis bonis viris accidisse. Sceleris est poena tristis 
et praeter eos eventus, qui sequuntur, per se ipsa maxima est...Ponam brevi 
duplicem poenam esse divinam, quod constat et ex vexandis vivorum animis et 
ea fama mortuorum, ut eorum exitium et gudicio vivorum et gaudio compro- 
betur ; Pers. 111 35 magne pater divum saevos punire tyrannos haud alia 
ratione velis, cum dira libido moverit ingenium...virtutem videant intabes- 
cantque relicta. The question of the apparent delay and uncertainty of 
punishment is discussed in Plutarch S. WV. V. especially pp. 554 and 564 
foll., and Plato Gorg. 525. Hebrew and Greek philosophy both reached 
their highest point in treating of this great argument, the former in the 
Book of Job, the latter in Plato’s Republic. 

jacent omnia: ‘all is prostrate, ruined’, cf. 1 4. 

dissignata: cf. Nettleship in J. of Phil. x 206 foll., who distinguishes 
between this form, as meaning to mark out or arrange in different direc- . 
tions and so to order or dispose, and the form designo, which means to 
mark out in one direction and so plan or design ; see above I 26. 

nec recte factis praemia: epist. ad Brut. 1 15 Solon...rem publicam 
duabus rebus contineri dixit, praemio et poend. 

mundi divina moderatio nulla est: ‘there is no such thing as a 
divine government of the world’. The words zz homines are no doubt a 
gloss added by a reader, who held that there might be a divine govern- 
ment of unconscious matter, independently of rewards and punishments. 

182 BOOK III CH. XXXV § 85. 

I think however Madvig is unnecessarily fastidious in objecting to the 
phrase mod. in homines, cf. Invent. 11 163 temperantia est rationis in libidi- 
nem moderata dominatio, and so with imperium, regrun and similar words. 

De. (4). Lt is no answer to say that ‘de minimis non curat lex’. 
Life and civil status cannot be considered ‘minima’. § 86. 

§ 86. at enim minora: see 11 167 n., Div. 11 105, Philo p. 644 M. ro 
mpounOes emt TA TOY EV KOT TuvEeKTLKMTAaTA E:opay dyaTa, KaOaTep ev Tais 
BaotNeias kal otparapxias emi Tas TWOAELS Kal TA OTpaTOTeEda, OUK eT TLVA TOY 
nueAnevoy Kat apavey eva TOY TpoTTUXOVTA. 

[agellos—viticulas: cf. Plin. Mp.124 $$ land4. J. E. B. M.] 

persequuntur: ‘examine minutely’, ‘follow out into minute detail’, 
cf. 11 159 persequi utilitates, 152 sollertiam persequi, I 111 voluptates perse- 
quitur nominatim, Pis. 53 omnes solitudines persequi. 

uredo: ‘blasting’, Columella (1m 20 § 1) and Pliny (VY. 7/7 xxvii 
68) agree that this is caused by cold. The latter identifies it with carbun- 
culus. So uro is used of nipping cold. 

omnia minima: see 1 141 n., Orat. 11 162 omnes tenuissimas particulas 
atque onnia minima mansa—in os inserant, and Part. Orut. 60; so we find 
omnia summa, omnia ultima «ce. 

sic enim dicitis: i.e. you Stoics (asin the passage just quoted from 
Philo). This particular illustration is not given in Bk. m1. See below 
§ 90. 

Formiano: Formiae, the modern Mola di Gaicta, was a favorite site 
for villas. The ruins of what is supposed to be Cicero’s villa are still 
pointed out. On Rutilius see above § 80. 

amissa salute: refers to his exile, the interdict from fire and water, 
just as restitutor salutis meae (Mil. 89) is used of Lentulus, who proposed 
the law recalling Cic. from exile, cf. Pis. 34 nemini sit triumphus honorifi- 
centius quam mihi salus restitutioque perscripta, Like caput, salus implies 
the full enjoyment of the rights of a citizen. 

De, (5). [If tt be alleged that all external goods are trifles in 
comparison of virtue], it is just these external goods which are at the 
disposal of Heaven. Virtue is our own, and is therefore never made 
the subject of prayer. Men have deified virtue in the abstract, but in 
reality ut rs only a quality of their own nature. §§ 86—88. 

(As the arguments which follow all relate to the general question of 
rewards and punishments, it seems better to suppose this to be connected 
with it in the manner suggested above, rather than to treat it as an 
independent argument, denying the doctrine maintained in the previous 
book, §§ 165, 167, that human virtue is derived from God.) Cf. Plut. St. 
Rep. ¢. 31 eirep obv 6 Oeds aperiy pev od dSiSwow avOpermots, G\Ad TO KadOv 
avOaiperov eat, movrov Sé Kai vylecay ywpis dperfis SiSwouy, ovK ed xpynoo- 

p Qa > ‘ - , ”~ oe \ 9 , 
évois Oiwatr, AANG KaKES, TOUTETTL BAGBEpas Kal aioxypes “ai OrACOpias «7X. 

BOOK III CH. XXXVI § 86. 183 

Ch. xxxvi. [vineta: add to lexx. Stat. Si/vae m1 5. 100, Panegyr. 11 
§ 22, Aur. Vict. Caes. 37 § 3. 

oliveta: also in Varro, Columella, Plin. H. VW. xvir 245 and Sen. Lp. 
86 §§ 14, 17, 18. From the vulgate the word has passed into the English 
bible. J. E. B. M.] 

virtutem nemo umquam acceptam deo rettulit: ‘none ever im- 
puted his virtue to God’, lit. ‘credited God with it’. The metaphor is 
taken from a ledger, on one side of which we put the outgoings (expensa), 
on the other side the receipts (accepta), cf. Verr. 1 39 minus Dolabella 
Verri acceptum rettulit quam Verres ili expensum tulit. The statement 
is very far from the truth: Homer (/l. x111 730) gives the old Greek 
doctrine in the words aAA@ pev yap €dSoxe Beds wodeunia Epya, GAA@ O ev 
ornbecot TiOet vooy evpvora Zevds é€oOdov, and throughout his poems any 
unusual display of courage or wisdom or self-restraint is attributed to the 
influence of a deity, cf. Pind. Jsthm. 1 4 Zed, pweyarar & dperal Ovarois 
erovrae ek oéOev, ib. frag. 85 Bergk Oeod dé deiEavtos dpyav exaatov év 
(Boeot. for és) mpayos evdeia 8n KeAevOos aperay Edeiv, TeAevTal Te KadAloves, 
Aesch. Ag. 901 ro pn Kakxods ppovetv Beov peyicrov Sdpov, Eur. Med. 635 
codpooiva Sepnua Kkad\dXorov Gewy, and nn. above on 11 165 and 167. In 
the time of Socrates the question ‘how virtue is acquired’ was a favorite 
subject for discussion: Protagoras professed to teach it, i.e. to make men 
good citizens, and in the dialogue called after him, Socrates is represented 
as saying eyo yap év pev TO EumrpooOev xpove ryovpny ovK eivar avOpanivny 
eruperecav 7) ayabol of ayaboi yiyvovra, viv b€ mémeropar (Prot. 328); which, 
though expressed ironically in the particular passage, seems to have been 
his genuine belief. Yet this does not prevent him from praying to Pan and 
the other gods at the end of the Phaedrus 8o0inré pot kar@ yeveoOat riivdobev: 
eEwber 5€ doa Exe, Tois evros etvai poe Pirsa mAovoLo b€ vopiCorme TOY Gopdr. 
The question is expressly discussed in the J/eno, concluding in the words 
Ocia poipa npiv paivera rapayryvopévn 4 apetn ois mapayiyvera (p. 100). In 
the Republic Plato recognized all the different factors which had been op- 
posed by earlier disputants: the lower practical virtues of the Auxiliaries 
are mainly the result of discipline and habituation, the higher philosophic 
virtue of the Guardians is due in great part to learning and instruction, 
but Oeéa potpa still plays its part in the original distinction between the 
gold and silver natures. Aristotle deals with the same question Zth. x 9 
§ 6 yiverOa S ayadods otovrat of pev pices, of & Bet, of Sé Sidayn. TS pev 
ouv THs Pucews Shrov ws ovK ep yyiv vrdpyet, adda Oia Twas elas airias rots 
os aknOas evTuxéeow Umapxyet k.7.A. and so in Bk. 19 (of happiness which he 
makes to consist so largely in virtue) dmopeirat métepov eate pabnrov } 
eOirrov 7) GAAws Tas aoknTOy, 7} KaTa Tiva Oeiay potpay 7 Kal dia TdyNV Tapa- 
yiverauy ef pev ovv Kal GAXo TL éotl Oewv Sdpnua avOparois, evLoyov Kat Tv 
evdatpoviav OedaSorov eiva...paiverar Sé kav et py Oedmeumros é€ariv, adAd 60 
aperny Kai Tiva padnow } aoKnow Tapaylyvera, THY Oevorarey eivac. Hippo- 
damus, the Neo-Pythagorcan, says that, of the two components of happi- 

184 BOOK IH CH. XXXVI § 86. 

ness, we obtain virtue dca ray Geiay potpay, trav Sé evtvxiav dia trav Ovarav 
(Orell. Op. Afor. 11 p. 284). Horace (Ap. 1 18. 111) agrees with Cotta here, 
sed satis est orare Jovem quae donat et aufert, det vitam, det opes, aequum 
mi animum ipse parabo; and so Seneca (Lp, 41 § 1) bonam mentem quam 
stultum est optare, cum possis a te impetrare. Such a view seems to follow 
naturally from the Stoic doctrine of avrdpxeva and their distinction between 
things in our power and things not in our power; but there is the same in- 
consistency in their language, as there is in that of Christian writers, where 
they treat of Faith and Works, Free-Will and Grace. Thus Balbus above 
(it § 79) mens fides virtus concordia unde nist ab superis deflucre potuerunt 2 
Seneca (Provid. 6) quare bonis viris patitur aliquid mali deus fiert? lle 
vero non patitur. Omnia malu ab ris removit, scelera et flagitia et cogita- 
tiones improbas et avida consilia et libidinem caecam : ipsos tuetur et vin- 
dicat ; numguid hoc quoque a deo exigis, ut bonorum virorum etiam sarcinas 
servet? also Lip. 73 § 15 non sunt di fastidiosi, non invidi: admittunt 
(ad astra homines) et ascendentibus manum porrigunt. Miraris honinem ad 
deos ire? deus ad hominem venit, immo, quod est propius, in homines venit: 
nulla sine deo mens bona est, and Juvenal x 346 iil ergo optabunt homines ? 
si consilium vis, permittes ipsis expendere numinibus quid conveniat.... 
Ut tamen et poscas aliquid...orandum est ut sit mens sana in corpore 
sano; fortem posce animum mortis terrore vacantem...qui ferre queat quos- 
cum@que labores, nesciat irasci, ceugrat nihil &c.; and then shortly afterwards 
the other side, monstro quod ipse tibi possis dare, see Mayor on x 363. 
But by far the most interesting statements of the Stoic faith on this 
subject are to be found in M. Aurelius, as in the passage where he thanks 
the Gods for keeping him pure from the vices of youth (1 17); and in 1x 40 
“either the Gods have power or they have not. If they have not, why 
do you pray? If they have, why do you not rather pray that they would 
grant you freedom from fear and grief and desire, instead of praying for 
the presence or absence of the outward things which excite these feelings ? 
...But perhaps you will say em éeuot atta of Oeot éroincay...But who told 
you that the Gods cannot help us even as regards the things in our own 
power (ra ef’ nuiv)? Begin at any rate to pray about these things, and you 
will see for yourself. This one prays ‘ grant me such and such an evil desire’ 
or ‘avert from me this danger’. Do you on the contrary pray ‘take from 
me this desire and this fear’ cat Oewper ri yivera” (Shortened). St Paul 
gives both sides, the human and the divine, in Phil. 1112 pera hoBov kat 
Tpopov THY EavTov cwtnplay karepyatecbe, Oeds yap eaTW oO evepyav ev vpiy Kal 
TO Oedew Kat TO evepyetv. [Add Sen. Lp. 90 § 1, Max. Tyr. 11 § 8, Sil. xvr 
83—86. J. E. B. M.] 

§ 87. nimirum recte: ‘doubtless with good reason’. 

propter virtutem laudamur: so Arist. Ath, 112 roy Sikatoy Kat Tov 
avdpetoy kat oAws Tov ayabdv Kal THY apeThy ematvodper Ova Tas Mpagers : Virtues 
belong to the class evawerad as distinguished from riwia, ib. 11 5 § 2, Lhet. 

SM BY, xine) nated \ Need BS eee og ‘ \ 
19, Lih, Hud. 6 eet & 4 re apern Kat 4 Kakia Kal TA aT avTOY Epya TH pev 

BOOK IIL CH. XXXVI § 87. 185 

eraveta, Ta O€ Wexta (Weyera yap Kal emawveira...6c@y avrol atrio eoper, 
Oey yap GdXos airtos, exeivos Kal Tov Wéyov Kal Tov erratvoy ExeL), SpAov Gre Kat 
7 dpet) Kal 7 Kakia Tept Tait’ eat dv avros airtos, Cic. Or. 11 343 virtus, 
quae est per se ipsa laudabilis et sine qua nihil laudari potest, Acad. 11 39 
ubi igitur virtus, st nihil situm est in ipsis nobis ? 

recte gloriamur: see n. on nulla re nist immortalitate cedens 11 1538 
and examples of the opposite side of Stoic teaching cited in my Anc. Phil. 
p. 169. For the Christian view cf. 1 Cor, Iv 7 ri dé dyers 6 ovK €XaBes; et dé 
kal €AaBes, Ti Kavyacat ws py AaBav ; 

nostrae laudi assumptum: ‘nothing has been gained for our glory’. 
The verb occurs with the same construction but a somewhat different 
sense in Sull. 85 dico illud quod...non auctoritati assumam sed pudori meo, 
Plane. 56 ut eorum reprehensionem vos vestrae prudentiae assumere, meae 
modestiae remittere debeatis. 

quis quod bonus vir esset gratias dis egit: we have seen that 
M. Aurelius did this some two hundred years after Cicero wrote, but so 
did Cic. himself, (Sulla 40) O di immortales! vobis enim tribuo quae vestra 
sunt...vos profecto animum meum tum conservandae patriae cupiditate 
incendistis ; vos me ab omnibus ceteris cogitationibus ad unam salutem ret 
publicae convertistis foll.; cf. also the saying attributed to Bias (Stob. Flor. 
11 6, Diog. L. I 88) érav dyabov mpdoons, Geovs, pr TeavTov, aiTLo. 

optimus maximus: see on II 64. 

salvos incolumes: ‘safe and unharmed’. The word crc. means more 
than mere escape from destruction : we find it joined with salv. in Fin. Iv 
19, Verr. I 72. 

opulentos copiosos: the latter is rather the stronger word, bearing to 
the former the same relation as copia (co-opia) to ops. Compare Div. in 
Caec. 55 mulier copiosa et locuples. 

§ 88. Herculi decumam: vowed to him as god of treasures. See 
Macrob. Sat. 11 12 § 2 testatur Terentius Varro in ea satira quae inscribitur 
Tept Kepavvod majores solitos decimam Herculi vovere, nec decem dies inter- 
mittere guin pollucerent (i.e. give a public banquet in his honour); Plut. 
Sull. 35 drobiwv tis ovaias amdons 6 SUANas TO ‘HpakAre? Sexarny éaridcers 
€roveito TH Onum modvtedeis, Macr. Sat. 11 6 § 11 (quoting from the 
Memorabilia of Masurius Sabinus) Jf, Octavius Herrenus...bene re gesta 
decimam Hereult profanavit; Varro L. L. vi 54 hine ‘profanatum’ in 
sacrificio, atque inde Herculi decuma appellata ab eo est, quod sacrificio 
quodam fanatur, id est ut fani lege sit: id dicitur ‘ polluctum’ &c.; Plaut. 
Truc. 17. 11 de mina una deminui modo quingue nummos; mihi detraxi 
partem Herculaneam; Bacch. tv 3.29 LHerculem fecit ex patre: decumam 
partem et dedit, sibt novem abstulit; Stich. 1 1. 80 ut decumam partem 
Herculi polluceam; Pers. 11 10 O st sub rastro crepet argentt mihi seria 
dextro Hercule: Hor. Sat. 11 6. 10 foll., Plaut. Rud. 425, 1419, Cure. 
193, Most. 24, 972, Festus p. 237 M., Diod. Iv 22, xx 14, Plut. Qu. Rom. c. 
18, Crassus pp. 543 and 550, Dion. Hal. tt 45, Erasm. Adag. s. v. ‘ Hercule 

186 BOOK Il CH, XXXVI § 88. 

dextro’, Beier on Of. 11 58. [See the inscriptions on the temple at Reate 
erected by Mummius from the tithe of the spoils of Corinth, Corp. Inser. 
Lat. 1 no. 542, and compare 541 with Mommsen’s comments (Wilmanns 
27 a, b): also Corp, J. £.1 1175 (Wilmanns 142), and 1113 (Wilmanns 43) ; 
ib. 1290, x 3956. R.] 

si sapiens factus esset: the apodosis se daturum is understood, as in 
Liv. xxx 21 praetor aedem Diovi vovit, si eo die hostes fudisset. See Roby 
§ 1750, 

Pythagoras: on his discovery of the proof of Euchd 1 47 (that the 
square on the hypotenuse is equal to the sum of the squares on the lines 
containing the right angle), cf. Vitr. 1x praef. 7 id Pythagoras cum invenisset, 
non dubitans se a Musis in ea inventione monitum, maximas gratias agens 
hostias dicitur iis immolavisse. Diog. L. (vir 12) cites Apollodorus as an 
authority for the statement and quotes an epigram on the subject; so 
also Athen. x p. 418. Plutarch (Mor. p. 1094, and p. 720 4) questions 
whether the offering was not made for a different theorem. Proclus in 
his Comm. on Euclid lL. c. cites Eudemus as his authority. See for other 
reff. Zeller 1 p. 294 n. 

ne Apollini quidem Delio: Cic. forgets that the Delian Apollo was 
himself a vegetarian, so that Pythagoras had no choice in the matter ; 
cf. Diog. L. vit 13 Bopoyv mpookurnaat (TvOayopav) ovov év And Tov ’Amon- 
Awvos Tov Teveropos...d:.a TO mupods Kal KpiOas Kai womava pova Tibet Oa én 
avTov dvev mupos, iepetov de pndev, os now “ApiororeAns ev Andiwv Todzreia, 
Theophr, ap. Porphyr. Adbstin. 1 28 dewpnoa dé eotw ex Tov mept Andoy 
ére viv ca lopévov Bwmov, mpos Ov ovdévos mpocayopévov map avrots ovTE 
Ovopévov em avtov (gov, edoeBav KéexAnTar Bopos, Censorin. 2 Deli ad 
Apollinis genitoris aram, ut Timaeus auctor est, nemo hostiam caedit ; 
Clem. Al. Strom. vit 32, Jambl. V. P. § 25, Macrob. Sat. 111 6 (citing Varro 
and Cloatius). The best authorities do not impute total abstinence from 
meat to Pyth., even Porph. V. P. 34 only says that he rarely partook of 
the sacrificial flesh, and (36) that he usually propitiated the gods with 
vegetable offerings, éupdyous dé jeiora mAnv ef pn wore GNexTopioe Kal TOY 
xXolpwy tois aradwrdros. He then continues, in reference to the offering 
here mentioned, ¢Bovditnce Sé rore oraitwov ds hac Body ot axpiBéarepor 
(le. an ox of dough); so also Greg. Naz. Zp. 1835. 

quamvis licet...consecremus: ‘we may dedicate temples as we will’, 
cf. Tuse. Iv 53 quamvis licet insectemur istos, Leg. U1 24 quamvis enumeres 
multos licet, Har. Resp. c. 9 quam volumus licet nos amemus, Lucr. VI 
600, 620. 

haec in nobis sita: the same division of these abstract divinities is 
found above § 61, also m1 61, 79. 

ut Diogenes: see above § 83. 

De. (6). The truth is piety and impiety have no effect on our 
happiness. Witty answers of Diagoras on this point. § 89. 

BOOK IIL CH. XXXVII § 89. 187 

Ch. xxxvit § 89. exitus: ‘ends’, cf. Div. 1 24 non igitur fatales 
exitus habuerunt (Pompeius, Crassus, Caesar). 

Diagoras : cf. 163 n., Athenag. Leg. 5 Avayopa pev yap eikérws adeornra 
é€mekddouv *AOnvaior py movoy Tov ’Opdixdy eis pécov KatrariOévte hoyov Kal Ta 
ev ‘EXevoin kal Ta TOV KaBelpwv Onuevovte pvotypia Kat TO TOD “Hpakdéovs... 
katakértovte Edavoy, avtixpus b€ drodawopévm pndé dros eivat Geov (this is 
explained by Epiphan. Ancorat. p. 106 ovcK dxovovar Arayopou tod rdv tidioy 
“Hpakdéa EvAwvov évra Sv dropiav EvAwv UmoKa’aavTos Kal emiTk@ppaTiKos 
avT@ éyovtos, "Aye Sé “Hpakdes tov tpioxadéxarov dOdov éxtehav mapedbe, 
Tov oWov nuiv éyrnowv); also Lys. Andoc. 17 (Andocides is more impious 
than Diagoras) éxeivos pev yap Ady wepl ra GddOrpia iepa Kai Eoprdas no€Bet, 
ovtos b€ epym mepl ra ev TH avrod mode. The following anecdote is told of 
Diogenes the Cynic by Diog. L. vi 59. 

Samothracam : the seat of the Cabeiric mysteries, see I 119 n., Cont. 
Rev. for May 1882, and Conze Arch. Unters. auf Samothrake, Vienna 1875. 
The Cabeiri were much invoked in dangers at sea, cf. Orphic Hymn 37. 4 
oire SapoOpakny iepyv xOova vareraovres Kivddvous Ovntav armepvKere Tovro- 
tmravnrov. This custom was supposed to be handed down from the time 
of the Argonauts, see Diod. 1x 43 and 49, also Aristoph. Pax 278, Clem. 
Hom. 1X 17, Lobeck Agi. pp. 1218, 1219. 

atque ei quidam: for the omission of the verb diwxisset cf. Draeger 
§ 116, Roby § 1441. 

tabulis pictis : cf. Hor. Od. 1 5.13 me tabula sacer votiva paries indicat 
uvida suspendisse potenti vestimenta maris deo; Tib. 1 3. 28 nune dea (i.e. 
Isis much invoked in storms at sea) nunc succurre mihi, nam posse medert 
prcta docet templis multa tabeila tuis; Juv. xtt 27 (naufragium) votiva 
testantur fana tabella plurima: pictores quis nescit ab [side pasci? ib. X1v 301 
with Mayor’s nn. 

ita fit : ‘so it happens’, 1 88, 121. 

qui illum recepissent: ‘for having taken him on board’, cf. Hor. Od. 
Ul 2. 26 vetabo qui Cereris sacrum vulgarit arcanae sub isdem sit trabibus 
fragdemve mecum solvat phaselon: Diog. L. 1 86 (Bias) cuprdéov more 
doeBéot XetmaComérvns THs veds KaKelvwv Tovs Oeovs emixadoupévarv, Suyare, pn, 
py aicdavevrat vpas évOade mrA€ovras; Antiphon v § 82 modXot 7bn avOpwrot 
py Ka9apol xeipas 7) GAXo Tt placpa eyovtes, cvveraBavtes eis TO TOLOY GUVA- 
moAecav peTa THS aiTav Wuxis Tovs Ogiws Siakerpevous Ta mpos Tors Oeors, 
Eurip. £7. 1353, Callim. Cer. 117, Xen. Cyr. vitt 1 § 25, also the story of 
Jonah. [Add Lys. 6 § 19, Aesch. Theb. 593 seq., Theophr. Char. 25, Apul. 
Apol. p. 418 Oud., and the curse in C./.G@. 1 n. 5773 (Rhein. Mus. 1869, 
pp. 474—6). J. E.B.M.] According to Athen. x11 p. 611 Diagoras was 
shipwrecked as he was going into exile from Athens. 

ad fortunam—nihil intersit: cf. 11 43 cnteresse ad mentis aciem. Job, 
in his protest against the orthodox view of his time, utters much the same 
sentiment (1x 22), but in him it is the step, not to Academic agnosticism, 
but to a higher faith, the belief in immortality. 

188 BOOK III CH. XXXVII § 90. 

De. (7). Intentional neglect is a great fault in a ruler, and in a 
Divine Ruler all neglect must be intentional. § 90. 

§ 90. inquit: cf. 1 109 n., also 1 87, Reid on dc. 1179 dicit. Forch- 
hammer, who denies this use of the 8rd person (p. 43 foll.), would read 
inquitis, It appears to me here a natural politeness to avoid the ap- 
pearance of directly controverting the person addressed; and in this 
particular case (as we saw above § 86) the argument was not really 
employed by Balbus. 

quid est simile: ‘where is the parallel?’ see above $$ 9, 15, 70, Div. 
Ir 108. 

scientes: the argument is ‘kings knowingly overlooking a fault are 
greatly to blame; (if they do so in ignorance it isa different thing ;) but the 
very plea of ignorance is denied to the gods’, i.e. it is an @ priori absurdity 
which needs no discussion. 

De. (8). Lt ts argued that vice is punished in the descendants of 
the guilty person: what should we say of such justice in a human 
yuler ? § 90. 

Ch. xxxvin. praeclare : ironical, like praeclara in § 40, 73. 

istius modi: qualifying legis. 

ut condemnaretur filius: see*above § 15 nn. and compare the 
Second Commandment ‘unto the 8rd and 4th generation’ and the execu- 
tion of the innocent descendants of Saul at the request of the Gibeonites, 
with the later teaching of Ezekiel xvi 20 ‘the soul that sinneth it shall 
die : the son shall not bear the iniquity of the father, neither shall the 
father bear the iniquity of the son’, Jerem. xxxI 29, Job xx1 19: also 
Homer Jd. Iv 160 eimep yap re kai avtix’ "Odvpmios ovK érédeaoev, ek SE 
kat oe Teri, OUY TE peydd@ aréricay oly ohjow Kepadjot yuvaki Te Kal 
rexcegow, Solon xi 25 Bergk rouavtn Zyvis wédAera tics, oS ep’ Exacta, 
aomep Ovntds avnp, ylyverar €dxoros: aiet & ov € A€éAnOe Stapmepés, Sates 
aditpdiy Oupov €yn, wavtws © és réAos e&edayyn’ GAN O pev avrik ericev, 0 © 
votepovy ef d€ hiywaw avroi, pndé Oedv poip’ emodtca kixn, nAvOE mavTws 
abdis* dvairiot Epya tivovew 7) Taides TovTav 3) yévos wv oriow, Plut. SV. V. 
p. 557 with Wyttenbach’s n., Hor. Od. ut 6 delicta majorum immeritus lues 
Leomane, Mayor on Juy. xim 206. Dionysius Hal. vit 20 says it was 
a principle of Roman, as distinguished from Greek law, not to punish the 
children for the crimes of their parents, but that this had been forgotten 
in the Civil Wars, veyeonriv Oeots épyov. [Add Plato Leg. 949 B, Isocr. 
Paneg. § 157, Sen, Ben. 1 27 § 2, Plut. Solon 24, Plin. Puneg. 64 § 3, Dio 
LXxIv 2 § 1, Schém. Gir. Alterth. 11 254, Preller-Jordan R. Myth. 1 256. 
Je te . M.| 

quinam—paretur : ‘what measure can be found ?’=ris &y yévorro ; im- 
plying a wish. Charisius 1 p. 70 cites the lines as by Attius: they are 
probably from the 77/yestes, 

BOOK II CH. XXxvult § 90. 189 

internecioni: occurs in Attius (l. 451 Ribbeck), common in Caesar 
and Cie. 

poenis luendis: ‘when will vengeance grow weary of exacting penal- 
ties for the death of Myrtilus?’ ‘when will the blood-feud come to an end ?’ 
lit. ‘when will weariness of vengeance be given to (i.e. dawn upon) the 
paying of penalties for the death of Myrtilus?’ Cf. the expressions dat 
Jinem misertis Att. 293 Ribb., finds curat datur ib. 577; or should we rather 
take poen. lu. as the Abl. of Manner, ‘by the exaction of penalties’? For 
the subject matter cf. Aesch. Agam. 1545 (Clytemnestra’s words of the 
daipov evo bevidav, the wadaios Spipds addkaorwp Atpéas). 

Myrtili : Oenomaus having promised to give his daughter Hippodamia 
to the suitor who should conquer him in the chariot race, Pelops bribed his 
charioteer Myrtilus the son of Hermes to loosen the pin in the wheel of 
his master’s chariot. This being done the chariot was upset and Oeno- 
maus killed. Pelops journeying home with Hippodamia and Myrtilus 
threw the latter into the sea in order to avoid paying what he had 
promised. The subsequent calamities of the house of Pelops were attri- 
buted to the dying curse of Myrtilus, Eurip. Orest. 982—1010, Soph. £7. 
504 & Iédomos a mpdcbev rodvrovos immeia ws Epores aiavy rade ya. evTeE 
yap 6 movriabels Mupridos €kouddn...ov Ti tw ehumev ek TOUS oikov woAVMOVOS 
aixia (see above § 68 agnum n.). 

§ 91. utrum poetae—dixerim: ‘I should find it hard to determine 
whether the poets led the Stoics astray, or the Stoics added their sanction 
to the poets’. The Stoic arguments on this subject were probably such as 
we read in Plut. 1. c. pp. 557—560. Many exx. of the descendants suffering 
for the sins of their ancestors are given ib. pp. 556, 557, among them the 
mocking justification made by Agathocles for ravaging Corcyra, ‘ because 
the Phaeacians had shown hospitality to Ulysses, the enemy of Sicily’. 

portenta: see118. flagitia: 1 66. 

De. (9). We need not have recourse to the Deity to explain such 
moral government as actually exists in the world. It is simply a 
result of the laws of human nature. § 91. 

(Cicero has cut down his original so much as to obscure the force of his 
illustrations. Apparently the deaths of the offenders against Archilochus 
and Hipponax must have been attributed by some Stoic to the vengeance 
of the gods. Cotta argues that no external cause is needed; they are 
sufficiently explained by wounded feeling.) 

Hipponax: of Ephesus, the inventor of the ‘limping’ iambic (Jambus 
scazon or Choliambus) in which the last foot of the senarius was changed 
to a trochee or spondee, the fifth foot being always an iambus, flourished 
in the latter half of the 6th century B.c. He was notorious fur the bitter 
satires with which he revenged himself on the sculptors Bupalus and 
Athenis, ‘who had caricatured his natural ugliness’, see Hor. Epod. cited 


below. Cicero calls a biting satire ipponacteum praeconium (am. vit 
24), and says that in ordinary prose it is scarcely possible to avoid senarios 
et Hipponacteos i.e. the scazon (Orator 189). 

Archilochus: of Paros, fl. 700 B.c., inventor of the proper iambic metre, 
famed for his satirical power. It is said that this was so deeply felt by 
the daughters of Lycambes, who had promised one of them in marriage 
to Arch. and afterwards failed to keep his word, that they hanged them- 
selves through shame, cf. Hor. pod. vi 13 qualis Lycambae spretus infido 
gener, aut acer hostis Bupalo, A. P. 79 Archilochum proprio rabies armavit 
tambo, Epist. 1 19. 31. 

conceptum: ‘derived from’, ‘contracted from’, so we have cone. 
morbum Colum. vit 5 § 14, cone. dedecus Cic. Off. 1 128, cone. ignem, Or. It 
190 ex quo si qua macula concepta est, Rosc. Am. 66. 

continebat: ‘nursed’, cf. Post red. ad Gu. 1 quod odium sceleraty omnes bonos conceptum jam din continerent ; Cluent. 34 spes 
ila quam mulier commendatam a viro in alvo continebat. 

a deo causam: for the murder of Agamemnon or the overthrow of 
Troy. They are not examples of long delayed punishment for ancestral 
crime, but the effects of much simpler causes. 

culpae paene vocem: ‘guilt cries aloud’. [Cf. Solin. 21 (of the son 
of Croesus) vor timoris, Cic. Phil. 2 § 17 (with Koch’s n.) voce paene 
litterarum, and vociferor in Lucr. J. E. B. M.] 

Hippocrate : ‘1 ascribe those cures, we hear of rather to Hipp. the 
father of medicine (fl. 400 B.c.) than to Aesculapius’; cf. above § 57. 

Lacedaemoniorum: ‘I will never allow that Sparta received her 
rule of life from Apollo rather than Lycurgus’, see § 57 on Noro. 

Critolaus: one is tempted to follow Allen in repeating the name 
(‘yes, Critolaus, I say’) which would explain the use of zr~guam; see the 
long list of similar repetitions in Merguet’s Zev. Cre. vol. 1 p. 7138. But 
perhaps we may understand it simply as enforcing the general principle, 
that good and evil come not from God, but from man: ‘it was Critolaus, I 
repeat, that ruined Corinth’. He was general of the Achaean League in 147 
B.c., succeeded in inflaming his countrymen against Rome, was defeated 
by Metellus, praetor of Macedonia, near Thermopylae and never heard of 
more. His successor Diaeus refused all terms and was utterly defeated 
by Mummius, who sacked and destroyed Corinth in 146 B.c. ; ef. Cic. OF: 
TO? i TV oor tl 1G, 

Hasdrubal: the general of Carthage in the 3rd Punic War. By 
entering into the conflict with Massinissa and by his cruelty towards the 
Roman captives he may be said to have brought about the ruin of his 
country in the same year in which Corinth fell. The two events are 
brought together in 2. P. 117 nee vero ulla res magis labefactatam diu et 
Carthaginem et Corinthum pervertit aliquando quam hie error ac dissipatio 
civium, quod mercandi cupiditate et navigandi et agrorum et armorum 
eultum reliquerant, 

BOOK Ill CH. XXxvuI § 91. 191 

oculos—effoderunt: cf. Paterc. 11 52 (of Pharsalia) collisa inter se 
duo ret publicae capita, effossumgque alterum Romani imperii lumen ; Cic. 
Mani. 11 Corinthum patres vestri, totius Graeciae lumen, exstinctum esse 
voluerunt. The metaphor was used by Leptines in his address to the 
Athenians in behalf of Sparta after the defeat at Leuctra, ovx« éav mepudeiv 
Thy ‘EAXaSa érepopOadpov yevopnerny (Arist. het. 111 10), and, according to 
the Schol. August. ad Dem. / ZL. p. 361, had been previously used of 
Athens by the Phocian deputies against the Thebans at the end of the 
Peloponnesian war, p17) érepdpOadpov rv “EAAdSa toijoat, aivitropevor Svo 
opOadrpovs eivar tis ‘EXXados, THv Te AOnvaiwy wodw kal Thy Aaxedatpovioy, cf. 
Justin v 8, Aristid. Leuctr. p. 689 Dind. Hegesias employed the same 
metaphor about Athens and Thebes in the time of Alexander, see 
Spengel on Arist. 1. c. and cf. Milton P. R. 1v 240 ‘Athens, the eye of 
Greece’. [Julian Epist. 24 calls Damascus tov rijs éoas araons 6pOadpov. 
Add Oros. 11 17 (of Athens and Sparta), Liban. 1 531 Reiske (of Athens), 
Val. Max. Iv. 33 (of Augustus and Tiberius). For érepé@Oadpos see Diod. 
Sic. x11 17 § 4, Tzetz. Chal. 1x 97, Dorville on Chariton p. 580. J. E. B. M.] 
Hirzel (p. 243) remarks that the compassionate tone in which Cic. 
speaks of the fall of Carthage, as contrasted with the language used in 
Off. 1 35 (majores nostri Karthaginem et Numantiam funditus sustulerunt : 
nollem Corinthum, sed credo aliquid secutos, opportunitatem loci maxime 
&c.), is an evidence that he is here copying from Clitomachus the Cartha- 
ginian, who, as we learn from Twsc. v 54, eversa Carthagine librum misit 
consolandi causa ad captivos cives suos. 

aliqui—deus: the adjectival pronoun, as in Acad. 11 19 si deus aliqui 
requirat, Tusc. 1 23 deus aliqui viderit ; but in Lael. 87 (aliquis deus), 
Fam. xtv 7 § 1, Acad. 11 61, we have the substantival pronoun in apposi- 
tion. MSS have dewm, defended by Wopkens and Allen as an attraction 
similar to that in Leg. 11 12 haec est quam Scipio laudat temperationem 
ret publicae (on which see Kruger’s Unters. § 79); but there it is the 
bare predicative noun which is attracted ; I doubt whether an instance 
could be found in Cic. of the attraction of the subject, leaving its epithets ~ 
unchanged in their original case. 

De. (10). According to the Stoics, God, being incapable of anger, 
cannot inflict punishment. But why does he not interfere to protect 
the good? You have proved his omnipotence: it must be erther the 
will or the knowledge, which is wanting. § 92. 

irasci negatis: cf. Off. 111 102 hoc quidem commune est omnium philo- 
sophorum—numquam nec trasci dewm nec nocere; Sen. Ira 11 27 § 1 quae- 
dam sunt quae nocere non possunt, nullamque vim nisi beneficam et saluta- 
rem habent, ut di immortales, qui nec volunt obesse nec possunt. Natura 
enim ulis mitis et placida est, tam longe remota ab aliena injuria quam 
a sua; Lactant. Ira v 1 eaistimantur Stoict aliquanto melius de divinitate 

192 BOOK Il CH.eXxX XVI S01 

sensisse, gui atunt gratiam in Deo esse, tram non esse; of which he says 
speciose ita populuriterque dicuntur, but qui bonos diligit, et malos odit ; 
‘therefore the Epicureans, who deny both gratia and cra on the part of 
God (see above I 45 n.), are more logical than the Stoics’. But the Stoics, 
and still more Plato, in his noble assertion of the Divine beneficence, 
even in punishment (/tep. If 379, 380), approach more nearly to the 
teaching of the Bible, as expressed in the words of the Collect for Good 
Friday (‘O merciful God, who hast made all men and hatest nothing that 
thou hast made’), than Lactantius does. 

Ch. xxx1x § 92. subvenire certe potuit: (if he is incapable of 
anger) ‘still he might at least have preserved such cities’. 

sine labore ullo: cf. 11 59 moJlicntium cum labore, and 1 22 n. 

ut moveantur: Subj. because subordinate in oblique narration, cf. 
above § 69 quem ad modum fiat. 

ut enim hominum membra: Sch. compares Div. 1 120 st animal 
omne, ut vult, ita utitur motu sui corporis prono, obliquo, supino, membraque 
quocumgque vult flectit, contorquet, porrigit, contrahit, eaque ante efficit pacne 
quam cogitat, quanto id deo est facilius cujus numini parent omnia! Lucr. 
WI 144 corpus paret et ad numen mentis momenque movetur ; Lact. Opif. 7 
nerve quibus mens—minumo nutu totius corporis molem temperat ac flectit. 

neque id dicitis superstitiose...sed physica constantique ratione: 
for phys. rat. cf. 1 23 and 63, in which latter it is contrasted with super- 
stitio, as also in Div. 1 126, m1 48. For, const. (‘ consistent, well-reasoned 
theory’) cf. Sest. 87 simplex causa, constans ratio and Off. 1 144 oratione 
constanti (‘a coherent speech’ Holden). [| Anzliter marked by Lewis and 
Short as ama€é Xey. Add Lact. 11 4 § 4, Ambros. /%d. Hes. 106. J. E. B. M.] 

materiam—commutabilem : cf. Sext. Emp. x. 312 e& dmolov peév ody 
kal €vds O@paros THY THY OAwY UTEeaTHGaVYTO yeverly OL Sta@kol* apxy yap TOV 
OVT@V KAT avTOUs eoTW n GmoLos VAN Kal Ov GrAwY TpenTH: petaBaddovons TE 
TavTns yiverar TX Téeooapa CTOLXELA, TIP Kal anp, Vdap Kal yj. Sch. cites Ae. 
I 27 subjectam putant (veteres Academict) omnibus sine ulla specie atque 
carentem omni qualitate materiam quandamn, ex qua omnia expressa atque 
efficta sint: quae tota omnia accipere possit, omnibusque modis mutari atque 
ex omnt parte &c., see Reid in loc. A similar argument was used in support 
of divination, cf. Div. 1 118 foll., 11 35 foll. 

fictricem : the only other ex. cited is from Tert. Les. Carn. 16. 

[moderatricem : used by Plautus and several times by Cic. also by 
Statius, Augustine, Rufin., Clem. ecog. v1 22. J. E. B. M.] 

aut nescit quid possit aut: the argument appears to be ‘the Deity 
is proved to have power and assumed to have goodness, yet it fails to use 
that power so as to prevent these calamities ; therefore it must either be 
ignorant of its power, or indifferent to human affairs, or incapable of 
judging what is best’. Apparently the Ist and 8rd alternatives are tacitly 
negatived, the 2nd only being discussed. We may compare the alternatives 
In Ir 77 and in Div. 11101. Lactantius (/ra 13 § 20) puts the alterna- 


tives more clearly, Deus aut vult tollere mala et non potest, aut potest et 
non vult, aut neque vult neque potest, aut et vult et potest. 

De. (11). You allow that God does not cure Sor individuals. 
What ground is there for believing that he cares for communities, or 
even for mankind as a whole? § 93. 

§ 93. non curat singulos homines : ‘you say, God does not trouble 
himself about individuals’; but in 11 165 it is distinctly asserted separatim 
ab universis singulos diligit; compare the descending sorites there with 
the ascending sorites here. Other Stoics however held that individual 
good was not in itself the object of the deity but that it was necessarily 
involved in his true object, the general good, cf. M. Ant. cited on 11 64 
and Seneca WV. Q. 11 46 singulis non adest Juppiter, Zeller 111 1 p. 163. The 
saying in 11167 magna di curant, parva neglegunt (on which see I 85) 
comes to much the same thing. 

non mirum: the Academic comment, ‘I am not surprised at it; he . 
does not even care for cities (such as Corinth and Carthage); and if he does 
not care for them, why should he care for nations and races’ (such as the 
Greeks or Phoenicians) ? 

contemnet: logical future, ‘if it shall prove that he despises them’, 
cf. Roby § 1465. 

De, (12). Yet you are inconsistent enough to believe in divination 
and to encourage the practice of vows. § 93. 

idem dicitis, idem: ‘how is it consistent in you to say that the 
Gods do not attend to details, and yet to hold that they distribute dreams 
to men ?’ cf. 11 162, 163, 166, Div.1 39 foll. For persegui see above § 86. 

haec tecum: Cic. would seem to have forgotten that Balbus himself 
had touched on divination by dreams (11 163) ; otherwise it would have 
been unnecessary to state that it was generally credited by the Stoics 
(vestra). 7 

vota suscipi: ‘that men should take vows on themselves’: cf. Seneca 
N. Q. I 37 nos quogque existimamus vota proficere, salva vi ac potestate 
fatorum : quaedam enim a dis immortalibus ita suspensa sunt, ut in bonum 
vertant, st admotae dis preces fuerint, si vota suscepta. — 

nempe : ‘of course it is by individuals that vows are made’. MNempe 
here introduces the minor premiss. 

audit de singulis: abbreviated for de rebus singulorum. 

De, (13). Tf all your unemployed deities were turned to proper 
account, there need have been no neglect in the government of the 
unwerse. § 93. 

fac esse distentam: as the Epicureans affirmed of the Stoic deity, 
124 and 51. [See on distineri Staveren on Nepos xxv 9§4. J. E. B. M.] 

Mw Co TIT. BS 

194 BOOK Tl) CH. XxexIx S05, 

terram tuentem, maria moderantem : notice alliteration. 

nihil agere et cessare: see 1 102 of the Epicurean gods. 

qui—innumerabiles explicati sunt: ‘whom your theory admits in 
such numbers’; cf. above § 23 stellae quas tu innumerabiles reponebas. As 
explained in 11 59—71, the various gods of the Stoics are all manifestations 
of the one supreme Deity. Chrysippus in his 8rd book de Substantia, 
cited by Plut. Sto. Rep. p. 1051, suggested that some of the evils of life 
might be accounted for by the mistakes of subordinate spirits (Saiporta), 
cf. Plato Symp. p. 202 & wav ro datpoviov peta&d éeote Oeod te Kai Ovnrov. 
Tiva, nv © eyo, Stivapw exovra; “Eppnvedoy kat StavopOpetov Oeots ta map’ 
avOpdrov Kat avOperots Ta Tapa Cedv, Tov pev Tas Senoets Kal Ovoias, 
tov O€ Tas emirates Te Kal apoiBas Toy Ovoiwy, x.7.r., Cels. ap. Orig. VII 
p. 377 ore wep Gy ev Tots GAows elite Beov Epyov el? dyyéAay etre Grav Sapovav 
ElTE NpOwv, TavTa TaUTa €xEL VOMoY ek TOU peyloTouv Oeodv, TérakTar be ep’ 
exdot@ Svvapw Aaxov, datis n&lwta. The belief in such subordinate 
agencies was widely prevalent at this time: as we may gather from 
the words of the centurion in St Luke vir 7, 8. 

dicere habui: cf. 1 63 n. 

explicatus haberet: periphrastic for explicaretur, cf. 1 45 venerationem 
habet. No other ex. of the word in this sense is given. 

Conclusion. Cotta is to be widerstood not as pronouncing a definite 
sentence, but contributing to a discussion. Cicero avows his personal 
preference for the Stoic view. S§ 94; 95. 

Ch. xu § 94. Cotta finem: cf. 7%. Iv 1 quae cum dixisset, finem 
ale; ib. 1117 tum dle, finem, tngquit, interrogandi, si videtur ; see Mady. on 
Lin. 19 quem quidem locum. 

rationem quae—constituta est: ‘the reverent and well-considered 
doctrine of the Stoics on the subject of divine Providence’, cf. Div. 1117 
ea ratio quae est de natura deorum (‘theology’); Verr. 1 10 ut omnem 
rationem salutis tn pecunia constitueret. The recurrence providentia—pro- 
videntissime seems to be merely accidental. 

dabis: Fut. for Imper. ‘you must give us’, cf. 159, tt 41 tu reddes, 
Att, XII 22 § 2 scribes ad me cum scies, Roby § 1589. 

quoniam advesperascit : the same phrase occurs Fin. tv 80. 

pro aris et focis: so Catil. 1v 24, Att. vit 11 § 3, Sallust Cat. 59, 
Liv. v 30, Gell. xIx 9 § 8, &. The Greeks do not seem to have had any 
corresponding phrase. 

muris quos sanctos esse dicitis: cf. Znstit. 1 1 § 10 sanctae quoque 
res, velutt muri et portae, quodam modo divini juris sunt...ideo autem muros 
sanctos dicimus, quia poena capitis constituta sit in eos, qui aliquid in muros 
deliquerint, where Schrader compares Plut. Qu. Rom. 27 (discussing the 
reasons of their sacredness, see Wyttenb. zn loc.), Romul. 11, Dionys. 
Hal. 188, Festus s. v. rituales, Special religious ceremonies were needed 
for the extension of the pomerdim. 

BOOK Ill CH. XL § 94. 195 

diligentius religione quam moenibus: cf. Heracl. fr. 100 Byw. pa- 
xeoOa xpi) Tov Shpov vwep Tov vopov Skws Urep Teixeos, Acad. II 137 haec 
tibt (the Stoic doctrines) tam sunt defendenda quam moenia. 

°$95. opto redargui: “the Inf. is said not to be found with opto in 
Caesar and Sallust (Draeg. 11). The only other instance of its use in Cic. 
appears to be Fam. x 20§ 3. Merguet gives two exx. of optatum with 
the Inf.” Hirschfelder Phil. Wochenschrift 1882, no. 12. 

quippe: ironical, ‘O yes (there can’t be a doubt of his convincing 
you), when he even believes that dreams come from Jove’; cf. in. Iv 7 
ista ipsa...a te quidem apte ac rotunde. Quippe; habes enim a rhetoribus ; 
Murena 74 ergo condemnetur ; quippe, inquit ; Holden on Plane. 53; Leg. 
1 4 intellego te frater alias in historia leges observandas putare, alias in 
poemate. M. Quippe; cum in illa ad veritatem cuncta referantur, where 
~ see Dumesnil. 

somnia ab Jove: Hom. J//. 1 63 kai yap 7 dvap éx Atos éoruv, Pers. 11 56, 
Cic. Div. 11 121 foll., above 1 46 n. on occurrit. [Chrysippus wrote a trea- 
tise on dreams, as we learn from Div. 16. Swainson.] 

levia: with a double meaning, (1) of the unsubstantial nature of 
dreams, (2) of the groundlessness of the Stoic theology. 

haec cum essent dicta, ita discessimus: ‘the conversation ended 
here and we parted, the upshot being that’ &c. 

ad veritatis similitudinem: the hesitation of the Academic is 
opposed to the certitude of the Epicurean (verior). The Stoic disputant 
in Div. 1 9 repeats this as ad veritatem propensior. There seems to be no 
other example of this impersonal use of propensus. 



1. THE first and second fragments are given in Lambinus’ edition. 
The former might naturally introduce section C of Book 1, where Cicero 
criticizes the Stoic argument in proof of the Providential government of 
the universe. For the caution to be observed in theological discussion cf. 
161 n. 

2. This fragment is interesting as bringing distinctly forward the 
question whether God is a Creator, in the strict sense of the term, or 
merely a Builder and Architect, emplaying preexisting matter to frame the 
world which we see. Compare on this subject Mosheim’s dissertation con- 
tained in Cudworth vol. 3 p. 140 foll. He maintains that even the Neo- 
Platonists never conceived of matter in itself as an actual creation, but 
rather as a coeternal shadow or emanation of Deity. Cf. Theodoret 
Graec, Aff. p. 63.1, 44 Evvurdpyew tO Ge@ THY VAnv kai ovros (Plato) epnoe, 
xaOa kat WvOayopas kai ApiororéAns kat of THs Tokidns en@vupor. The argu- 
mentation of this passage would suggest that it was a moot point whether 
pure matter, the amovos vAn itself, was not made by the Creator, as well as 
the world which proceeded out of it. The Stoics, while maintaining the 
eternity of matter, identified God with a particular form of matter, the 
Artistic Fire, into which all other forms of matter were merged in the 
cyclic conflagration, and out of which the Cosmos was periodically evolved, 
This forms the subject of section Ce in Book u, cf. 1 75 providentia 
deorum mundum et omnes mundi partes et initio constitutas esse et omni 
tempore administrart, and below ab animantibus principiis eam (naturan) 
esse generatam, with the note. Hence Zeno spoke of fire not merely 
as artificiosus, but as artifex (11 57). We may understand therefore 
that, while the Stoics would shrink from speaking of the creation of 
matter, since God himself was material, they would have no objection to 
speak of the different elements as created. Cotta is here endeavouring 
to show the inconsistency of the two beliefs by means of his favorite 
sorites. ‘You agree that the Divine Architect, like the human archi- 


tect, must have had some material to work on, and that this material 
must have had properties of its own; similarly we may assume that, when 
he made plants and animals, he must have had, as his material, the four 
elements of which they are compounded’. Lactantius distinctly denies 
the first assumption (11 8 § 8), nemo quaerat ex quibus ista materiis tam 
magna, tam mirifica opera Deus fecerit. Omnia enim fecit ex nihilo; nec 
audiendi sunt poetae qui aiunt chaos in principio fuisse...postea vero Deum 
instrusisse mundum ; then, after citing this passage to show that the philo- 
sophers are no wiser than the poets, he goes on to argue that “if God did 
not make matter, he must be inferior to the maker of matter, which is 
equivalent to saying that the maker of matter is the real God! Or, if it 
be said that it exists by nature, then nature must be rational, but a 
rational and creative nature is only another name for God. Cicero’s com- 
parison ignores the difference between God and man, nam sz est aliquid 
ante illum, si factum est quidquam non ab illo, jam potestatem Dei et nomen 
amittet. If it be said that matter is eternal, there must be two contending 
eternals, which is impossible, or God must be derived from matter, the 
rational and voluntary agent from that which is without will and con- 
sciousness &c.” Cf. Theodoret p. 64 (7 ypadi) Snurovpynoa ra édpmravra 
ednoe Tov Oedv, ov Kabdarep oikoddpot kai vaurnyolt Kal yadkotvro Kal ypuco- 
xX0ot...kal of GAANoe Texvirar Tas Aas epavCopevoe Tavtas eidomowovai Te Kal 
duayhvgovat, kal Ta Opyava map’ ddAnA@yv avtiAapBavovres, GAN’ Gua BovAnOjvai 
re kat Ta pndapA pyndapas ovta mapayayetv. “Ampoadens yap 6 Toy Grav eds, 
ai b€ dvOpemwat réxvat GAAnA@Y Tpoadéorrau.... ‘O S€ Tov wavTos ToT? s OvTE 
opydvev ove vAns Sedenra, also Euseb. Pr. Lv. vit 19—22. Besides the 
analogy of the human artificer, Aristotle uses the analogy of generation to 
prove that creation out of nothing is impossible, Phys. 17 § 6 dru dé kai ai 
ovciat Kal doa GAXa amdas Ovta €& vrroKEpévou TiVOS yiveTal, EmLOKaTODYTE 
yévorr dv pavepov: dei yap éoti Te o Umoxeirat, && ob yiverat Td yryvopevor, oiov 
ra pura kai ta (a €k oréppatos. 

faber : see n. on fabrica It 35. 

cera: sc. wtitur. 

3. This is taken from Scaurus, a Virgilian commentator of the time 
of Hadrian, who in his note on Aen. Vv 95, where Aeneas is represented as 
doubtful what to think of the snake which issued from his father’s tomb 
(incertus Geniumne loci famulumne parentis esse putet), writes as follows: 
erudite; nam ait ex medullis corporum angues nasci. He then cites 
Persius pinge duos angues, and, after a short hiatus, refers to the story of 
Cleomenes, the reforming king of Lacedaemon, as told by Cicero. There 
can be no doubt that the allusion is to what is recorded in Plut. Cleom. 39 
p- 823, of the snake which wound itself round the head of Cleomenes, as 
he hung on the cross, and guarded it from obscene birds. This was taken 
as a sign that Cl. was beloved by the gods and was himself a hero and 
demigod ; but the wiser sort explained it by a theory os pedirras pev Bdes, 
odijxas S€ immot xatacarévtes e€avOover, kavOapor S€ dvwv TO avTO TabovT@y 


Cwoyovotvra, ta de dvépomwa gapata, TOY Tept TOV pvEddov Ly@pwoY TUppony 
Twa Kai cvaotaow €v éavtois AaBovray, dpes avabdidwat. Kai rodto kariddvres 
of madawol padiota Tay Cdov Tov Spakovta Tois npwot cuvvokeiw@car, At first 
sight one is tempted to suppose that Cotta must have adduced the case 
of Cleomenes as a parallel to that of Metellus and of Drusus (4. D. 111 81), 
good men abandoned to the malice of their enemies during their life 
and only tardily vindicated after their deaths. But the fragment in all 
probability belongs to the lost section C; and the remark with which 
Scaurus introduces his comment (erudite, nam ait ex medullis &c.) sug- 
gests that his quotation from Cicero must have been made for the 
purpose of illustrating the theory noticed by Plutarch. We have already 
met with allusions to spontaneous generation in Il 26 (n. on ipsa ex se 
generata), and Lucretius uses this as a proof that no creator is needed 
(11 865 ex insensilibus omnia principiis constare, the opposite to Balbus’ ab 
animantibus principits eam (naturam) esse generatam, see 1. 871 quippe 
videre licet vivos exsistere vermes stercore de taetro &c, and v 783 foll.). We 
may conclude therefore that Cotta’s reference to Cleomenes formed a part 
of the argument by which he endeavoured to disprove the doctrine of an 
intelligent first cause. 

4. There seems no reason why this fragment should have been brack- 
‘eted by Mu. It is true that much the same words are found in Of. 1 105, 
but the providential care of man is the subject of section D (cf. 111 65), so 
that Cotta could scarcely help saying something of the kind. 

5. For the Magnus Annus see tt 51 n. Thisis probably a piece of care- 
lessness on the part of Servius. We nowhere else read that it consisted of 
3000 years. In the /ortenstus, as recorded both by Serv. on den. 1 269 
and ut 284, and by Tac. Or. 16, it was reckoned at 12954. Servius however 
(1. c.) notices the inconsistency of the two estimates of Cicero in the words 
(magnum annum) de quo varia dicuntur a Metone et ab Eudoxo et a 
Ptolemaeo et ab ipso Tullio. 

6. The words of Servius are ‘ spirabile’...est sermo Ciceronis, quam- 
guam ille ‘spiritale’ (so Thilo and Hagen with one Ms C against the 
majority of the better Mss) dizerit in libris de deorum natura. Spiritalem 
is the reading of Bin VY. D. 1118, and though the form spiritualis is more 
regular, yet we find the former in Vitr. x 1, and possibly we ought to read 
it in Cicero. As for spiritabilem, it is read by N and Red. in 11 18 (for spira- 
bilem of other Mss) and by the Paris codex of the 9th century in 7usc. 1 40, 
but there can be no doubt that this is merely a corruption, like anima- 
bilis, naturabilis, morabilis, aequabilis compared by Mu. on Tuse. 1. c. 

7. We naturally look to Book 11 142 foll. for this description of the 
eyes, but nothing of the kind is said there. We only read that the ears 
have duros et quasi corneolos introitus, but this has no reference to the 
resistance of cold. Possibly Cotta may have examined in detail the Stoic 
panegyric on the wisdom shown in the structure of the body, and in doing 
so remarked on this supposed use of the cornea. 


Baiter, following Davies, gives two other fragments, one from Nonius 
p- 96 on the use of the word dulcitudo, but the reference in Non. should 
be Orat. 111 97; the other from Arnobius 11 6, which gives an interesting 
account of the feeling of the Pagans towards Cicero’s dialogue, but contains 
no quotation from it. Creuzer refers to a Codex Scorialensis, bearing the 
title Ciceronis Fragmenta de natura deorum et divinatione, which is men- 
tioned in Biisching’s Magazin fiir die neueste Historie und Geographie 
VOL v p. 123. 


Tue mythological summary given by Cicero diverges in many 
particulars from the ordinary tradition, but is in remarkable agree- 
ment with what we find in four later writings, the Protrepticon of 
Clemens Alexandrinus (fl. 200 a.p.), the Liber Memorialis of Am- 
pelius (fl. 250 a.p.?), the Disputationes adversus Gentes of Arnobius 
(fl. 300 a.v.), the De Mensibus of Laurentius Lydus (b. 490 a. p.). 
Are we to suppose that these writers borrowed from Cicero or from 
Cicero’s authority Clitomachus, or was there some earlier common 
source? There is no sign that Clemens was acquainted with the 
works of Cicero or even that he had any knowledge of Latin 
literature ; moreover he cites as his authorities, under the head of 
Apollo, Aristotle and Didymus, and adds particulars which we do 
not find in Cicero, e.g. that the 4th Apollo was son of Silenus, 
that some writers made a 5th and 6th Apollo, that the 4th Minerva 
was called Coryphasia and that the mother of the 5th was Titanis. 
On the other hand it is probable that the remaining three had some 
knowledge of Cicero. Lydus quotes from his Verrine orations and 
had a fair acquaintance with Latin literature, especially with the 
writings of Varro; but he too cites other authorities, e.g. Terpander 
for the Ist Dionysus, ‘the poets’ for the others, Melias, Crates, 
Eratosthenes, Eumelus, under Zeus. Again in ‘many respects he 
diverges from Cicero; thus, besides assigning a different parentage 
for the 3rd, 4th and 5th Hercules, he names a 7th, son of Zeus 
and Maia. Moreover his references to mythology are scattered up 
and down his book, which is on the model of Ovid’s Fast, and 
can hardly have been picked out from this section of Cicero. 
Arnobius probably copied from Cicero, as he often quotes from the 


NV. D, and agrees with Cic. in each case as to the number of synony- 
mous deities, in fact only departs from him in making Hyperiona 
the mother of Sol, and in his description of the 3rd and 4th Minerva, 
making the 3rd the inventress of arms and daughter of Saturn 
(instead of Jupiter), and the 4th the Coryphasia of the Messenians 
instead of Coria the inventress of chariots. In the account of Sol 
the divergence may be explained by simple carelessness, in that of 
Minerva he has followed the Protrepticon of Clemens, which seems to 
have been one of the chief sources of his book. It must be observed 
however that in another passage (111 37 cited in the note on d/usae 
§ 54) he refers to Mnaseas, Ephorus, Myrtilus and Crates as au- 
thorities. Lastly Ampelius, whose treatise is an epitome of the 
poorest type, follows on the whole the order of Cicero, but has the 
most extraordinary divergences, introducing such names as Granicus, 
Joab, Crio, Joppe, which can hardly be explained away by the 
corrupt state of the text: and there are besides signs that he follows 
a Greek original. Thus the names Cronus Cronia are plainly Greek, 
and the phrase Jovis Aetheris filius seems to be a mistranslation of 
Atos tod Aidépos. He also adds further details, e.g. that Hercules 
founded the Olympian games (cf. Diodorus quoted on Jdaeis Digitis 
§ 42 n.), that he taught Atlas, that the mother of the 5th Minerva 
was Titanis; and even brings in a deity, omitted by Cicero, viz. Mars. 
Also in common with the other parallel writers he is silent as to 
Pan being the child of Penelope and Mercury (§ 56), and as to the 
names of the Muses and Dioscuri (S§ 53, 54). 

From the above considerations it would seem that the four 
parallel writers must have had access to some other authority besides 
Cicero: was this authority Clitomachus? I think we may say this 
is impossible in the case of all but Clemens, and not very probable 
even in his case. If however we compare certain other authors who 
are to some extent in agreement with Cicero, where he departs from 
the ordinary tradition, I think we shall find indications of an earlier 
common source from which the tradition was derived both by 
Clitomachus and by the later epitomists. Among these authors are 
Servius, the Virgilian commentator, and Lactantius Placidus, the 
scholiast on Statius, in regard to three out of Cicero’s five Mercuries. 
The latter names a certain Corvilius as his authority. Athenaeus 
(quoted on § 42 Asteriae) names Eudoxus as authority for the state- 
ment that Hercules was son of Jupiter and Asteria. The contest 
hetween Apollo and Jupiter ($57) is said by Fulgentius to have been 


narrated by Mnaseas in the 3rd book of his Huropa. Harpocration 
cites Mnaseas for the statement that Minerva, daughter of Coryphe, 
daughter of Oceanus, was the inventress of chariots. Tzetzes and 
Firmicus agree in the story of Minerva slaying her father Pallas. 
The Orphic hymns illustrate the names Eubuleus, Tritopatreus, 
Anactes. As Mnaseas is mentioned by three different writers, 
Arnobius, Harpocration and Fulgentius, as the source from whom 
they have borrowed, and as he is a noted Euhemerist of the 
Alexandrian school, the evidence, so far as it goes, seems to point 
to him as the mythologist followed by Clitomachus, i.e. by Carneades. 

As regards Cicero’s summary, it is evidently very incomplete. 
He omits from his list the names Juno, Ceres, Neptunus, Mars, 
Pluto, Hecate, Pan, Rhea, Proserpina. He sometimes passes over 
the common tradition, as that which makes Dionysus son of Semele: 
he omits to note real differences, such as that between his three 
Cupids and the primaeval Eros, or between the Greek and the 
Ephesian Diana; aud makes distinctions where there are none, as 
in the case of Aesculapius, Mercurius and Minerva. The frequent 
references to Egypt, the paternity of Nilus in the case of five 
deities, the names Theuth and Phthas and the ineffable name of 
Mercurius would seem to indicate an Alexandrine origin, while 
the references to mystic rites suggest a connexion with the Orphic 

In the comparative view, which follows, square brackets denote 
that the statement made is not given in that particular place by 
Cicero, but supplied from another part of his summary. 

Name of Divinity | 

(Cic. N. D. 111 41) 



Jupiter «+ Lysithoe 


Other Relations 

Country | 


contended with Apollo 
for tripod 

B | Nilus Egypt composed the ‘Phry- 
gian Letters’ 

y one of the Idaean Dac- 
tyls worshipped with 
funeral rites (at Cos?) 

6 Jupiter+ Asteria d. Karthago ive 

(sister of Latona) : 
€ India also called Belus 
¢;| Jupiter y + Alemena 
| ta 
Jupiter «| Aether [wife,Proserpina; child- | Arcadia 
CN2cDs Trl boa) ren, Dioscuri a, Diana 
a, Dionysus a, see bes 
8 Caelus child, Minerva y [Mu- | Arcadia 
| ses a] 
y -Saturnus | (children, Hercules ¢, | Creta tomb shown in Crete 
Dioscuri B, Musae B£, 
Vulcanus y, Mercur- 
ius y, Apollo y, Diana 
Dioscuri a Jupiter a + Proser- Athens |also named Anactes, 

(N.D. 111 53) 


8 Jupiter y + Leda 

y | Atreus. s. of Pelops 

viz. 'Tritopatreus, Eu- 
buleus, Dionysus 

Castor and Pollux 

Aleo, Melampus, Evio- 

Lib. Mem. c. 9. § 12. 



sex: primus Jovis Aethberis 
filius (filii, W.); secundus 
Nili filius, quem principem 
colunt Aegyptii; tertium con- 
ditorem loci (dudi, Duk.) sui 
Hellenes( Hei, Duk.); quartus 
Cronii (Gromi, Mss) filius et 
Cartheres, }quem Carthagini- 
enses colunt!, unde Carthago 



IV 46. p. 94. 

Lydus De Mensibus 

amd S& THY LaTopLOV 
evpicxouev émta “Hpakdets ye- 
vera, mpatov Aros Tov Aldépos 
kat AvotOdys THs ‘Oxeavod, bev- 
tepov NetAov maida, tpitov “EA- 
Anvos Tov Ads Kai vou.pns “Ay- 
xtadAys, 7éTAapTOV Atos Kat OnBys 
™s Atyvrrias, TET TOV AtBavov 
kat Nuons Tov év “Ivéots yevome- 
vov, éxtov Avds Kat “AAKuyvys, 

Arnobius, Clemens Alexandrinus 

Arnob. Iv 18—15. [The multipli- 

cation of synonymous gods has 
been sufficiently shown by both 
Greek and Latin authors from 
whom we briefly borrow.] Ai- 
untidem theologi quattuor esse 
Vulcanos, et tres Dianas, Ae- 
sculapios totidem, et Dionysos 
quinque, ter binos Hercules, et 
quattuor Veneres, tria genera 

dicta est; quintus Joab (Li- eBdomov Ards Kat Malas trys Castorum, totidemque Musa- 
bani2, W.) filius, qui cum | “AraAaptos. rum, pinnatorum Cupidinum 
rege Medorum pugnavit; sex- trigas, et quadrigas Apollina- 
tus Jovis filius ex Alcumena, rium nominum: quorum simi- 
qui Atlanta docuit (athla do- liter genitores, similiter ma- 
cuit, Halm. Atlanta donutt, tres, loca quibus nati sunt, 
Roth) indicant, et originem singu- 
lorum suis cum prosapiis mon- 
‘1 Should this clause be put strant. [This will be referred 
after quartus? to as the ‘Summary’. ] 

2 Following Lydus. 

§ 1. Joves fuere tres. Primus | c. 48. p. 95. twes 8é kata tov} ib. Aiunt theologi vestri et ve- 

‘ etiam Aetherius 

in Arcadia, Aetheris filius, cui 
fuit: hic primum Solem pro- 
creavit. Secundus  ibidem 
(mss abide, edd. abinde, al. 
ab Ida) in Arcadia, qui Sa- 

‘turnius cognominatur, qui ex 

Proserpina Liberum patrem 
procreavit primum victorum 
(Mss victoriam). Tertius 
Cretae, Saturni et Opis filius, 
optimus maximusque est ap- 

7p @pLKoV Kal jLeptoTov Adyov } 
Tpets Atas elvat Bovdovrat, eva. 
pev AlOépos, tov dé érepov ev 
*Apkadig TexOnvar, €& oF haciv 
*AOnvav, tpiroy dé rov Kpyra. 
[He then goes on to speak of 
the Phoenician tradition, and 
of those recorded by Melias, 
Crates, Eratosthenes, Eume- 
lus the Corinthian, &¢., which 
do not supply any illustration. 
and then continues] rjs 6é 
Kopys mat épa. avrov pace, TOUT- 
€ore Tob KOpou Kat ™S €VM x las 
aitiov avTov yevéoOar, 

1 j,e. the Euhemerist theory 
which splits up the deity 
into a number of heroes. 

Clem. Al. Protr. § 28. 

tustatisabsconditae conditores 
tres in rerum natura Joves 
esse: ex quibus unus Aethere 
fit patre progenitus, alter 
Caelo, tertius vero Saturno 
apud insulam Cretam et se- 
pulturae traditus et procre- 

youv eioty ot Toes Tovs Znvas 
civaypapovary, TOV mev Albépos € €v 
Apxadia, tw Sé Aue Tod Kpovou 
Taide’ TovTo Tov ev ev Kpyty, 
Oarepov Sé ev Apxadia mad. 

See above in Summary. 

204 CICERO. 
Name of Divinity Parents Other Relations Country Miscellaneous 
Musae Jupiter B 4, viz. Thelxinoe, Aoede, 
(ONL Dy nas 54). Arche, Melete 
B | Jupiter y + Mnemo- 9 
y | Pierus + Antiope 9 synonymous with B 
Sol a| Jupiter a 
(N. D. 111 54) 
B | Hyperion 
y | Vuleanus f (son of Egypt | patron of Heliopolis 
6 | m. Acantho (?) children, Ialysus, Ca- | Rhodes 
mirus, Lindus (?) 
e children, Aeeta, Circe | Colchis 
Vuleanus a | Caelus wife, Minerva a; child, | Egypt also called Phthas, the 
(CNet e tleop) Apollo a patron of Egypt 
B | Nilus 
y | Jupiter y+ Juno Lemnos | worker in metal 
6 | Memalius (?) Insulae 
Mercurius Caelus -+ Dies Phallic deity, wooer of 
GNa7 TL 56) Proserpina 
B | Valens + Phoronis the Chthonian deity 
identified with Tro- 
y | Jupiter y+ Maia wife, Penelope; child, 
6 | Nilus Egypt att name _ inef- 
€ Pheneus | fled to Egyptafter slay- 
in ing Argus, and be- 
Arcadia came the Egyptian 
lawgiver Theuth,after 
whom they name their 
first month 
Aesculapius a| Apollo a Arcadia | inventor of probe and 
(Oxf 1D igueayp) bandages 
6 |i Valens+ Phoronis] | brother, Mercurius Cyno- struck by lightning 
surae and buried there 
y | Arsippus + Arsinoe Arcadia | inventor of purges and 

of dentistry: buried 
by the r. Lusius 



Lydus De Mensibus 


Arnobius, Clemens Alexandrinus 

In Summary, ef. also 111 37 cited 
in the note. 

9. § 3. Soles fuere quinque: pri- 
mus Jovis filius; secundus 
Hyperionis; tertius Nili (Wihi 
Mss, Mint Duk.) filius, cui 
Aegyptus est consecrata; quar- 
tus qui Rhodi natus est, cujus 
etiam Zemintus (Zmintheus 
Munck, Lindus Dav.) est fi- 
lius; quintus Colchi filius, ex 
quo Circe et Medea et Phae- 
thon nati sunt. 

Arnob. Iv 14. Quinque Soles, ex 
quibus Sol primus Jovis filius 
dicitur et Aetheris habetur 
nepos; secundus aeque Jovis 
filius et Hyperiona proditus 
genetrice; tertius Vulcano, non 
Lemnio, sed Nili qui fuerit 
filius; quartus Ialysi pater, 
quem Rhodi peperit heroicis 
temporibus Acantho; quintus 
Scythici regis et versipellis 
habetur Circae. 

9.§ 4. Volcani fuere quattuor: 
primus Crio et Joppe (Aethiope 
W.?) natus; secundus Nili 
filius; tertius Saturni et Ju- 
nonis; quartus in Sicilia Mi- 
letes (Melites W., Milvii Dav.). 

IV 48. p. 105. "Hacoror rérrapes, 

tmpwtos Ovpavod Kai ‘Huépas, ma- 
mp “AmddAdAwvos tod ’APnvaiwv 
apxny€rov, Sevrepos NetAov mais, 
év Atyvmrioe Kadovor POav, Tpi- 
tos 0 Kpovov Kat” Hpas, 6 Ajpve- 
0s, 0 Xadkeutys, térapros “Hdat- 
aros 0 Mavrovs (Cr. Mavr@os), 
6 Xuxedrwwitns, €€ od ‘Hdaror- 
ades ai vnooe. 

See above in Summary. 


9.$5. Mercurii quattuor: pri- 
mus Caeli et Diei filius; se- 
cundus Jovis et Croniae filius 
vel Proserpinae; tertius Croni 
filius et Maiae, qui est in- 
ventor lyrae; quartus Cyllenii 
(Mss Quilleni, W. qui Nili?) 
filius, qui Aegyptiis litteras et 
numerum dixit. 

Serv. ad Virg. Aen.1v 577. Non- 

nulli quattuor Mercurios tra- 
dunt, unum Caeli et Diei fi- 
lium, amatorem Proserpinae ; 
alterum Liberi patris et Pro- 
serpinae filium ; tertium Jovis 
et Maiae; quartum Cyllenii 
fillum, cujus mater non pro- 
ditur, a quo Argus clam oc- 
cisus est, qui hoc metu in 
Aegyptum profugit, et ibi in- 
venisse primum disciplinam 
litterarum et numerum dici- 
tur, qui lingua Aegyptiorum 
Thoth appellatur, de cujus 
nomine etiam mensis dictus 

Le. Jam Mercurius primus, qui 
in Proserpinam dicitur geni- 
talibus adhinnivisse subrectis, 
supremi progenies Caeli est. 
Sub terra est alter, Tropho- 
nius qui esse jactatur. Maia 
tertius matre et Jove procre- 
atus, sed tertio; quartus so- 
boles Nili est, cujus nomen 
Aegyptia gens horret et reve- 
retur exprimere; quintus Argi 
est interemptor, fugitivus at- 
que exsul et proditor apud 
Aegyptum litterarum. 

Lactantius Placidus (Scholiast 
on Statius Zheb. Iv 483, fl. 
about 500 A.D.). Corvilius (?) 
quattuor Mercurios esse scri- 
bit, unum Jovis et Maiae 
filium, alterum Caeli et Diei, 
tertium Liberi et Proserpinae, 
quartum Jovis et Cyllenes, a 
quo Argus occisus est, quem 
ipsum ob hance causam Graeci 
profugum dicunt, Aegyptiis 
autem litteras demonstrasse. 

. §6. Aesculapii tres: primus 

Apollo dictus (Halm Apolli- 
nis filit) Vulcani filius; se- 
cundus Lai (W. att) filius; 
tertius Aristeti et Alcippe 
(Periz. Alcippes) filius, 


ydus IV 90. p. 125. "AoKAymeoe 
Tpeis A€yovTat yevérOat, mpwros 
"AréAAwVos TOU “Hfatorov és 
efedpe pydAnv, Sevtepos “loxvos 
Tov ’EAatouv Kat Kopwvisos, [ds 
év tots Kuvorovpioos added by 
Hase] opious éradn, tpiros ’Ap- 
aimmov Kat ‘Apowons THs Acv- 

Clem. Al. Prot. § 29. ri & et coe 
Tovs MoAAOUS eElrouse AoKdAy- 
mous 7} Tovs ‘Epuas tous ap.b- 
poupevous 7} TOVs ‘Hdaicrous Tous 
pvIoAoyoupevous 3 7) Kal TepLT- 
Tos elvar Sdéw Tas aKoas buov 
ovop“aciv; GAN at ye marpides 
avrovs Kal ai Téxvat Kat ot Biot, 
mpos O€ ye Kat ot Tadot, avOpu- 
Tous yeyovoras SteAeyxovowy. 



Name of Divinity Parents Other Relations Country | Miscellaneous 
Apollo a | Vuleanus[a+ Miner- | [son, Aesculapius a] Athens | patron of 
GNesD es niteo) va a]. 
B | Corybas Creta contended with Jupiter 
for Crete 
y | Jupiter y+ Latona (sister, Diana B] Delphi came thither from the 
6 Arcadia | Nomius, so called as 
the lawgiver of Ar- 
Diana a|Jupiter a + Proser- | [husband, Mercurius ; 
CNG Ws hile ss) pina brothers, Dioscuri a, 
Dionysus a; see also 
Hercules a, Sol a]; 
child, winged Cupid 
B | Jupiter y+ Latona | (brother, Apollo y] 
y | Upis + Glauce also called Upis by the 
Greeks after her fa- 
Dionysus a} Jupiter a + Proser- | [see Diana a] 
(N. D. 111 58) pina 
B | Nilus killed Nysa (2). 
y | Cabirus King of | worshipped in the Sa- 
Asia | bazia 
6 | Jupiter + Luna worshipped in the Or- 
phic rites 
e | Nisus + Thyone instituted the Triete- 
Venus a | Caelus 7 Dies (brothers, Mercurius a, Cic. had seen hershrine 
ON] De 117 59) see also Jupiter B, at Elis 
Vulcanus a] 
B | Adpos husband, Mercurius «a; 
son Cupido B 
y | Jupiter y+ Dione husband, Vulcanus y; 
son, by Mars, Anteros 
(Cupido y) 
8 | Syria + Cyprus (?)| husband, Adonis also called Astarte 

(Cyrus MSS) 




§6. <Apollines quinque: pri- 
mus Vulcani et Minervae; se- 
cundus ex Corybante; tertius 
Jovis filius ex Latona; quartus 
Sileni filius in Arcadia; quin- 
tus Ammonis filius in Lybia 

Lydus De Mensibus 

EO: II § 28. 


§ 7. Dianae tres: prima Jovis 
Croni (W. Cronii, Jahn Chtho- 
nit) filia ex Proserpina, quae 
est Liberi soror; secunda J ovis 
et Latonae, Apollinis soror; 
tertia quae vocatur Ops (MS 
Obs) de Glauco (W. Glauce). 


Arnobius, Clemens Alexandrinus 

vat way *AroAAwva 0 
[Lev AptororéAns TPW@TOV ‘Hoaic- 
TOV Kal AOnvas —évrav0a 8 ovK- 
érue mapbEvos n ‘A@nva—devTepov 
ev Kpytn, TOV KopvBavros, TptTov 
TOV Atos, Kau TéTapTOV TOV Ap- 
Kada, TOV SAqvov: Nouros otros 
KéxAnrat map ’Apkagw" él TOU- 
ToLs TOV AiBuv katahéyer TOV 
ApMovos’ o 66 Aidupos 0 ypa.- 
tov Mayvyros. 

Arnobius in Summary recognizes 



11. Liberi quinque: primus 
ex Jove et Proserpina; hic 
agricola et inventor vini, cujus 
soror Ceres; secundus Liber 
ex Merone! (Muncker Jelone) 
et Flora, cujus nomine fluvius 
est Granicus; tertius de Ca- 
biro, qui regnavit in Asia; 
quartus ex Saturno (W. Sa- 
turnio) et Semela dicunt (W. 
marks a hiatus before dicunt); 
quintus Nisi et Hesionae 
(Muneker Thyonae) filius. 

1 Festus p. 124 M. says that 
Melo is a name for the Nile, 
but Meros (mt. Meru) also is 
a name connected with Bac- 
chus, see Strabo xv p. 687, 
Solinus 52, Curtius VIII 35 
Nysa sita est sub radicibus 
montis quem Meron incclae 
appellant (whence the fable 
of his birth from the thigh 
of Zeus). 

IV ¢. 88. p. 82. 

§9. Veneres quattuor: 

Caeli (ms hacdeli) et Diei 
tilia; secunda quae ex spuma 
nata esse dicitur, Aetheris 
(ms et aeris) et Oceani filia; 
tertia quae Vulcano nupsit, 
quae cum Marte se miscuit, 
unde Cupido natus esse dici- 
tur; quarta Cypri et Syriae 
filia, quam Adon habuit. 

Tépravdpds ye wv 
o AéaBvos Nvooav A€yer TETL- 
Onvnkévar Tov Avovugov Tov umd 
TWOV ZaBasvov ovowagouevor, €K 
Avos kat Tepaepovns YEVOKLEVOY, 
elta vo TOY Teravev oTapa- 
x9evra. . kata 6€ Tovs TounTas 
Avévucot mévre, MPa@Tos Aros Kat 
Avovléas, Sevrepos ) NetAov, 
o Kai Bartrevoas ABins Kat 
AlOvomias kat *ApaBtas, TpiTos 
KaBelpov tats, oars, THs “Agias 
€BaciAevaer, ap’ od 7 Kaecpexy 
TEAETY" TéTapTos © Atos Kat me 
KEANS, @ Ta ‘Ophéws puorypla 
éreAeiTo Kal vp’ od olvos €xe- 
paoOn’ TEUTTOS 6 Nicov kat 
Ovwvns, 63 KaréderEe tprernpida. 


Five in Summary. 

Clemens Alexandrinus. 

See on Asclepius. 

aL: 44. p. 89. 

ot dé aAAoe TOV Troun- 
TOV Tésoapas mapadidoacwy, put- 
av pev e& Ovpavod Kat “Hyepas 
TexOetoav, éerépay Se é& *Adpod, 
e& Hs Kat “Epp.ov "Epws éréx6n, 
Tpitny Atds Kai Audvns, e& Hs Kat 
"Apeos TEXOHVAaL dao "Avrépwra, 
TeTApTHY TS Zupias Kat Kurpou, 
THY Acyoudyyv “Aorapmyy. ”AdAot 
bé pacw TpwTov ev tov Ovpa- 
voo kat ‘Hyépas Ovpaviav Kahov- 
KEVny, Sevtépav 66 “Adpod kat 
Evpuvouns ™mS ‘Oxeavod, Kat Tpé- 
™mV THY guvapbeioay ‘Epuy Tov 
NetAov, e€ Hs Kai O Sevtepos " Epws 
0 bndntepos, TeTapryy Avds Kat 
Awivns, HV eynwev “Hoaroros, 
Adbpq sé evry aovvedOwv “Apns 
eTeKE TOV "AvTépwra KaAetrae de 
moAAaxov Kat Ilacupan ... Kat 
‘Epuxivyn. . . a avtys 5é Kat ’Ep- 
Lov Tov ‘Eppadpdditov texOyvac. 


Four in Summary. 

208 CICERO. 

Name of Divinity Parents Other Relations Country Miscellaneous 
Minerva a fhusband, Vulecanus a]; 
GND? 11 59) son, Apollo a 

B| Nilus Egypt worshipped at Sais 

a y | Jupiter B 
6 | Jupiter + Coryphe d. Arcadia | also called Coria, in- 

of Oceanus ventress of chariots 

«| Pallas represented with wing- 

ed feet: slew her fa- 
ther for attempting 
her chastity 

Cupido a} Mercuriusa+ Dianaa fealled ‘winged’ § 58] 
(CN. D. 111 60) 

B prasie a-+ Venus 

y | Mars+ Venus y also called Anteros 

[Marsin Ampelius 
and Clemens; 
Pan in Lydus; 
omitted in Ci- 



§10. Minervae quinque: prima 
Vulcani filia, unde Athenarum 
est civitas; secunda Nili filia 
quam Aegyptii (ms. Aegyptt) 
colunt; tertia Jovis filia quae 
in bellicis (ms fecillis) rebus 
se exercuit; quarta solis (Dav. 
Jovis) filia quae quadrigas 
junxit; quinta Pallantis et 
itanidos filia. Haec patrem 
occidit pro suae virginitatis 
observatione, quia eius cupi- 
son fuit, unde et Pallas dicta 

Lydus De Mensibus 


Arnobius, Clemens Alexandrinus 

Iv 14. Sed et Minervae, inqui- 
unt, sicut Soles et Mercurii 
quinque sunt: ex quibus pri- 
ma non virgo sed ex Vulcano 
Apollinis procreatrix; Nili al- 
tera proles et quae esse perhi- 
betur Aegyptia Sais. Stirps 
Saturni tertia est et quae usum 
excogitavit armorum; Jovis 
quarta progenies, quam Mes- 
senii Coryphasiam nominant; 
et quae Pallantem occidit pa- 
trem, incestorum appetitorem, 
est quinta. 

Clemens Alex. 

II 28. etot &¢ ot mévTe ‘AOnvas 
brorevrat, THY, peev ‘Hoatorov 
™YV ’AOnvaiar, THY 6é NevAou ™Yv 
Atyurtiay, TpiTyy, ™Yv Kpovov 
THY moA€E Mou evpériv, TETAPTHV 
THY Ads, HV Mecoyrioe Kopuga- 
olay amo THs KnTpos emuKeKAr~ 
Kao, eri Tage ™V TlaAAavros 
Kat Teravidos THs “OKeavod, 7 Tov 
TarTépa dvoceBws Kkatabioaca T® 
Tatpoy Kekoopntat Sépuati, wo- 
Tep KwWOiw, 


In Summary: pinnatorum Cupi- 
dinum trigas. 

§ 2. Martes fuere duo: primus 
ex Enoposte, ut eum Homerus 
ait, et noster Mars Leucarpis, 
et alter Mars enius; secundus 
ex Jove et Junone. (W. sug- 
gests ex Enyo poste...; secun- 
dus ex Jove et Junone, ut eum 
Homerus dicit, est noster 
Mars seu Marspiter et alter 
Mars Enyalius.) 


Iv 74. p. 118. dvo lavas act. 
TUves i dace Tov Tava. é ex Kpdvou 
Kau ‘Péas yevérar, avrt Tou €k 
TOU VOU Kal THS Vypas OvaLas . 
700€ TO Tap. 

Clem. Al. 

Prot. 11 29. "Apys, ws wey *Eni- 
xXapLos hyo, Sraptuarys 7 nV; 2o- 
goxdys dé Opgra oidev autor, 
aAAot 66 "ApKada. 


Index to Notes and proper Names as well as to less usual 
words and phrases. 

[Where the reading is doubtful (?) is added. ] 

a,ab. ab utroque latere 11 125, caudarum 
a parte locata 11114. a sacris haberet (?) 
III 84. 

after adjective. altissimus a II 101, re- 
cens ab III 11. 

after nouns. a puppi ventis II 125, metus 
@ Vi I 45. 

after neuter verb. anima calescit ab spi- 
ritu It 138, conflagrare terras a tantis 
ardoribus II 92. 

personifying use after passive v. ea quae 
a terra stirpibus continentur II 83, and 
127, ab his (dentibus) molitur cibus II 
134, confectio a lingua adjuvari videtur 
ib., a nervis artus continentur II 139, ab 
auditu sonus est acceptus II 144, sensus 
a vocibus pulsus ib. See under natura 
and providentia. ; 

Abbreviation, see Brachylogy. 

Ablative (1) of place, see loco, initio, prin- 
cipio, bonis domiciliis habitare II 95, 
aram Esquiliis consecratam III 68, no- 
men veterum litteris usitatius I11 48; 
with totus, toto caelo luce diffusa It 95, 
corpore toto intextae venae II 188, toto 
corpore pertinentem II 139, tactus toto 
corpore fusus II 141; with zdem, isdem 
spatiis vagatur Ir 103, i. s. conversiones 
conficere II 49; tropical, una littera ex- 
plicare III 62 (see below, 7). 

(2) of time. ludis 11 6, tam immenso 
spatio Pronoea cessavit I 22 (see below 
9), tempore infinito in gurgustio habita- 
verat ib., recentiore memoria II 6, pa- 
trum memoria II 165, nocte et die 11 24; 
with totus, stellas totis noctibus cerni- 
mus II 105, 108, tota aestate 11 130. 

(3) of description. (a) predicative with 
sum, erat perversissimis oculis I 79, hu- 
mano visu (sunt) I 85, his vocabulis esse 
deos facimus I 88, iis corporibus sunt IT 
59, sunt admirabili constantia 111 23, 
matre libera est III 45, matre Asteria 
est III 46, sit eodem ornatu IT 85, eo 
statu sint II 87, ea figura est I 48; (with 
Gen. in place of epithet) hominis esse 
specie deos confitendum est ib.; (0) with 
other verbs, deos ea facie novimus I 81, 
veris falsa esse adjuncta tanta similitu- 
dine 112, perturbatis animis inducuntur 
(di) 11 70, soliditate quadam cernatur (?) 
I 49, imagines ea forma incidere I 107, 
eximio posita est fulgore corona II 108, 
perhibent Ophiuchum claro lumine (?) 
II 109 (some of these might be classed 
with the following); (c) atiributive with 
nouns, cursus incredibili celeritate 11 
161, glaebam nulla cohaerendi natura 

II 82, pisces squamoso corpore II 113, 
amiculum grandi pondere II 83, Musae 
isdem nominibus III 54, obscura specie 
Cassiepia If 111, jubam fulgore micanti 
ib., corpore semifero Capricornus IT 112, 
Arcturus nomine claro II 110, splendenti 
corpore Virgo ib., sidera magnitudinibus 
immensis II 92, continente ardore lucis 
orbem (?) I 28. 

(4) of manner. persuaderi non opini- 
one sed ad veritatem I 61, quibus vo- 
cabulis nominantur I 838, aqua nive 
pruinaque concresceret II 26, ratione et 
numero moveri II 43, jure ac lege vivunt 
II 154, casu fieri If 97, colere deos jure 
pontificio et more majorum III 48, ves- 
tigiis concludere It 28, lege nova quaes- 
tiones I1r 74, de incestu rogatione Pe- 
ducaea III 74, ratione peccetur III 69, 
opinione stultorum judicari IT 11. 

(5) of cause. eoerrore dicebas quia II 73, 
assiduitate consuescunt II 96, opiniones 
quae in maxima inconstantia veritatis 
ignoratione versantur I 43; used for a- 
gent, quo (numine) regantur II 4, I11 10, 
II 16, natura tenetur II 88, cf. II 85, di- 
vino spiritu continetur II 19. 

(6) of means or instrument. cantheriis 
albis venisse III 11, rumoribus pugnas 
Tir 18, defectibus recurro II 50, disco 
eapedunculis I11 43, terrae bubus subi- 
guntur II 159. 

(7) of part concerned, ‘in point of,’ figura 
vastior I 97 (?), una littera explicare III 
62, ornatius aspectu, motu constantius 
Til 28, liniamentis extremis similem I 

(8) of measure. uno digito redundat I 
99, uno digito plus habere ib., multis 
partibus major quam terra II 92, multo 
antecellit 11 145. ; 

(9) of attendant circumstances. tam im- 
menso spatio cessaverit I 22, immenso 
mundo colluceat I1 40, nullis calonibus 
venisse III 11, nullis auspiciis adminis- 
trantur II 9,assensu omnium dicere II 4, 
his auctoribus debes moveri III 13, ejus 
augurio bella gerere ITI 9. ; 

(10) of origin (with nascor). igne nasci 
J 103, Jove natus III 42, 53, 54, 56, 57, 58, 
59, Nilo natus III 42, 55, 58, cf. 111 60; 
(with procreor) III 54, 59; (with orior) 
Minerva orta Nilo III 59; (with con- 
ceptus) Syria Cyproque concepta (?) IIT 
59 Add. 

(11) of comparison followed by quam- 
clause I 38. 

Abdera I 120. 


Abderites 1 63. 

abdico (used absolutely) 11 11. 

aberro a conjectura I 100. 

abiegnus III 75. : 

Abstract. see Plural; (for Concrete) animi 
aegritudo commota I 9, animi fusionem 
I 39, volucres ex vastitate Lybiae invec- 
tas 1101, utilitas rerum I1 162, commo- 
ditas rerum III 16, hujusce terrae con- 
tinuatio II 164, in hac subtilitate sermo- 
nis III 9; understood from preceding 
Concrete, silos capitones, quae sunt I 80, 
sapientem esse mundum, beatum, aeter- 
num, omnia haec II 21. 

absum. cui nihil abest 11 37, absunt ab hac vi 
(‘are unlike’)11 67, quod abest (‘ which is 
not the case’) 111 79. 

Absyrtus III 48. 

abutor ‘to turn from its natural use’ 11 151, 
: i use to excess,’ atomorum licentia 
I 65. 

ac, see atque. 

Academia: their profession of ignorance I 1, 
18; of freedom I 10, 17, 72, 111 1; charged 
with obscuring truth I 6; argued against 
common beliefs I 11, 111 72; a deserted 
school I 6, 11; unpopular 113; doctrine 
of éwoxy 111; of probability 112; distin- 
guished for rhetoric II 168; profess to 
hold the traditional faith 111 19; procax 
Academia I 13; Academicorum calum- 
niam IT 20. 

oa coche Cicero’s treatise in four books 

Acantho (?) 111 54. 

accedo. ad cognitionem (‘to attain to’) 11 153 
and Addenda. 

accessus )( recessus, ad res salutares IT 34; of 

_tides III 24; of the sun 11 50. 

accido. corpora quaeque his accidant ‘ bodies 

and their attributes’ 11 82; accidat tra- 
_bes (quotation) (?) 111 75. 

accipere plagam I 70; interitum III 32; ma- 
gistrum male ‘treat badly ’ 192; auditione 
II 95; aliquid extrinsecus III 29; accep- 

_tum refero III 86. 

accipiter, worshipped in Egypt III 47. 

Accius (Actius Mss) quotation from his 
Medea 11 89, from the Atreus II 68, from 
uncertain plays I1I 41, 90. 

accommodo=ovvorkerdw I 41; naturae accom- 
modatum I 104, ad hane praesensionem 
nihil ace. 11 45, ad artus finiendos accom- 
modatas II 139. 

accubitio I 94. 

Accusative (of Oblique Complement) invo- 
cant illum et Jovem et dominatorem II 4; 
(of Duration) compared with Adl. I 22 n.; 
(of Motion to a country) Aegyptum pro- 
fugisse III 56; after aufugio I 111. 

acer. ingenium II 16; mens I1 18; sensus II 
30, 42; umores IT 59. 

acerbum cor (quotation) III 68, acerbos e Ze- 
nonis schola exire III 77. 

Achaia (in Rhodes) 111 54 n. 

Acheron II 43. 

Achilles worshipped in Astypalaea III 45. 
acies mentis II 43, 45, ipsa qua cernimus (= 
pupula) II 142. . 

acquierunt II 125, 

actio vitae (verbal of agere vitam) I 2 Add., 
45 (?), 103, corporis II 139, actiones ad- 
hibeo II 58. 

actuosa virtus I 110Add. 

acumen ‘sting’ 11 114; ex acuminibus auspi- 
cium II 9, 

acutulae conclusiones III 18. 


ad (‘as regards’) ad agnitionem animi pul- 
cherrima I 1, ad speciem pulchriores II 
87, ad figuram vastior (?)1 97, ad rationem 
praestantior Ir 155, ad ornatum decoras 
TI 151, nihil interest ad fortunam III 89, 
interesse aliquid ad mentis aciem It 43, 
nec ad speciem nec ad usum desiderant 
(?) 1 99, ad cogitationem valent I 105; 
(‘with a view to’) quanta ratio ad con- 
servationem bestiarum appareat II 128, 
ad scientiam homini data est IT 168; 
(‘according to’) exerceamur ad similitu- 
dinem bellicae disciplinae Ir 161, ad 
numerum (=kar dpiOudov) I 49, ad verita- 
tem persuaderi )( opinione (=7pds aAj- 
Oecav) I 61, ad harmoniam canere III 
27; ad eum (‘to his house’) I 15; ad 
unum omnes I 44; ad extremum II 
118; ad quoddam tempus II 51; esse ad 
omne tempus (‘suited to’) II 83; ad 
quem primas deferebant 1 15; aggredior 
ad disputationem III 7, cf. 157; arripio 
ad reprehendendum II 167; adhibitis 
manibus ad inventa II 150. 

addo. extrinsecus spiritum addant (?) 11 136. 

addubito I 14, 11118. 

adduco Ir 136 (?); adducor ut putem I1 17. 

adeo,  recedo, stellae 11 51. 

adeo adv. I1 105. 

adhibeo, actiones IT 58, ignem It 151, odores 
ad deos I 112; cultus adhibetur homini 
I 94 Add. 

aditus difficiles habebat ad pastum II 123. _ 

Adjective (in -bilis with active force) insatia- 
bilis 11 98, praestabilis III 26, patibilis 
III 29. 

(as substantive), pontificii I 84. 

(n. pl. as adverb), truculenta tuetur IT 
110 (poet.). 

(of antecedent; made sub-predicate in 
relative clause), natura quam cernit ig- 
notam Ir 89, calore quem multum habet 
II 136, stellae quas tu innumerabiles III 
23, deos quia te innumerabiles explicati 
sunt III 93. 

(used for participle) vanas (=vanas ov- 
oas) II 5. 

(otiose) ficta simulatio I 8. : 

adjicio. frigoribus adjectis ‘by the applica- 
tion of cold’ II 26; adjectae voces II 

adjungo. ad hanc providentiam adjungi 
multa possunt II 140, tempus hiemi ad- 
junctum It 49, adj. linguae radicibus II 
136, os adjunctis naribus spiritu augetur 
II 134. 

adminicula vites apprehendunt II 120. 

admirabilitas caelestium rerum II 90, cum 
admirabilitate maxima II 101. 

admirabiliter 11 182. 

admiratio est in ‘we may wonder at’ It 124. 

admiror congressune an natura congregatae 
sint (?) 11 124; ‘to express wonder’ I 24, 
91, cf. Cato 3, 4, Orat. II 29. 

admisceri genus (quotation) III 68, partim 
admiscentur in unam (quotation) Ir 108. 

admotio digitorum II 150. 

adnectitur ad linguam stomachus II 186. 

Adonis III 59. 

adulatio, canum amans dominorum II 158. 

adumbratas deorum formas I 75. 

adunca corpuscula I 66. 

aduncitas rostrorum IT 122. 

adventicius tepor Ir 26. 

Adverbd (expressing opinion of speaker rather 
than mode of action) creduntur stul- 
tissime II 70, latent utiliter Ir 143. 



Adverbial clause as attribute apud inferos 
portenta If 5, saepe praesentiae II 166, 
praeter naturam portentis II 14, aus- 
picia ex acuminibus II 9, ex aqua sola- 
rium I 87, introitus cum flexibus II 
144, a puppi ventis If 125, hominem sine 
arte II 74, cursus cum admirabili con- 
stantia 1155, see cum. Used as parti- 
ciple Mercurius qui sub terris habetur 
idem Trophonius 111 56, hance constan- 
tiam non possum intellegere sine mente 
TI 54. 

adversus aer pellitur (‘in front’) 11 125, caput 
Ir 110, dentes 11 134. 

advesperascit III 94. 

aedificator mundil 18 Add., 21. 

aedifico (mockingly used of Creation) I 19, 
III 26. 

aedilis (decorations by) I 22. 

Aeeta III 48, 54 (?). 

Aegialeus III 48. 

Aegisthus IIT 91. 

Aegyptius (superstitions of) I 43, 81, 82, 101, 
TIT 39, 54, 55, 56, 59. 

ao III 55, 56 (in acc. after v. of mo- 

aequabilis tributio (=toovouia) I 50, calor It 
54, motus II 23, 90, partes undique aeq. 

aequabilitas motus It 15, 48. 

aequabiliter. fusus tactus 11 141, mare conglo- 
batur undique IT 116. 

aequaliter partes nituntur 11 115. 

aequilibritas =icovoyuta I 109. 

aer. anew word II 91. See air and anima. 

Aesculapius II 62, III 39, 45, 57, 83, 91, n. on 
occurrit I 46. 

aestus muritimi (theories of Aristotle, Posido- 
nius, &¢.) 1119 n., 182, 111 24. 

aetates sempiternae saeclorum IT 52. 

aeternitas. in omni aet. 11 51, 54, frui aet. 
II 62. 
aeternus. poetical use II 111, 11 41. 

aether. anew word Ii 91, caeli complexus 
qui aether vocatur II 101, sidera ex pu- 
rissima aetheris parte gignuntur IT 389, 
ardor caelestis qui aether vel caelum 
nominatur 1 41, called caeli ardor 1 33, 
its divinity I 36, constat ex altissimis 
ignibus It 91, holds together the universe 
II 101, 115, the soul is derived from it I1 
18 (n. on wide sustulimus), personified 
in Jupiter 11 65, fed by exhalations II 83, 
cf. calor and ignis. 

Aether. f. of Caelus 111 44, f. of Jupiter 111 
538, 54. 

aetheria natura id est ignea II 64, summa 
pars caeli aetheria dicitur 11 117, non ha- 
bent aetherios cursus stellae IT 54. 

affatim vescuntur IT 127. 

affero. lacrymas populo Romano It 7, infe- 
rias III 42, 

afficio. vi affectam ‘endued with’ 1 36, ho- 
nore I 88, munere III 66. 

affigo. (sculptors) Minervae talaria affigunt 
IIT 59. 

affingo. natura corpori affinxit (membra) 
I 92. : 

afflatus. sine afflatu divino nemo vir mag- 
nus II 167. 

affluo. imaginum series a deo (?) 1 49 Add., 
ex ipso (deo) imagines I 114; nihil bonis 
affluentius cogitari potest I 51. 

Africanus, instance of divine favour II 165, 
his death 111 80, foretold by prodigies 
II 14. 

Africus ventus I 101. 


agellus III 85. 

aggredior ad ‘proceed to’ I 57, III 7. 

agnitio animi (?) 11 Add. 

agnosco deorum cognationem I 91, (to feel 
the force of an argument) I 49. 

agnus aurea coma III 68. 

ago. quid agat vereor ‘ what will become of 
her’ 111 48; age (before question) I 83, II 
120, age porro III 43; res agitur I 17 Add. 

agripeta I 72. 

Air pervades all the other elements I 40, 
holding them together by its double ac- 
tion expansive and cohesive II 117, is the 
coldest element I1 26, its quality affects 
the intellect 11 17, 42, its metamorphoses 
II 101, 111 31, personified in Juno II 66, 
essential to sight and hearing It 88, is an 
exhalation from water Ir 27. 

Alabandis (AAaBavéets) III 39 (2); Alabanden- 
ses III 50. 

Alabandus, eponymous hero of Alabanda III 
39, saying of Stratonicus about him III 50. 

Albucius the Epicurean I 93. 

Alcaeus I 79. 

Alcamenes, his statue of Vulcan I 83. 

Alemaeo the philosopher I 27. 

Alco. one of the Dioscuri IIT 53. 

Alenus (?) 111 74. 

ales. the constellation Cycnus 11 113, ales 
avis ‘winged bird’ Ir 112, alites  oscines 
Ir 160. 

Alexander. saying of Timaeus on the de- 
struction of the templeat Ephesus at the 
time of his birth 11 69, 

aliqui or aliquis. iratus aliqui deus I1r 91. 
(vague sense), esse aliquod numen II 4, 
esse aliquam mentem Ir 18, necessitate 
aliqua Ir 88, aliqua natura Ir 115. 

alius. (res) alia ex alia nexa I 9, alii per alia 
11 71, alia (closing a list without e¢) Ir 
52, cf. cetera, reliqua; Gen. alii (?) 
Tete 53 

Allegory used by Stoics I 36, 37, 41, 11 62, 63, 
64, I11 62 foll. 

allicere (elicere MSs) I 116. 

alligo vinclis 11 64, 

Alliteration in ec, consentiens conspirans 
continuata cognatio quem non coget 
comprobare II 19, cotidiana conveniens 
constansque conversio II 54, convenientia 
consensuque naturae quam quasi cogna- 
tione continuatam conspirare dicebas 
III 28, acerbum cor contundam et com- 
primaim (quotation) III 68, cetera...celeri 
caelestia Ir 104; in cl, clarum...clam 
clepere (quotation) III 68; in d, desipere 
delirare dementes esse dicebas I 94; in m, 
major mihi moles, majus miscendumst 
malum (quotation) 111 68; ¢ and m, ter- 
ram tuentem maria moderantem III 93; 
in v, volvit vertices vi suscitat (quota- 
tion) 11 89, velut—vim—aves—avertunt 
—volucres—vastitate—vento—invectas I 
101. Cf. Theobald De annominationis 
et alliterationis ap. Ciceronem usu pp. 
25 Bonn 1852 

alludo litoribus 11 100 (confused with other 
words in MSs). 

Almo tI 52. 

alo. terra alat et augeat II 83, cf. 81, vapori- 
bus altae stellae 11 118; cum agellus non 
satis aleret (dominum) I 72. 

Alphabet Latin I1 93. 

alte emergit If 113. 

altissimus gradus II 34, natura II 64, ignes 
Ir 91, a domiciliis nostris altissimus caeli 
complexus II 101. 


altitudines montium Ir 98, speluncarum (?) 
ib.; altitudinum immensitas I 54, 

altor omnium rerum mundus II 86. 

alvi natura II 136, purgatio III 57, contingit 
caput alvo II 111. 

amando procul a sensibus It 141 Add. 

ambitus rotundi stellarum II 49. 

ambulo. naturae artificiose ambulantis III 

amfractibus incisum ITI 47. 

amica varietati fortuna II 43. 

amiculum grandi pondere III 83. 

amitto captum ‘let go’ IT 124 

amo \ diligo I 121; (of self-complacency) 
vestra amatis II 73. 

amoenitates orarum IT 100. 

Amor (mythological) 111 44, 

Amphiaraus II 7, III 49. 

amplector. stirpes amplexa alat terra II 83. 

amplifico. sonum II 144, (sensations) ampli- 
ficata interimunt IIT 34. 

amplitudines (?) II 98. 

an (with the former alternative unex- 
pressed) an tu mei similem I 84, an 
quicquam tam puerile I 88 (97), an obli- 
tus es II 2, an Atti Navii lituus 11 9, an 
ne hoe quidem intellegimus Ir 17; (in- 
troducing contrasted clauses) an cetera 
mundus habebit, hoc unum non habebit 
II 18, an vero non possis adduci &c. II 
17 Add. 

Anacoluthon. (change of mood) facit Socra- 
tem disputantem eundemque dicere I 
81, dicemus...non est...sed esse I 75, 
necesse est sentiat—venire III 36; tegen- 
di causa factae et ne voces laberentur II 
144 Add.; (from Indirect to Direct) 
Chrysippus docet...esse debere, est au- 
tem If 38 & 39 Add., grues trianguli 
efficere formam, ejus autem angulo aer 
pellitur It 125, fateamur habere—habe- 
mus I 44. 

(principal verb attracted into subordi- 
nate construction) quem ad modum as- 
severant interire (for intereunt) II 94, 
cf. quae cum viderent II 95. 

(from personal to impersonal) poterunt 
intellegi II 71. 

(of Case) sed ipse Juppiter—hunce It 64, ea 
quae nuper—curant II 126, quibus quies- 
cerent It 148. 

etiam per jocum II 7, esse hominem—arro- 
gantiae est II 16. 

Anactes (al. Anaces) IIT 58. 

anas. anitum ova II 124. 

Anaxagoras I 26. 

Anaxarchus III 82. 

Anaximander I 25. 

Anaximenes I 26. 

anceps, quasi ‘amphibious’ 1103. - 

Andromeda II 112, elided before aufugiens 

anguis volucris1101; the constellation Draco 

F Ir 109. 

anguitenens (=Ophiuchus) It 109. 

angulus summus ‘the apex’ II 125, angulis 
incisum II 47. 

angustia conclusae orationis 11 20 Add., animi 
angustiae I 88, fretorum angustiae II 19. 

angustus. brevius angustiusque concludun- 
tur II 20, urget angustius IT 22. 

anhelo. frigus de pectore II 112. 

anicula I 55, 94. 

anilis II 70, III 12. 

aniliter III 92. 

anima ‘air’, quae spiritu ducitur Ir 38, 36, 
anima unde animantium constet animus 


ex quo animal dicitur (?) III 36, animam 
illam spirabilem (?) It 18, animus ex igni 
atque anima temperatur III 36, (in Lu- 
cretius) I 26 n.; (‘soul’) pro sale datam 
sui IT 160. 

animadverto (followed by cwm) II 24. 

animal (named from animus) 1 26, III 36; 
ignis ex sese ipse animal est 70.; (defined 
by sensation and appetite) II 34, 81, 122, 
III 82, 33; (the lower animals are without 
reason) II 34, 133, IIT 66, but have quid- 
dam simile mentis 11 29, the ant indeed 
has mens ratio memoria III 21; (are 
created for man) II 158—161; (each kind 
seems to itself the best) I 77 foll.; (each 
element has its appropriate animals) I 
103, 11 42. See Zoology. 

animalis cibus (‘aérial nutriment’) It 136, 
animali spirabilique natura (?) It 91, III 
34; (‘living’) nihil esse animale extrin- 
secus (?) III 36. 

animans (1) adj., mundum animantem I 28, 
II 47, 22, animantes imagines I 120, ani- 
mans natura I 123, animantia principia 
1175 Add. 

(2) swbst. I 24, 87, 45, 83, 101, 130, 132, 136, 
153, used as masce. I 24, as f. I1 101 n., as 
neut. II 128, III 34 (?). 

animare abs. ‘ to give life’ 1110. 

animus (see on anima, animal), est in ani- 
mo facere II 20, sive ex animo fit sive 
simulate 11168. Cf. Sowl. 

annales Ennii II 93. 

anniversarias Vicissitudines II 97. 

annuas frigorum et calorum varietates II 

annus magnus II 51, Frag. 5; anno vertente 
II 53. 

anquiro I 45. 

anser II 128. 

Antecanis (?) II 114. 

antecedo (neut.) of the stars )( subsequor II 
51, 52, 53. 

antecello. sensus antecellit sensibus Ir 145. 

anteceptam animo rei informationem I 43. 

anteeo. hominis natura anteit animantes II 

anteferre figuram suae I 77. 

antegreditur stella solem I 53. 

Anteros III 59. 

anteverto. tum antevertens tum subsequens 
II 53. 

anticipatio=mpodAns I 43. 

anticipo. ita est informatum anticipatum- 
que mentibus nostris I 76. 

Antiopa IIT 54. 

Antisthenes I 32. 

Aoede III 54. 

aperio. aperiuntur stellae )( occultantur I1 
51, cf. se aperire It 52; aperit de istoc 
oratio (quot.) Ir 91. 

aperta mens ‘unbodied’ I 27. 

aperte ‘frankly’ 111. 

Apis I 82. 

Apollo Ir 68 (derivation of name compared 
with that of Sol), 111 55, 57, (legislator of 
Sparta) 111 91, worshipped with unbloody 
offerings at Delos III 88 n. 

Apollodorus (the Stoic) 1 98; (the Epicurean) 
I § 89n. on non vestro more and p. lii; 
(the tyrant) III 82. 

Aposiopesis after sed tamen I 90. 

Apostrophe. num quid tale Epicure I 88 n. 

Apotheosis, see Gods. 

appetitio=opuy )( declinatio 11 58, 111 33. 

appetitus animi II 34, cum appetitu acces- 
sum ib., rerum app. II 29. 


appeto. mare terram II 100, proprium est 
animantium ut aliquid appetant I 104; 
(neut.) sentire et appetere II 81. 

appulsus solis I 24, frigoris et caloris II 141. 

apte cadere ‘to suit’ I 19. : 

aptus. (1) part. inter se aptae colligataeque 
I 9, inter se conexa et apta II 97, apta 
inter se et cohaerentia III 4, undique 
aptum II 87, aptius ‘more compact’ II 47, 
115: (2) adj. ad jocandum I1 46, ad per- 
manendum II 58. 

apud Cottam ‘at his house’ 1 15. 

aqua pl. respiratio aquarum II 27, efferves- 
cunt subditis ignibus ib., maris aqua- 
rumque reliquarum vapores II 118. 

Aquarius (constellation) II 112. 

aquatilis bestia II 124. 

Aquila (constellation) II 113. 

Aquilius M’, 11 14. 

Aquillius C. 112 74 (his definition of dolws). 

aquilonis tangitur auris (of a star) I 111 
Add., ef. 11 112; aquilonibus reliquisque 
frigoribus II 26. 

aquilonius (?) 11 50 (aquilenta Mss). 

ara. in aram confugere III 24, pro aris et 
focis 111 94; (constellation) 11 114. 

araneola II 1238. 

Aratus 11 104, (quotations from) II 104—114, 

arbitro v.a. IT 74. 

Arcadia III 53, 57. Arcades III 57, 59. 

arceo. arcet et continet quod recepit II 136, 
flumina arcemus II 152. 

Arcesilas I 11, 70. 

arcessitu I 15. 

Arche III 54. 

Archilochus 11 91. 

Archimedes (his orrery) II 88. 

architectus I 72, II 141, )( faber II 35 n.; (of 
the Creator) I 19, II 90. 

Arctophylax (= Bootes) 11 109. 

Arcturus II 110. 

Arctus II 109, 110, 111; Arctoe 11 105. 

arcus (rainbow) III 51, arqui ib.; (constella- 
tion) Ir 113. 

Ardea, seat of the worship of Natio 111 47. 

ardor caeli=aiO7p I 33, 37, mundi II 32, side- 
rum ardores II 92, continente ardore 
orbem I 28 (?). 

Areopagus II 74. 

argentea mensa IIT 84. 

Argiva Juno I 82. 

Argo (the ship) 11 89; (constellation) 11 114. 

argumentum cur III 10, argumenti exitum 
explicare I 53. 

Argus slain by Mercury It 56. 

aries (constellation) 11 111; (of Atreus) IIE 
68 n. 

Aristaeus olivae inventor Ir 45. 

Aristippus. asotos ex Aristippi schola exire 
TE (eavOle hex i: 

Aristo of Chios 1 37, his saying 111 77. 

Aristoteles vol. I p. xxvi foll.; his arg. for the 
eternity of the world used by Epicureans 
120; Epicurean criticism of his doctrines 
I 33, 93; reff. to his dialogue De Phi- 
losophia 1 83, 107 (on Orpheus), If 37 
undique aptum n., If 42 (forms of life 
belonging to’ each element), 11 44 (stars 
move of their own accord), It 51 mag- 
num annum n., 11 95 (ground of natural 
theology), 11125 (flight of cranes); points 
of agreement between him and Posido- 
nius vol. I p. xix foll. 

arrideo I 79, 111 1. 

arripio. ‘assume’ I 76; unde arripuit I1 18, 
II 27, arr. ad reprehendendum It 162. 


ars naturae II 83, cf. artes II 132 n., artes 
quarum judicium est oculorum Ir 145, 
ars medicinae (?) II 12, ignem magistrum 
artium II 57, homines artium III 23 Add.; 
(the ideal in art suggests the divine in 
nature) II 35, artis proprium creare II 
57, nulla ars imitari sollertiam naturae 
potest I 92 Add., II 81, 87, 142; artes 
‘works of art’ II 87. 

Arsinoe III 57. 

Arsippus III 57. 

arte. calorem continet artius II 25, arte tan- 
gendi (?) 11 146, : 

arteria (1) ‘artery’ I1 25, spiritus per arterias 
diffunditur Ir 138; (2) aspera arteria 
‘windpipe’ II 136 Add., 149. 

articulatim membra dividit III 67. 

articulus ‘ finger’ I 79. ; 

artifex. natura non artificiosa sed artifex II 

artificiosus If 58, ignis artificiosus (wip tex- 
vikov) II 57, artificiosi operis vim II 138, 
aurium artificiosum judicium II 146; na- 
turae artificiose ambulantis III 27. } 

artus. commissuras et artus II 150, commis- 
suras ad artus finiendos (?) II 139. 

arx. in capite tamquam in arce II 140 Add. 

ascisco augures ‘acknowledge as augurs’ 
185 Yc 

ascripticios cives III 39. 

Asia III 58. 

asinorum utilitates II 159. 

acwwaros (Latin equivalents) I 30 Add. 

asotus III 77. 

asper. See arteria. 

asperitas. saxorum asperitates II 98, stir- 
pium asp. ‘ weeds’ 11 99 Add. 

aspirantes pulmones (of an expiration) II 

. 186. 

aspiratio aeris ‘ventilation’ I1 83. 

aspis (worshipped in Egypt) II 47. 

asscnsio (=ovykataects), ass. cohibere = 
evéxew I 1, 

assensu omnium dicere II 4, 

assequi quanto consilio gerantur It 97. 

assiduitas cotidiana II 96. 

assuesco consuetudine II 96. 

assumo, (with Dat.) nihil nostrae laudi as- 
sumptum III 87. 

Astarte III 59. 

Asteria (mother of Hercules) 111 42, (m. of 
Hecate) 111 46. 

astringo \ relaxo II 136, astringentibus se 
intestinis If 137; astrictus (?) I 26. 

Astronomy. heliocentric hypothesis I 24 (ce- 
leritate n.), Venus and Mercury revolve 
round the sun II 53, 119; geocentric II 
91, 98; planets, their direct and retro- 
grade motions, their names number or- 
der conjunction and opposition, pe- 
riodic times If 51—54, 103, 119; magni- 
tude of the heavenly bodies I1 92, 102, 
103, their nutrition by exhalations It 40, 
83, 118, 111 87; Annus Magnus II 51, fr. 
5; gravitation If 98, 115; expansive and 
cohesive forces I1 115, 116,117; planetary 
influences Ir 119; constellations as de- 
scribed by Aratus 11 104—115; their re- 
semblance to the objects after which 
they are called, their number II 104; 
horizon II 108 (hoe caput n.); eclipses II 
153. See under sawn, moon and names of 
planets and constellations. 

Astypalaea II 45. 

Asyndeton adversative I 20, 21, 23, 70, 74, 102, 
aKa ane thy ane oy Yh Sr, oy, Gi Ole CHS. 
cetera, reliquus. 


at vero (abrupt transition) Ir 100; (strong 
opposition) II 10, III 87. 

Atargatis or Derceto nn. on II 111, III 39. 

oe I 79, 84, 85, 11 74, III 46, 49, 50, 55, 

aOeos I 63, III 89, cf. I 62, 118. 

Atilius Calatinus I 61, 

atomus I 65, 73, 109, 114, II 94; see corpus, 
corpusculum, individuum, inclinatio, 

atque (strong force) ‘and indeed’ I 4; (after 
negative clause) I1I 84; similiter facis 
ac Si me rogas III 8. 

atqui=cAAa puyv I 57, II 10, 18, 89; intro- 
ducing 2nd premiss II 16, 41; or atque 
(?) 116, 11 41, 78. 

Atreus, III 53, 61, 71. 

attendis hoc, quicquid usum non habeat, ob- 
stare 199, cf. Caecin. 90. 

Attico sermone I 93, scurra ib. 

attingo. labor non attingit deum I 22, cf. III 
38, eruditum pulverem II 48. 

Attraction (of pron. to gend. of predi- 
cate) ista est veritas I 67, eam esse cau- 
sam I 77, non erit ista amicitia I 122, 
mare quem Neptunum esse dicebas III 
52; (but on the other hand) Indus qui 
est fluminum maximus II 130; (of Part. 
to gend. of nearer substantive) nervi 
sicut venae a corde tractae for tracti II 
139; (of Genit. of Pron. to case of go- 
verning word) eam facultatem for ejus 
fac. III 8, n. om quam similitudinem II 
27; (of attribute of antecedent into re- 
lative clause, see Adjective) is quem e 
Vulcano natum esse dixi custodem Athe- 
narum III 57; (of principal subject 
into relative clause) iratus aliqui quem 
irasci negatis deum (?) III 91; (of case 
after quam) quam Sospitam I 82 Add., 
quam te I 86; (after ut) ut in homine 
mentem II 29; (of relative into subordi- 
nate clause) qui quoniam intellegi no- 
luit omittamus III 35, quorum cum re- 
manerent animi di sunt habiti Ir 62, I 12 
n.; (of subordinate subject into prin- 
cipal object) animi natura n. I 23; (ef 
principal verb into relative clause) 
quemadmodum asseverant n. II 94; (af 
subordinate to person of principal v.) 
ut poetae cum potestis fugitis I 53; see 
under Sequence. 

Attus Navius II 9, 111 14. 

auctor 110, lucem auctoris ‘an expounder’ 

auctoritas saepe obest, sine ratione valeret 
I 10, homo sine auctoritate II 74, auc- 
toritates contemnis III 9, auctoritatem 
dare III 91. 

audio ‘to attend’ Zenonem I 59, Democritea 
173; audiens ‘a student’ III 77; audia: 
mus Platonem I1 32, si me audiatis 
(‘take my advice’) I1 74, I1 168; fando 
auditum est I 82, auditum est pantheras 
habere remedium II 126; e patre II 11, 
14, (followed by cum with subj.) de fami- 
liari cum te anteferret I 58. 

auditione accipere (=dkxoy wapadapBaverv) IT 

auditus ‘the ear’ II 144. 

aufugiens aspectum II 111. 

augeo joined with alo II 33, 81, 83, aer terram 
auget imbribus II 101, os spiritu augetur 
II 182. 

augesco. semina oriri et augescere II 26, suis 
ra ama quaeque gignuntur augescunt 
II 58. 


augur II 10, 11, 12, 155, (nostri) II 55, 160; 
(of foreign diviners) II 7; augurum pre- 
catio III 52. 

augurales libri 11 11, III 52 n. 

augurii disciplina II 9. 

auguro. rerum augurandarum causa II 160. 

auguste sancteque II 62, III 53. 

augustus joined with sanctus 1 119, III 79. 

aureola oratiuncula III 43. 

aureum illud gehus II 159, coma III 68, barba 
III 83, amiculum II 83, Victoriolas I1I 84. 

Auriga (consteliation) 11 110. 

Auroram salutans 1 79 Add. 

aurum Tolossanum III 74. 

auspicari ‘to take the auspices’ It 11. 

auspicia ponere ‘to lose the right to take 
auspices’ II 9, ausp. peremnia, ex acu- 
minibus, cum viri vocantur II 9. 

aut vero ) an vero II 115. 

autem (=6é for yap) I 121, introducing paren- 
thetical remark IT 25. 

Authority v. Reason. See Religion. 

aveo IT 1. 

averto. per litteras nomen III 73. 

Avis (constellation) II 112. 

axis caeli I 52. 

bacae quae ex stirpe funduntur Ir 127. 

Balbus. Vol. 1 p. xli and Add. 

barba aurea III 83. ; 

barbaria cuncta I 81 Add., (of a particular 
country) It 88, 126. : 

barbatus Aesculapius III 83, Juppiter I 83, 

basis trianguli 11 125. 

beatitas or beatitudo 1 94, afterwards bea- 
tum I 110. 

beatus. ii qui beati putantur (‘well off’) 

bellica disciplina It 161. 

bellus. quam bellum erat I 84. 

belua (of animals indiscriminately) I 77, 101, 
II 29, 100. 

Belus II 42. 

bene bonis sit, male malis 111 79, bene plane- 
que III 83. 

beneficentissimus II 64. 

bestiae cicures  ferae II 99, terrenae aqua- 
tiles volatiles 11 151, terrenae aquatiles 
ancipites I 103. 

bilis secreta a cibo II 137. 

bipes I 95. 

bis bina 11 49 and Addenda. 

blanda conciliatrix I 77. 

blandiloquentia (quotation) III 65. 

Boeotia. (temple lands tax-free) III 49. 

bonasus II 127n. 

boni dei 111 84, bona venia I 59 Add. 

bonitas erga homines (goodness) II 60, III 84; 
(honesty) 111 75. 

Bootes 11 109, 110. 

Botany. use of root and bark, movements 
of climbing plants, antipathies in the 
vegetable kingdom 11 120, propagation by 
seed II 127, the vital principle of plants 
is natura in the narrower sense II 33 n., 
their nyeuovexov resides in the root II 29. 

Brachylogy. (objective for subjective state- 
ment) ideirco consuluit for idcirco con- 
suluisse dicitur 111 70, cur di homines 
neglegant 111 79, incredibile est (for vide- 
bitur) si attenderis II 149, prosperae om- 
nes res, Siquidem satis dictum est II 167; 
(in comparisons) ut tragici poetae potes- 
tis (for possunt) I 53, ut cum fruges 
appellamus II 60, ut cum Titanis bella 
gesserunt II 70; assimilis spongiis mol- 


litudo 11 1386 Add., vita similis deorum 
II 153, hominis natura anteit animantes 
ib.; quoniam n. I 27, de singulis 111 93, 
dividit—esse II 82, quid censes non tri: 
buturas I 78, I 82. See censeo, laudo, 
nomino, perhibeo. 

brassica (?) 11 120. 

breviter (?) II 65. 

Britannia(typical of barbarism) 11 88; Britan- 
nici aestus III 24. 

brumae similitudo in luna Ir 50. 

brumalis orbis III 37. 

Brutus vol. I p. xl. 

Cabirus III 53n., 58. 

Cadmus III 48. 

cado. (‘suit’) in solem 1 95, in figuram TI 23, 
in majestatem II 77, apte ad animum 
afficiendum (?) 1 21; (‘come under’) in 
cogitationem I 21 n. and Add. 

caelestis. volumen I 43, natura II 64; 
tia ‘heavenly bodies’ II 56, 64. 

Caelius Antipater I1 8. 

caelum (=aether) I1 80, 91, 101, 116. 

Caelus Ir 63, 111 44, 53, 55, 56, 59, 62. 

Caepio. n. on auri Tolossani III 74. 

caerulei oculi Neptuni I 83. 

caesii oculi Minervae I 83. 

Calatinus I1 61, 165. 

calceoli repandi I 82. 

Calchas II 7. 

Calendar, Julian 11 49 n. 

calesco a spiritu II 138. 

calficio. ad calficiendum corpus I 151. 

callidus. natura qua nihil potest esse calli- 
dius II 142, (etymology) r11 25, nihil ho- 
rum nimis callide (?) 1 70. 

calo. nullis calonibus venisse III 11. 

calor. mundi fervor perlucidior est quam hic 
noster calor II 30, tectis calores pellamus 
iM GAN ay Ee 

calumnia Academicorum IT 20. 

Camirus III 54. 

Campus ‘hustings’ IIT 69. 

Cancer II 110. 

candens. hoe sublime candens (quotation) 
i 4 Add., 65, 111 10, 40. 

candida vox Ir 146n. 

candor solis ITI 40. 

Canicula (Sirius) 111 26. 

canis (deified) 111 47; (Sirius) 11 114; similis 
lupo 1 97 Add. 

Cannae III 80. 

canora vox \ fusca IT 146. 

cantheriis venisse (ironical, of the Dioscuri) 

cantum et auditum 11 89, vocis tibiarum 
nervorumque cantibus Iz 146. 

capeduncula IIt 43. 

capesso medium locum II 115, pastum II 121, 
cibum IT 122. 

capio tabernaculum II 11, cognitionem 11140. 

capito (‘big-headed’) 1 80. 

Capitolium. meetings of tribes there 1 106, 
temples on II 61. 

capra fera IT 126; (constellation) 11 110. 

Capricornus II 112. 

Carbo I 64, 

cardo (the pole) 11105. 

careo. quae sunt his carentia II 21, nullius 
sensu carentis II 22. 

caritas inter bonos I 122. 

Carneades I 4, 11, 11 162; quoted 111 29, 44, 
vol. I p. xxviii, III p. ix. 

carpo. animum ex quo nostri animi carpe- 
rentur I 27; alia carpunt alia vorant alia 
mandunt It 122. 



carum est verbum amoris I 122. 

Cassiepia II 111. 

Castor and Pollux (appearances of) II 6, TIT 
11—13, their mor tality proved from Ho- 
oie AHH WLR wea 

castus. cultus’ castissimus 1171. caste I 3. 

casus. dubitant de mundo casune siteffectus 
aut necessitate an ratione II 88; conver- 
sis casibus (‘by a change of inflexions’ ) 
II 64. 

Cato the censor, his saying about the haru- 
spices I 71 n., specially favoured by 
heaven II 165, tum princeps 111 11. 

Catulus the elder, his epigram on Roscius I 
oe at example of undeserved misfortune 
tir 80. The younger a colleague of Cotta’s 
in the pontificate I 79. 

caulis. a caulibus refugere vites II 120. 

cavea (the cage in which the sacred chickens 
were kept) Deis 

cavillor. in eo cavillatus est grave esse ami- 
culum ITI 83. 

cedo mihi deorum liniamenta I 75, cedo se- 
nem (quotation) III 73. 

celo. tu me celas I 74. 

censeo. quid censes (with abbreviated ques- 
tion) I 78, 82. 

censoria lex (respecting the farming of the 
taxes) III 49, 

Centaurus III 51, 70, see Hippocentaurus; 
(constellation) 11 114. 

Cepheus (constellation) 11 111. 

cera. in ceris diceretur (?) I 71; (stock ex- 
ample of dAAotwots) III 30. 

Cerberus III 43. 

Cercops, author of the Orphic poems accord- 
ing to Aristotle I 107. 

Ceres (personification of earth) I 40, 11 67, III 
52, 62; (=corn) II 60, III 41. 

certus. quid certi habeo I 6,14; mundum 
pro certo rotundum dicitis 11 48; certis 
verbis II 10; certiora quam quae ad Sa- 
gram III 13. 

cervae se purgant II 127 Add. 

cervices natae ad jugum II 159. 

cessant pueri I 102, di II 59, IIT 93. 

cessatione nihil melius I 102 Add. 

cetera (without preceding et) pulmones jecur 
cetera I 92, 111 45; (with qzwe) qui discor- 
diam qui cupiditatem ceteraque I 28. 

ceteroqui (?) I 60. 

Ceus, Chius or Cius I 118. 

Charon III 43. 

Chelae (constellation) 11 114, 

Chimaera (example of non-ens) I 108, II 5 

chirographum III 74. 

xXpovos II 64, 

Chrysippus I 39, quoted II 16, 37, 63, 160, III 
18, 25,63, nicknamed Chrysippa by Epicu- 
reans I 93; see vol. I p. xxx. 

cibus. animalis ‘aerial nutriment’ II 136; 
(used of the exhalations which feed the 
heavenly bodies) 111 37; cibo quo utare 
(predicative Dat.) 11 43 Add. 

Cicero. Vol. I p. xxxv foll., claims to have 
been always a student of philosophy 1 5, 
impelled to write by his present enforced 
leisure and to divert his mind from grief 
at the loss of his daughter 7—9, defends 
his choice of the Academy, reference to 
his Academica 10—12; his poetry, ad- 
mired by contemporaries and copied by 
Lucretius, special features of it 11104 n. 
Biographical details (put in the mouth of 
Cotta): residence at Athens I 79, there 
heard the Epicureans Zeno and Phaedrus 
I 59, 93, saw shrine of Hecate in Greece 


ir 46, shrine of Venus at Elis 111 59, 
of Erechtheus at Athens 111 59, the sta- 
tue of Vulcan by Alcamenes I 83. His 
augurship I 14; his discriminating use 
of words III 25 callidus n.; mistransla- 
tions from the Greek, 1 62 wt sint n., II 
77 utrum ignorant n., 11108 maerentis n. 
His misstatements of fact 11 9 Atti Navit 
n., I11 83 temple of Proserpina at Locri 
sacked by Dionysius, statue of Jupiter 
at Olympia stripped of golden robe, of 
Aesculapius at Hpidaurus stripped of 
golden beard by the same; III 84 tables 
sacred to the Boni Dei. Misstatements 
of argument 1 87, II 92 ita prosunt n. 
Probably left the NV. D. unfinished vol. 
TID p. XXxvV- 

cincinnata stella ‘comet’ IT 14. 

Cinna (noted for cruelty) 111 80, 81. ; 

Circe. Circam procreavisse III 54, Circen 
Circeienses colunt III 48. 

circle defined I1 47. 

circulus (al. circus) aut orbis qui kvKAos voca- 
tur II 47. 

circumeo fana III 47. 

circumfero. astrorum motus in orbem cir- 
cumferretur (?) II 44. 

circumfundat terram aer II 17. 

circumitus solis orbium I1 49, cire. solis et 
lunae II 155, cir. febrium III 24 n. 

circumjectu amplectitur II 65. 

Spo uear ae complectimur ‘closely define’ 
It 147. 

circumscriptio temporum ‘ limitation of time’ 
TI 21 

circus (?) II 44, 47, 54 nn. 

cives ascripticii III 39. 

claudicat tota res I 107. 

claudicatio apparet in Vulcano I 83. 
claviculis adminicula apprehendunt vites 


Cleanthes vol. I p. xxix, I 37, cited II 13, 24, 
40, 63, III 16, 63. 

Cleomenes (k. of Sparta) Frag. 3. 

clepere (quotation) III 68. 

Coa Venus I 75. 

coagmentatio naturae II 119, quae non disso- 
lubilis ? 1 20. 

coartavit locum brevis conclusio (?) III 22. 

Cocytus III 43. 

Codrus III 49. 

coeunt societatem ITI 123. 

cogitatione depingere I 39, fingere III 47, 
motus celer cogitationis III 69, tantum 
modo ad cogitationem valent di I 105. 

cogito refellere I1I 4; (‘imagine’) tenebras II 
96, nihil agentem deum I 101. 

cognatio deorum ‘our kinship with the gods’ 
I 91, cognationes ‘mutual relationships’ 
II 70; rerum consentiens conspirans con- 
tinuata cognatio II 19, naturam cogna- 
tione continuatam conspirare III 28. 

cognosco. cognitum habeo II 5, intellegam 
cum cognovero III 61, cognosce ‘take 
note of’ III 74. 

cogo. alvus cogit omne quod recepit II 136; 
‘demonstrate’ Ir 34. 

cohaerentia mundi II 155. 

cohaereo. mundi partes II 87, mundus ad 
permanendum II 115, nulla cohaerendi 
natura IT 82. 

coinquinari matres (quotation) III 68. 

Colchi 111 54. 

collega sapientiae Metrodorus Epicuri I 113 

collegium (of augurs) II 11. 

collibitum est I 108. 

colligo acres umores ‘ contract’ II 58. 


colluceo. ignis immenso mundo It 40, litora 
distincta tectis 11 99. 

collustro. sol omnia luce II 92. 

colo. vates 1 55, (of gods toward men) I 115. 

combusti libri 1 63 Add. 

comedo. comesse II 64. 

cometa II 14. 

comicae levitates ITI 72. 

commenticius I 18, 28, 94, If 70, IIT 63. 

commiscendorum corporum libidines ITI 128. 

commissura II 139, 150. 

commoditas patris (quotation) 111 73; com- 
moditatum copia II 13, III 86. 

commolior (quotation) III 73. 

commune est de calido III 36, quae commu- 
nia sunt I 62 Add. 

comparatio eadem inter se ‘relative position’ 
16 8139 ke 

Comparative followed by Abl. and quam 1 38. 

Comparison abbreviated, see Brachyology. 

compensatione commodorum leniunt incom- 
moda I 23. 

compilo. fana I 86. 

complector. complexatenet (‘in its embrace’) 
II 30, 36, 38; continet II 47, contorquet 
II 54. 

complere se conchis II 124. 

complexus caeli Ir 101, complexu coercet et 
continet II 58. 

compos rationis II 22, 36, 47, 78. 

compositio membrorum I 47, unguentorum 
TI 146. 

comprehendo. sensum prudentiam una cum 
deorum notione I 30, comprehensum ha- 
beo II 5, si semen inciderit in compre- 
hendentem naturam II 81. 

comprehensio rerum consequentium cum 
primis It 147. 

conatus (=dpuy) II 58, conatum habere ad 
pastus capessendos II 122. 

concavas altitudines I1 98. 

concentus stellarum 11 119. 

concido ‘ satirize’ 1 98. 

conciliatione civili conjuncti Ir 78. 

conciliatrix blanda natura I 77. 

concilium deorum I 18 Add. 

concinne Timaeus II 69. 

concino. re concinere verbis discrepare I 16, 
concinentibus mundi partibus 11 19. 

concipit terra semina II 26, conceptum a se 
ipso dolorem III 91, Venus Syria Cypro- 
que concepta (?) 111 59 Add., incidere in 
concipientem naturam II 81, concipitur 
corde anima II 138. 

concludo sententiam argumentis (?) 1 89, ra- 
tionem II 22, III 23, haec brevius conclu- 
duntur Ir 20, deum esse mundum conclu- 
ditur 11 47; conclusa aqua, conclusa ora- 
tio II 20. 

concoquo cibum II 24, 136, conchas calore 
stomachi II 124. 

Concordia II 61, III 47, 61. 

concresco. aqua nive II 26. 

concretio individuorum corporum I 71. 

concretus in nubes aer II 101, crasso caelo 
atque concreto II 42, concretos umores 
colligant 11 59, ardorem nulla admixtione 
concretum II 117, species deorum nihil 
concreti habet I 75. 

Concrete for Abstract. quae ut fierent ra- 
tione eguerunt II 115, quae comparabas 
III 18, quae tu a caelo ducebas III 51, 
physicis rebus inventis Ir 70. (See 

concursio fortuita II 93. 

sieges fortuitus I 66, atomorum I 90, 
II 94, 


condiscipulus I 34. 

conditiones ciborum II 146. 

condo 11 156, 157, mandantur condita vetus- 
tati 11 151. 

condocefactae beluae II 161. 

conductum )( locatum III 74. 

confectio ‘mastication’ IT 154. _ ae 

confector et consumptor omnium ignis II 41 


conferas huc facultatem II 168. 

confestim IT 106. 

conficio. res caelestes ab homine confici non 
possunt 1116; conversiones conficere II 
49, spatia 11 51; ovium villis confectis 
atque contextis 11 158; (‘reduce to pulp’) 
intimi dentes conficiunt II 134, cocta 
atque confecta I1 136; (‘kill’) 11 123, 125. 

Conflagration, Stoic 11 118. 

conflagro. a tantis ardoribus IT 92. 

conflata ex duabus naturis IT 100. 

conflictus atque tritus lapidum II 25. 

conformatio membrorum If 85; animi (‘ con- 
cept’) 1105 See informatio. 

confuse agere 11119. | 

conglaciat aqua frigoribus II 26. 

conglobo. mare conglobatur undique aequa- 
biliter 11 116, terra nutibus suis conglo- 
bata IT 98. 

congredior, cum rhetore It 1, cum sole II 

congrego (used of two) II 124. 

congressus (?) II 124. 

conitor It 110. 

coniveo II 143, 111 8. 

conjectores I 55. ; 

conjectura. aberro a (?) 1100, hominum con- 
jectura peccavit II 12. 

conjunctio. habent suam sphaeram stellae 
ab aetheria conjunctione secretam IT 55, 
partium conj. continetur II 84, alterius 
partis It 64, cum eo summa II 66, con- 
sequentium cum primis It 147. 

conjunctum If 28. | 

conjuratio Jugurthina It 74. 

Conscience a witness to God II 85 n., ef. 
TII 46 n. 

conscientia virtutis et vitiorum III 85. 

conscisco necem II 7. 

conscribo litteras IT 42. 

-consecro beluam I 101, Fidem 11 61, Li- 
berum It 62, Cupidinis et Voluptatis 
vocabula consecrata sunt II 61, caelum 
Junonis nomine II 66, Fides 11 79. 

consectio arborum If 151. 

consensus mundi 11118; naturae (=ovpura- 
Oeva) III 28. 

consentaneum est in astris sensum inesse II 
42, appetitionibus consentaneas actiones 
TI 58. 

consentio. ad omnia tuenda consensisse IT 60, 
ad mundi incolumitatem coagmentatio 
naturae Ir 119, consentiens cognatio 
rerum II 19. 

consequor. naturac sollertiam nulla ars con- 
sequi possit I1 81, res consequentes ‘ logi- 
cal conclusion’ IT 147. 

consessus (?) I 61. 

conspiro, naturam quasi cognatione con- 

+ tinuatam conspirare III 28, conspirans 
continuata cognatio (=cvunvous) IT 19. 

constans ratio ‘consistent’ I11 92, conversio 

Ii 54. 

constantia )( fortuna 11 56, ordinum 11 48, in 
stellis 11 54, naturae If 105, caeli 111 16, 
17, cf. 24.n. 

constat. ex animo et corpore I 98; dies ‘ tal- 
lies’ 11 6. 


constrictis in ore dentibus (?) 11 134. 

consuetudo oculorum IT 45, 96, 111 20, cons. 
suscepit ut If 62, impia est cons. contra 
deos disputandi It 168, animi consue- 
tudine imbuti I 83. 

consultrix utilitatum natura II 58. 

consumitaetas temporum spatia II 64, salem 

_ cons. ‘squander’ II 74. 

consumptor omnium ignis It 41 Add. 

contagio pulmonum ‘contact with’ 11 138. 

contendo argumenta ‘ put side by side’ (?) 
rane AKO). 

contentio gravitatis II 116. 

continens (tr.) universitatem omnia conti- 
nentem I 89; (intr.) motum sensui 
junctum et continentem 126, continente 
ardore lucis orbem (?) I 28 Add., huic 
continens aer II 117, cont. efficiunt na- 
turam II 84. 

contineo. sphaera alias figuras It 47, Sa- 
turnus cursum temporis II 64, natura 
mundum It 29, 380; venis et nervis di 
continentur Ir 59, continuato spiritu II 
19, radicibus It 120, a terra stirpibus II 
83, 127, naturae suis seminibus quaeque 
ir 58, quibus naturae ratio I 73, firmas 
membranas fecit ut continerentur (oculi) 
‘that the other humours might be kept 
in their place’ 11 142; cont.  remitto 
appetitus If 34; ‘to nurse’ luctum 
III 91. 

contingo (‘touch’) Ir 120; (‘belong to’) 
neutrum astris II 44, regionibus II 17, 
his formis II 47, (‘happen’) hoc ut 
II 96. 

continuatio causarum ‘ chain of causation ’ 
I 55, cont. hujusce terrae It 169. 

continuatus spiritus If 19, cognatio 11 19, 
cont. et conjunctus mari aerII 117, vicis- 
situdine corporum continuata natura est 
Ir 84, cognatione continuatam naturam 
III 28. 

contorqueo. stellas 11 54; 1 24. 

contractiores introitus If 144. 

contrahunt se pulmones If 106; contrahere 
universitatem eamque deducere ad sin- 
gulos 11 164; terram quasi tristitia sol 
contrahit It 102. 

contrectatio I 77. 

conturbo ‘ upset’ I 61, 199, 11 1 Add. 

conus II 47, I 24. 

convenientia temporum II 54, convenientia 
consensusque naturae III 18, 28. 

convenit in te unum II 74, qui convenit II 87, 
conveniat necesse est ‘ must be granted’ 
189; conveniens conversio II 54. 

conversio caeli 11 19, spatiorum ac temporum 
II 64, annua II 49. 

conversis casibus ‘ by a change of inflexions’ 
II 64. 

convexa leviter Fides (?) 11 112. 

convicia reprehensoris (?) 11 20 Add. 

coordination of contrasted clauses of which 
the former is subordinate in meaning I 
20, 28, 11 17 an non possis adduci n., 18, 
97, 111 32. InI 86 the 2nd clause is in- 
troduced by sed, in 11 97 by auten. 

copias eas rerum II 158. 

copiosus X opulentus III 87. 

copulatio rerum It 119. 

coquo. omnia cocta spiritu If 136, 

cor et pulmones spiritum addant (?) 11 136, 
evulsum palpitat 11 24, cordis ventricu- 
lum IT 138. 

coriis tectae aliae animantes II 121. 

Corinthus (fali of) 111 91. 

corneo rostro I 101. 


corneolos introitus I1 144, 

corniger taurus II 110. 

cornicis cantus III 14. 

cornu (part of the lyre) 11 144, (cornus) 149. 

corona (audience) Ir 1 Add.: Parmenides 
quiddam coronae simile efficit (=arepa- 
vyv) I 28; (constellation) If 108. 

Coronis (Phoronis?) III 56. 

corporeus ignis II 41. : 

corpus. naturam esse corpora et inane IT 82, 
corpora individua II 93, temere cursantia 
TE 11S: 

corpuscula. levia aspera I 66 Add., concur- 
rentia II 94. 

correpo in dumeta I 68. 

Coruncanius I 115, 11 165, III 5. 

Corvus (constellation) 11 114. 

Corybas (f. of Apollo) 111 57. 

coryphaeus (Greek ?) 1 59 Add. 

Coryphe (m. of Minerva) III 59. 

Cotta, vol. I p. xl, 1 15, II 168, III 5, 95. 

Cous. Venus 1 75; Coi inferias afferunt 
Herculi (?) 111 42. 

crassus aer, regio II 17, caelum II 42, 

Cratera (constellation) II 114. 

Creation, objections to I 19—24, 

crebrae intextae utraeque II 138. 

credo (‘I grant you’) 161; (ironical) I 67, 86. 

creo consules II 10, 11. ; 

Creta. Apollo and Jupiter contended for it 
II 57, Cretan goats 11 126. 

Cretensis Juppiter III 53. 

Critias 1118 n. 

Critolaus (caused the destruction of Corinth) 

Tir 91. 
ee (corcodilus) I 82, 101, II 124, 129, 
III 47. 

Kpovos II 64. 

culpa est in hominum vitiis 111 76, hominum 
esse istam culpam ib., medicus magna 
sit in culpa I1I 78, reges si praeter- 
mittunt magna culpa est III 90. 

cum (prep.). juvenes cum equisalbis 116 Add., 
cursus cum admirabili constantia II 55, 
introitus multis cum flexibus II 144, ra- 
pido cum gurgite flumen II 106, aries 
cum contortis cornibus I1 111, Vergilias 
tenui cum luce It 112, Aquila ardenti 
cum corpore II 113; animum cum intelli- 
gentia per mare pertinentem III 64; 
cum pelle caprina Sospitam vides I 82; 
cecidit cum magno rei publicae vulnere 
Ir 8; inesse cum magno usu II 80; confi- 
cere vicissitudines anniversarias cum 
summa salute II 97; molior cum labore 
Ir 59; quanta cum exspectatione sim te 
auditurus III 21; impetus caeli cum ad- 
mirabili celeritate movetur II 97, legu- 
mina cum maxima largitate fundit II 
156, rationem tanta cum pernicie datam 
esse III 69, fit cum maxima celeritate I1 
142, cum admirabilitate maxima cursus 
definiunt Ir 101; nobiscum videt aer 
‘contributes to our seeing ’ II 83. 

cum (conj.) with Pres. Ind. to denote identity 
of action, avertunt pestem cum angues 
interficiunt I 101, cum sine corpore vult 
esse deum omni illum sensu privat I 33, 
qua cum carere deum vultis neminem 
ab eo amari vultis I 121, cum deos nihil 
agere confirmat ludere videtur III 3. 

with Subj. in sense ‘whereas,’ cum mens 

nostra videatur I 39, cum Epicurus 
vexarit I 93, cum optimam naturam dei 
dicat esse I 121, cum supra terram sit II 
116, cum sint—tum est (‘as—so’) I 1. 
For cum praesertim see praesertim. 


cum-clause postponed, pallium se pil 
cum id diceret I1I 83, cum quidem glori- 
aretur I 72; and used as 2nd predicate 
after audio and animadverto which see, 
also cf. dwm; coordinated with simple 
object and relative clause It 18. 
Temporal and Causal uses combined I 

101, III 76. 

cumque. quale id cumque II 76. 

Cupido II 61, pinnatus Ir 58, plures III 59, 

cur. quid est cur 111 7, quid dicis cur III 47, 
argumentum cur III 10, locum conficit 
cur III 79, : 

curatio corporis I 94; di omni curatione 
rerum vacant I 2, oves sine hominum 
curatione ali non possunt II 158. 

curia III 69. 

curiosus. curiosius quam necesse est I 10, 
curiosum et plenum negotii deum I 54; 
(good sense) curiosissimi homines I 88 

Curius (example of one favoured by heaven) 
II 165. 

curo. ibes se curant (?) IT 126. 

curriculum nunquam sedans II 114. 

custodia conservandi sui II 124, fida canum 
II 158, incolumitatis II 145. 

Custom. Chrysippus wrote on the ill effects 
of, I1I 20 n., ef. 11 45, 96. 

custos ‘patron’. Phthas Aegypti III 55, 
(Apollo of Athens) 111 57. 

Cygnus (constellation) II 123. 

cylindrus If 47, I 24. : 

Cynosura (Ursa Minor) 11 105; (adj.) Cyno- 
surae Arcti 11 111 Add.; (burial place of 
Aesculapius) humatus esse dicitur Cyno- 
suris III 57. 

Cyprius tyrannus III 82. 

Cyprus (?) III 59. 

Dagon III 39 n. 

Dative. fingere nobis I 78, placari populo 
III 15, similitudo deo (?) 1 96, huic pul- 
chrior I 79, remedia morbis eliciamus II 
161, muribus aedificatam Ir 17, cui ex- 
istant II 86; dis gratiam sustulit 1 121, 
oculis repelleretur II 143; assumere 
laudi 111 87; (of agent with passive) 
vitio sibi tabernaculum captum fuisse II 
11; curatio erit eadem adhibenda deo 
quae adhibetur homini I 94 Add.; in- 
structa sunt mi in corde consilia IIr 73; 
Postumio aedem dedicatam (?) 111 13 n.; 
bestiolis cibus quaeritur It 124 Add. 
(Predicative) cibo quo utare II 43 Add., 
agnum portento misit IIT 68. 

de (of quotation) Platonis de Timaeo deum 
‘P.’s God of the Timaeus’ 1 18; audio 
de ‘from’ I 58, quaero de I 60; quattuor 
de causis informatas notiones II 13; 
(=Gen.) extremus duplici de cardine 
vertex II 105. 

debeo. (See Indicative.) 

decentia figurarum IT 145. 

Deciorum devotiones III 15. 

ey )\( appetitio rr 33 (=recessus 
II 34). 

declino intr. oculi declinarent Ir 142, ait . 
atomum declinare I 69; ¢7. declinantur 
contraria III 33. 

decuma Herculis 111 88. 

dedico Mentem Ii 61, 79, templum 111 43, 
terrenam vim Diti 11 142. 

deduco. in hunc locum me oratio 111 48, per- 
territos a timore II 148, universitatem ad 
singulos II 164. 


defectio solis et lunae If 153. 

defectus. luna mutatur tum crescendo tum 
defectibus recurrendo If 50. 

defero. ad quem primas deferebant I 15. 

deficio. luna interpositu terrae II 103. 
definio. ita definit ut dicat ignem esse II 57. 

defluit ab superis mens in terram II 79. 

Deianira It 70. 

deinceps ‘ consecutively ’ 11 93. 

deinde (repeated) I 23, see 104 postremo 

delapsus {?) cibus Ir 185. 

delicatus puer 1102, voluptas 1 111. 

deliro (term of invective) I 37, 42, 92, 94. 

delitisco (of a planet) Ir 52, (of wild beasts) 
Pi kA: 

Delphi 111 57. 

delphinus I 77, 11 89; 

delubrum I 14, 11 150. 

Ayeyjryp II 67, III 52 n. 

Democriteus Anaxarchus III 82, Nausiphanes 

I 73. 

Decne vir magnus in primis I 120, vol. 
I p. xvi, Epicurean attack on I 29, 73, 
93, his dinagines I 107, 120, II 76. 

demum. tum d.113. 

denique (followed by postremo) I 104, 111 23. 

dentis evulsio tI 57, dentes adversi X in- 
timé or genuini 1 134; constringere (?) 
11134, (a manifestation of dvovs in Manas 
opposed to Wvx7) 11 86n. Add., chorda- 
rum similes 11 149; dentes apri iat Lee 

deorsum If 44, deorsus II 84, I 69. 

depellit depulsum cibum (?) IT 135. 

depingere quidvis cogitatione I 39. 

depravant Stoicos poetae III 91. 

depulsio pravi Ir 79. 

Derceto. (See Atargatis.) 

derecto deorsus ferri I 69. 

derectus. si iter derectum pateret It 144, ad 
portas jecoris ductas et derectas vias 
II 137. 

derigimus flumina Ir 152. 

describo. Persius describitur It 112, de- 
scripta distinctio,stellarum I1 104. (See 

deserta et relicta disciplina I 6. 

desidero I 11, 16, 54, 99, II 45, 87, III 6. 

designari rerum discriptionem mentis vi I 
26. (See dissigno.) 

designatio operis I 20 (al. diss.). 

desipio II 16, 17. 

despero veritatem I 60. 

determinatio mundi 11 101, 

detestor. invidiue detestandae gratia I 123. 

detineo. ad vitam detinendam necessaria (?) 
a6 ge 3 

deus (used indiscriminately in S. and Pl.) 
eos oles 0; ol. 0. 00,00 ley clio 
Platonem deum philosophorum II 82. 
(See God. 

devotiones Deciorum 111 Lay lig aaell 

Diagoras a@eos I 2, 63, 117, faedcie of 
IE eto}3 

dialecticus I 70, 89, 11118 n.; dialectica or -ce 
Nom. Sing. Fem., dialectica Neut. Pl. 1 
89 n. 

Diana lucifera, omnivaga Ir 68, Ephesia II 
69, etymology II 69, plures IIT 58. 

dico. idem quod in Venere Coa I 75, siin ceris 
diceretur (?) I 71; dicitur esse (for dici- 
tur) 11 105 bis, 11 109; (‘to wit’) illud 
quod vincit omnia rationem dico II 18, 
80, 150, 1 86; quid dicis melius ‘what do 
you mean by better?’ 111 21, dicunt 
enim caelo (?) II 65; ex quo animal di- 
citur) ‘from which the name animal 

(constellation) 11 118. 


comes’ (?) 111,36; dixti 111 23. (Subj. 
for Ind. by attraction) I 20. 

dictamnus (heals the wound of an arrow) 
II 126. 

dicto. quasi dictata redduntur I 72. 

dies (time) opinionum commenta delet 11 5, 
dies deficiat 111 81; unum diem deliber- 
andi I 60; (mythological) III 44, 56, 59. 

differt nihil inter deum et deum I 80, gradi- 
bus non genere I 16. 

difficili in loco versor I 78. 

diffundit aqua se 11 26, toto caelo luce diffusa 
II 95. 

digitus. uno digito plus habere ‘to have one 
finger too much’ I 99; digitorum con- 
tractio et porrectio II 150; Digiti Idaei 
III 42. 

digrediens X congrediens (of a planet) I1 103. 

dilapsus cibus ajecore I1 137, aqua liquefacta 
et dilapsa Ir 26. 

dilatant se pulmones IT 136, stomachi partes 
dilatantur ) contrahuntur If 135; (trop.) 
quae dilatantur a nobis Zeno premebat 
IL 20, X coarto (?) II 22. 

diligens ex diligendo I 72. 

diligenter disputatum est 115. 

diluo convicia If 26. 

dimetatus pass. (?) 11 (110) 104; dep. II 155. 

Diminutive to express contempt III 18 acu- 
tulus, 11r 76 homunculus, I 120 hortulus. 

dinumero I 2. 

Diodotus the Stoic, inmate of Cicero’s house 
1 Os 

Diogenes (1) of Apollonia 129; (2) of Baby- 
lon I 41; (3) the Cynic, ‘his saying of 
Harp alus I 83, 88. 

Diona Ir 59. 

Dionysius the Elder, example of prosperous 
wickedness II 82—84. 

Dionysus, one of the Dioscuri 111 53; plures 
AGE 58. 

Aéoxovpot IIT 53. 

directus, see derectus. 

Dis pater, from dives II 66. 

disciplina puerilis I 72, augurii II 9, harus- 
picum 1110, rerum II is bellica 11 161, 
Lacedaemoniorum II 91. 

disco (with Abl. of means) III 43. 

discrepare verbis re concinere I 16. 

discriptio omnium rerum designatur I 26, 
omnium corporis partium I 92, in dis- 
criptionibus siderum  divina ’sollertia 
apparet II 104 (110), reat 11 115, par- 
tium (descr. MSS) II 121. 

discriptum (descriptum Mss) solarium II 87, 
stellarum distinctio (?) Ir 104. 

disjunctio ‘ disjunctive judgment’ (dej. Mss) 

disjungo (dej. Mss) a fabula I 41. 

dispar motio IT 51, cursus It 19 (of the plane- 
tary movements). 

disputatio ‘ subject of debate’ 11 75. 

disputo in utramque partem II 168. 

dissigno I 26, I1I 85 (?). 

dissolubilis coagmentatio I 20, 111 29. 

dissolvo ‘ refute’ IIT 29. 

distinctio siderum II 15, 104, sonorum II 146. 

distineo. mens distenta III 93. 

distinguitur varietate II 98, aer die et nocte 
II 101, litora collucent distincta tectis 
Ir 99, caelum astris distinctum II 95, 
Helice stellis distincta 11 106, stellis si- 
militer distinctis Cynosura II 106. 

distractione animorum discerpitur deus I 27. 

divido ita, naturam esse corpora II 82. 

Divination Ir 4—12, 162, 3, lit 5, 11—15; 
its origin II 166, 111 14; confined to man 


11162; divided into natural and artifi- 
cial 11 162; various kinds of omens II 
9, 111 14; derided by Epicureans I 55, 
condemned by Academics as unreal, and 
injurious if it were real IIT 14, 95. 

divinus s. ‘a diviner’ III 14. 

do. non datum est I 74, ita dat se res ut 
operam dabit (quot.) 111 66, perniciem 
dabo 111 66(quot.), quid mali datis ‘ what 
mischief you cause’ I 121. 

doctrina ‘ science ’ II 47. 

doctus ‘a philosopher’ 15. 

dolus malus 111 74; (mythological) III 44. 

domesticus (= Rowan) I 7, 74. 

domicilium mentis I 76, vitae I 99, dei 1 103, 
11 17, illustria 11 95. 

domina rerum eloquentia II 148, 

dominator rerum ITI 5. : 

dominatus terrenorum commodorum est in 
homine II 152. 

domitu nostro efficimus quadrupedum vec- 
tiones It 151. 

Draco (constellation) 11 106 Add., 108. 

Drusus (example of suffering virtue) Ir 80. 

dubitationem affert quin Ir 158. 

dubito (with Infin.) quid dubitas negare deos 
esse I 85, (in positive sentence) omnia 
ventre metiri I 113. 

dubius. spe dubiae salutis 111 69, sine dubio 
I 58. 

duco. aer spiritu ductus Ir 101, 136, cf. 11 18, 
pulmones spiritum ducant (?) 11 136, a 
principe disputationis principium II 57, 
in deorum numero astra IT 42. 

Duellius (one of heaven’s favorites) It 165. 

dum palato judicat non suspexit 11 49; (with 
Subj.) audire dum inducat Ir 2, ut dum 
captaret artus parens, ipsa effugeret III 
65, dum disputarem vellem (?) I 147; 
dum—dum ‘one while—another while’ 
Ir 89 (quotation). 

dumetum (trop.), in dumeta correpitis I 68. 

dumtaxat aspectu It 47, lineamentis d. ex- 
tremis I 123. 

duplex (=duo) stella una tenet duplices for- 
mas II 111, duplici de cardine vertex ‘the 
two ends of the axis’ If 105, pressu du- 
plici palmarum IT 109. 

durescit umor frigoribus II 26. 

durum verbum(of a newly coined word) I 95. 

Earth. uninhabitable except in temperate 
zone I 24; inhabited, an island II 165; 
is in the centre, ie. the lowest part of 
the universe I 103, I1 116. See Astvo- 

ecquos paetulos esse arbitramur (?) I 80. 

eculeus ‘colt’ IT 38. 

editum terra II 24. 

edo. ut biberent quoniam esse nollent II 7. 

educator rerum mundus II 86. 

effectum absoluti operis II 35. 

effemino (aera) ‘to give a feminine name to’ 
II 66. 

efferari immanitate I 62, II 99. 

effero. agri multa II 151, cf. I1 86. 

effervescunt aquae (?) II 27. 

efficientia solis II 95. 

efficio ‘prove’ I 68, II 21, 32, 42, 47, 147, III 

effigies omnis rerum ex individuis corpori- 
bus oritur I 110. 

effluens aer II 101. 

effodio oculos orae maritimae III 91. 

effugia pennarum II 121. 

effugio calumniam II 20. 

effunditur mare ‘runs off’ I1 116. 


effusio aquae (2) 11 26, atramenti II 127. 

effutio I 84, IT 94, 

egone I 16, III 8. 

elegans (etym.) II 72. 

Elements, each has its appropriate inhabit- 
ants I 103, 11 42 Add.; the world pre- 
served by their interchange, see Flua. 

elephantus II 151, 161. 

Eleusis 1 119. 

elicio ferrum (?) Ir 15, remedia (?) 11 161, 
_ lgnem II 25, sonos 11-150. 

Elis. Adl. Eli (?) III 59. 

Ellipsis. a. (of principal verb of saying) ve- 
rum hoc alias; nune, quod coepimus I 
17; tum Balbus 11 2, tum Gracchus II 
11, scite Chrysippus It 87, concinne Ti- 
maeus II 69, atque haec quidem ille II 
96, hoe totum quale sit, mox III 87, nos 
quidem nimis multa de re apertissima 
111 79, Cotta meus modo hoe, modo illud 
1 49, ad ista alias 11 1, idcirco haec te- 
cum III 93, nescio quid de Locrorum 
proelio 111 11, cui Proserpinam nuptam 
(?) Ir 66 

db. (of subordinate verb of saying) longum 
est ad omnia I 19, ut multa praeclare, 
sic hoe II 65, non inurbane Stratonicus, 
ut multa rir 50, dicemus idem quod in 

Venere I 75, Diagoras, cum venisset at- 

que ei quidam ITI 89, ante quam de re, 

pauca de me III 5, ornatius quam solent 

vestri I 58. 

. (of facio) at id ipsum quam callide IIr 
68, nihil horum nimis callide I 70, Cotta 
finem III 94, quanto melius haec vulgus 
1101, 121 
d. (of Indicative of sw) sed illa palmaria (?) 

I 20, haec quidem vestra I 25, multaque 
ejusdem monstra I 28, si igitur nec hu- 
mano visu di (?) 185, quid ad rem I 67, 
non igitur aeterni; quod ex atomis; si 
natum I 68, ante humana forma (erat) 
quam homines ea (erant) I 90, quo modo 
aeternae I 109, sine virtute nullo modo 
&c. 1110, atque ex ea venustas II 69 (but 
see Addenda), nec dubium quin II 46, 
quot hominum linguae, tot nomina de- 
orum I 84, ut tu Velleius, sic idem in 
Hispania Vulcanus I 84, vis Diti dedicata 
qui dives 11 66, Vestae nomen a Graecis 
II 67, 80, 167, 111 80, &c. (esp. with parti- 
ciples) nec vero Aristoteles non laudan- 
dus (?) 11 44, Acheron Cocytus di putandi 
Ill 43, provisum etiam ut inhaeresceret 
II 144, cervices natae ad jugum IT 159. 

e. (of esse) quibus consultum dicitis 111 79, 
nil potest indoctius II 48, excarnificatum 
accepimus III 82, si illum aedificatum, 
non a natura conformatum putarem (?) 
TIr 26, salutem ab Aesculapio datam 
judico III 91. 

Sf. (of esto) hoc quidem ut voletis 1 90. 

g. (of other verbs) rem ad senatum (refe- 
runt) 1111, senatus (decrevit) ut1Ir11, ex 
quo et Minerva Apollinem eum (natum 
esse ferunt) III 55, huic deo pulchrior 
(visus est from above) 179, senatus quos 
ad soleret (referri) referendum censuit 
II 10, an (falli potest) ut sol (fallebatur) 
Ir 76, docuit idem qui cetera (docuit) 
I 53, cum saepe tum paulo ante contigit 



I 57. 

h. (of subject of Inf. when it is the same as 
the subj. of governing verb) confiteri 
nescire I 84 Add., puderet me dicere non 
intellegere I 109; (of subj. when it is 
different from that of governing verb) 


censuit (deum) animum esse I 27, vim 
quandam dicens (deum esse) I 32. 

z. (of demonstrative after relative) quos ad 
soleret (ad eos) referendum censuit IT 10, 
quibus bestiis erat is cibus (iis) vires na- 
tura dedit Ir 123. 

k. (of apodosis) utrum dicat aliquid esse an 
si quid sit (id non habere negotium) I 86, 
neque decumam vovit (se daturum) si 
sapiens factus esset I1I 88. See Objec- 

l. See under egone, ergo, modo, plus, qui, 
si, sic, tamen, ut, utinam. 

eloquendi vis=eloquentia II 148. 

emendatus ‘perfect’ I 80. 

eminens. nihil expressi nihil eminentis ha- 
bet I 75, nihil eminens nihil lacunosum 
(in a circle) 11 47, genae leniter eminen- 
tes II 143. 

eminent extra aures IT 144, 

eminentia. (the godsof Epicurus have neither) 
soliditatem nee eminentiam I 105. 

emo. quae ex empto contra fidem fiunt ITT 


Empedocles I 29, 93. 

Engonasin IT 108. 

enim (=yovv) seminis enim II 81; 

Ennius interpreted Euhemerus I 119; quo- 
tations from his Thyestes incl (yay ane ALY, 
40; Medea III 65, 66, 75; elamo III 79; 
reference to his Annales IT 93. 

enodatio nominum III 62. 

enodo. in enodandis nominibus ITI 62. 

Epicureans. their self-confidence I 18; scur- 
rility I 93, ignorance I 72, 85, 89, II ‘47, (By 

‘verily’ III 

polemic against Plato and the Stoics I 18. 

—24; critical sketch of theological views 
of earlier philosophers I 25—41; criticism 
of vulgar beliefs I 42, 43; idea of God 143 
—56; Roman I 8, 58; later refinements I 
49 nn., I 89, 111; see Zeno, Phaedrus, 

Epicurus vol. I p. xxxiii foll. biographical 
details I 72; idolized by his followers I 
43; his treatise on the Canon I 43; his 
KUpuat d0€art 45; sincerity of his religious 
belief questioned I 85, 86, 128, III 8; 
mocks his readers I 118, 123, I11 8; his 
want of humour II 46; sneers founded 
on ignorance II 73, 74; follows Aristotle 
1 20n., Democritus I 66, 120; guided by 
experience I 48; scoffs at divination II 
162; his account of sensation I 25 n., 
atomic theory I 54, ridiculed by Cotta I 
65—68, tinclination of atoms I 69, criti- 
cized by Balbus II 93, 94. 

si eae I 386, 46, IF 6, 163, 166, III 11— 

ee peace III 74. 

equus, ex equis pugnare II 6, juvenes cum 
equis 116; (deified) 111 47; (constellation) 
elect 112. 

Erebus Itt 44. 

Erechtheus II 49. 

ee. (elliptical) utrum ignorant (i.e. si dubi- 

tas) 11 77, doceat aliquis II 87; (in apo- 

dosi) quod si luna dea est, ergo etiam 
Lucifer 111 51. 

errans ‘planet’ I 87, 1151, 111 51, stellae false 
vocantur errantes II BT, 119; ‘uncertain’ 
sententia II 2. 

erratio II 56. 

error ‘uncertainty’ I 2, II 56. 

eruditus pulvis II 48. 

eruit a evehit, evomit, erigit) Triton molem 


eruptio Aetnacorum ignium II 96. - 
esca ‘bait’ 11 125; ‘food’ 11 59, 160; pl. ‘mor- 
sels’ II 134. 
esculenta et potulenta Ir 141, ea quae sunt 
ese. I1 124. 
esoteric belief I 61 Add., see interiores. 
et (=etiam) et non praedicanti crederem I 
72, et his vocabulis esse deos facimus 1 
83, ergo et illudin silice 111 11. 
(introducing minor premiss) et deus ves- 
ter nihil agens I 110, et quod ea sentit 
non potest esse aeternum III 33, et omne 
animal—et quod est contra naturam, ib. 
(introducing new topic) et quaerere a no- 
bis soletis 1 50, et eos vituperabas I 100, 
et Chrysippus acute dicere videbatur ITI 

(pathetic= tra) et nunc argumenta quae- 
renda sunt quibus hoe refellatur I 91, et 
soletis queri I 93. 

(ironical in refutation = et quidem) et ego 
quaero III 27, et praedones III 82. 

et—et (where 2nd et is lost by Anacoluthon) 
et praesentes IT 6, et Spectaculum homi- 
nibus praebent 11 155. 

et quidem kat ye (emphatic ‘aye and’) audi- 

torem et quidem aequum 1 17, audiebam 

frequenter et quidem ipso auctore Phi- 

lone I 59, solem animantem esse oportet 

et quidem reliqua astra II 41, et quidem 

alia nobis I 82, et quidem laudamus 

Athenis I 83, alia ex ratione et quidem 

physica 11 63, optimus maximus et qui- 

dem ante optimus quam maximus IT 64, 

intellegentem esse mundum et quidem 

etiam sapientem 11 36, disertus et quidem 

mathematicus 111 23, 71; (with a word 

intervening) id quoque damus et libenter 

quidem 159, natura continet et ea quidem 

II 29, haec inesse et acriora quidem IT 30, 

providentes et rerum quidem maxima- 

rum II 77, minus operosa et multo 

quidem It 94, esse aliquam mentem et 

eam quidem acriorem II 18, aniculis et 

lis quidem indoctis 1 55; (ronical refu- 

tation) homo nemo velit nisi hominis 

similis esse. et quidem formicae I 79, ha- 

bebam informationem dei. et barbati 

quidem JovisI 100. 

etenim ‘further’ II 16, 42, 77; 

Eternity idea of I 22. 

Etesiae 11 131. 

etiam (repeated) accedit etiam—hominum 
etiam sollertia I1 130; aut etiam aut non 
‘yes or no’ I 70. 

Etruscus haruspex 1110. 

Eubuleus mI 53. 

Euhemerus I 119. 

Eumenides tI 46. 

Eunuchus of Terence II 72. 

Euphrates 11 180. 

Euripus Ir 24. 

Europa It 165, 111 24; (mythological) 1 78. 

everriculum malitiarum II 74. 

evidens (=€vapyys) III 9, evidentius ITI 5. 

Eviolus (?) 111 53. 

evulsio dentis 111 37. 

ex eodem genere II 12, succedit ex iis ‘one 
of them’ 11 125, eques ex agro Piceno III 
74, sunt ex terra homines 1 140; ex Cor- 
sica dedicavit III 52; ex se movetur I 32; 
ex equis pugnare II 6; solarium ex aqua 
II 87; ut essent ex fabulis r regna divisa 
I1 66, ex hominum sententia atque utili- 
tate partae Ir 163, ex animo )( simulate II 
168; si ex aeternis tenebris contingeret ut 
subito lucem aspiceremus II 96; quae ex 

III 30, 34. 


empto aut vendito contra fidem fiunt III 
74; ex dispersis membris simplex deus 134. 

exauditae voces II 6. 

excarnifico III 82. 

excidit ex utero elapsum animal IT 128. 

excipit linguam stomachus IT 135. ; 

excitatus tepor agitatione II 26, humo homi- 
nes II 140. 

Excluded Middle 1 70. 

excludo ‘hatch’ 11 124 (al. excudo) Add. 

excors anus II 5. 

excudo II 129. 

excutio in terram litteras IT 93. 

exercitatio ludicra 1 102, rhetorica II 168. 

exhibere cuiquam negotium I 85. 

exilis atque perlucidus deus I 123. 

exin 11 101, 111. 

exire atque evadere (?) Ir 95. 

exitum argumenti explicare ‘the denouement 
of the plot’ 1 53, III 84 (?); exitum reper- 
ire ‘to arrive at any result’ I 104, 107, 
videamus exitum III 36; bonos exitus 
habent boni III 89. 

exorior (with a play on the word) 179. 

Experience, argument from I 87, 88. 

expeto medium (of gravitation) II 116; poe- 
nae expetuntur III 90. 

expilare fanum III 83. 

expletur annis II 64, contemplatione II 104, 
omnibus numeris II 37. 

explicatio fabularum IIT 62. 

explicatus habere III 93. | 

explico exitum argumenti I 53, nomen una 
littera explicare III 62, di innumerabiles 
explicati sunt IIT 93. 

explorata ratio 11 64, habet exploratum I 51. 

explorate non satis 11. 

exprimo. nihil expressi habet ‘no promi- 
nence’ I 75. 

exseco ‘castrate’ II 63, III 62. 

exsecror (quotation) II 65. 

exsisto aedificator ‘rise up to build’ 1 21, (= 
fio) II 5, 27, 86, 92. 

exspecto quid requiras III 6. 

exspiratio terrae ‘exhalation’ IT 83. 

exstinctus sol II 14. 

exstructio tectorum II 150. 

extabescunt opiniones diuturnitate II 5. 

extenuatur cibus II 134; extenuatus vapor 
II 42, aer If 101. 

exterminatus urbe I 63, 

extimesco 7. II 5, 59. 

extra, ea quae sunt ‘the external world’ Ir 

extraho aratrum (?) IT 159. 

extremitas aeris II 117. 

extremus cingit (predicative) I 37, vertex II 
105, extremum circuli II 47,ad extremum 
‘at last ’ 11118, ab extremo ‘from the fur- 
thest point’ II 102; extremum atque per- 
fectum (=7éAos) II 35. 

extrinsecus duco II 136, accipere III 29, nihil 
esse animale extrinsecus ‘outside of man’ 
(?) III 36. 

exuro exanimo (?) III 7. 

Fabius, Q. Maximus It 61, 111 80. 

fabrica (‘workshop’) 111 55; (‘workmanship’) 
ad omnem fabricam aeris 1r 150, incredi- 
bilis fabrica naturae It 138, effingere fa- 
bricam divinam I 47, admirabilis fabrica 
membrorum Ii 121; (‘architecture’) ut 
pictura et fabrica ceteraeque artes II 35; 
(used of creation) fabricam tanti operis 
qua construi mundum facit 119, natura 
effectum esse mundum nihil opus fuisse 
fabrica I 53. 


fabricatio hominis II 133. 

Fabricius II 165. 

fabricor. fabricarier ensem II 159; (of crea- 
tion) I 4, 19. 

facilis pater III 73. ; : 

facio. rem divinam 111 47; (with Abdl.) quid 
facies nubibus 111 51: (with Dat.) quid 
Vejovi facies 111 62; fac esse ‘suppose’ I 
83; ‘represent’ (with Inf.) conveniri facit 
II 41, construi 119; (with Part. and 
Inf.) facit disputantem eundemque di- 
cere I 31. 

faelis (deified in Egypt) 1 82, 101, 111 47. 

Faith v. Reason (advocated by Academics) 
I 62, III 5, 6, 9, 10, 15, 43. 

fama et auditione accipere II 95. 

fatidica anus (of the Stoic mpdévore) I 18, II 

fatum I 40, 55, III 14; (mythological) 11 

faucibus terrae patefactis II 95. 

Faunus II 6, II 15. 

fax caelestis IT 14. ; 

febris tertiana et quartana III 24; personified 
III 63. 

feriae Latinae 1 15. 

feriatus deus I 102. 

fero prae me I 12; 11 47; Graecia tulit viros 
11165; ferre non poterat Epicureos asper- 
nari voluptates I 113. 

ferramentum I 19. 

ferrea proles I1 159. 

ferus (often joined with immanis q. v.). 

fervor Oceani III 24, mundi (= aether) II 30. 

feta frugibus terra IT 156. 

ficta simulatio I 3; in fictis caelatisque for- 
mis II 145. 

fictilis figura I 71. 

fictor cera utitur Prag. 2. 

fictrix universae materiae providentia III 

fidenter 1 18. 

fides (1) imploro fidem deum 113; mala IIT 
74; (personified) I1 60, 111 47, 61, 88. 

fides (2) et tibias 11 157; (constellation) IT 

fidicen mundus III 23. 

fidiculas si platani ferrent II 22. 

fiduciae judicium III 74. 

figere maledictis ‘stab’ 1 93. 

figura deorum I 2, 46—49, 76—84, 87, 90, 94— 
99, II 47, 48; formae figura I 90; species 
)( figura I 47; rerum naturas esse non 
figuras deorum ‘divine persons’ III 63. 

mas ae esse II 64, siin ceris fingeretur 

finio artus (‘to finish off’) 11 139; finita den- 
_ tibus lingua II 149; motus finitos 11 90. 
ake usque ad eum finem dum (of time) 11 


fio. ita fit ut ‘hence it follows’ I 37, 88, 121; 
ita fit ‘such is the case’ I1I 89. 

Fire. Aristotle holds that, like the other 
elements, it supports living creatures 
(salamander, pyrausta) I 103, (the stars) 
Ir 42; these must be of a finer nature 
than the creatures belonging to the in- 
ferior elements II 17 n.; it requires food 
Ir 40, a fact used by Cleanthes to explain 
the sun’s course III 37; extinction of 
internal fire the cause of death 111 35. 
See aether, ignis. 

firmitas vitae I 99, quae propter firmitatem 
orepéuvia appellat I 49. 

fissio glebarum IT 159. 

fissum jecoris III 14. 

flagitium (trop.) I 66, IIT 91. 


flexibilis )( durus (of the voice) 11 147; of 
matter III 92. 

flexuosum iter (of the ear) 11 144 Add. 

flexus arcus (al. plexus) If 113. 

floret domus amicitia I 6 Add., in caelo Aca- 
demia I 80. 

flos. in ipso Graeciae flore (of Athens) III 


fluitantes beluae I1 100. 

flumen verborum 11 1, orationis 11 20; flumi- 
na arcemus derigimus avertimus II 152; 
(constellation) I 114. 

fluo (‘is derived’) ex ratione II 63, ex eodem 
fonte rr 48, unde I 47; (of lunar influ- 
ence) muita ab luna manant et fluunt IT 
50; fluentium transitio visionum I 109; 
multus sermo fluxit de libris nostris 

I 6. 

fluviatiles testudines IT 124. 

Flux. borrowed from Heraclitus by Stoics I 
39, 11 84; the cause of the life of the uni- 
verse II 84; turned by Academics into 
an argument for its perishableness III 

foeditas odoris II 127. 

foedius (?) 1 1. 

follis ‘bellows’ I 54. 

Fons (deified) 111 51. 

for. fando auditum I 82 Add. 

formae quinque (the five regular solids) 1 19; 
formae figura I 90; pictis fictis caelatis- 
que formis II 145. 

formatae in animis deorum notiones III 16. 

Formianus fundus IT 86. 

formica I 79, II 157, III 21. 

fornaces ardentes I 103. 

fortitudo (defined) TIT 88. 

fortuitus concursus I 66, concursio IT 93. 

fortunae injuria, vulnere I 9; amica varietati 
constantiam respuit II 48, 56; (personi- 
fied) 111 61, cf. 111 16 sortes n., Mala II 

forum (law-courts) III 69, 74. 

fossio terrae IT 25. 

fovent pullos pinnis gallinae 11 129; pulli a 
matribus foti 11 124. 

fraus (personified) 111 44. 

fremibunda moles (quotation) IT 89. 

fremitus terrae I 14. 

frequenter (of time) audiebam 159 Addenda, 
ducatur cibusanimalis 11 186; (‘in crowds’) 
fluentium frequenter transitio fit visio- 
num I 109. 

fretum Siciliense II 24; Gaditanum III 24; 
fretorum angustiae IT 19. 

Friendship, utilitarian of Epicureans op- 
posed to disinterested of Stoics I 122. 

friget Venus II 60. 

frigoribus adjectis II 26, frigorum varictates 
Ir 101. 

fructus hominum ‘profit’ 11154, fructu fallas 
(quotation) III 73. 

frugifera spatia 11 161. 

fruor atque utor I 152. 

fugit intellegentiae vim ‘evades’ I 27. 

fultus calore IT 25. 

fumat terra II 25. 

fundamenta jecisse (trop.) III 5, I 44. 

fundo ‘utter’ I 42, 66; aer in omnes partes se 
fundit 11 117, per omnem mundum fun- 
ditur natura II 115, fusus in omni natura 
II 28, in corpore 11 18, toto corpore II 141, 
sublime fusum aethera II 65, aer fusus 
et extenuatus II 101; fusius disputo I 

Furiae III 46. 
Furina ill 46. 


fusca vox  canora II 146. 

fuscina ‘Triton evertens specus (quotation) 
int fs, Ie ME 

fusio animi universa I 39; liquor et fusio 
aquae (?) II 26. 

futtilis 1 18. 

futtilitatis plena Ir 70. 

Future tense, see Indicative. 

futurus est=méAdrer etvar I 90, 103. 

galeata Minerval 100. 

gallina 11 124, 129. 

Ganymedes 1 112 Add. 

gelidas perennitates fontium II 98. 

Gelo III 83. 

geminatus sol 11 14 

Gemini (constellation) 11 110, 114. 

genae II 143. 

Gender, (irregularities of) aut simplex est 
natura animantis aut concretum III 34, 
quem after flumen It 114, mota after 
ignes II 92; (neut. pl. instead of mase. 
or fem.) II 7 (?), 15, 18, 87, 88, 118, cf. 

genealogi antiqui III 44. 

generatus a Jove (?) III 59. 

Genitive (of Definition) oram ultimi I 54, 
medicinae ars II 12, talaria pinnarum 
III 59. 

(Inclusive) earum urbium singulos dili- 
gunt II 165, eorum dentium adversi II 
154, Graeciae sapientissimus II 60, ora- 
rum ultimae 1119; (with pronoun) quid 
certi 1 6 Add., 14, quid mali I 121. 

(Possessive trop.) carum ipsum verbum 
est amoris I 122 Add., ita factum est in 
superstitioso et religioso alterum vitii 
nomen alterum laudis. 

(of Quality) homines earum artium IIT 23. 

(of Price) magni interest ad decus I 7. 

(Objective) opinio deorum I 29 (bis), sus- 
picio deorum I 62, timor religionis I 86. 

(Subjective) lux auctoris I 11, gustandi 
judicium It 146, excusatio inscientiae IIT 
90, cultus hominum II 158, quadrupedum 
vectiones Ir 151. 

(Obj. and Subj. combined) cibi judicium 
magnum earum est II 141, artes quarum 
judicium est oculorum I 145, neque con- 
dendi ulla pecudum scientia est 11 156, 
earum rerum hominum est usus II 156, 
canum tam amans dominorum adulatio 
11158. Cf. Boetticher Lex. Tac. p. 209. 

(after personal verb of feeling) studeat tui 
(quotation) III 72. 

(joined with Dat. after similis) plectri 
similem linguam solent dicere, nares cor- 
nibus Ir 149, deos hominum similes—hoe 
illi simile 1 90. 

gens vestra ‘your set’ (contemptuous) 1 89. 

genu (al. genus) It 112. 

genuini dentes II 134. 

genus. genere differre )( magnitudine et 
quasi gradibus 116 Add. 

eee en in g. quiddam novi invenire IIT 

Geres ‘(=Ceres) EG 

gero morem II 3. 

Gerund (in -di used for Adj.) procreandi vis 
II 28. 

(for organ) narium et gustandi judicia sunt 
II 146. 

(with governing noun understood from 
predicate) mala consuetudo est contra 
deos disputandi II 168. 

cape aoa comprimit eloquentia I1 148, cf. 1 


Gigas It 70. 

gigni aera Anaximenes statuit 1 26. 

glaeba II 82. 

Glauce IIT 58. 

globata (conglobata edd.) astra 11 117. 

globosa forma II 49, terra I1 98, mundus II 
116; turbines II ’39. 

globus=c¢atpa II 47. 

God. a. (existence) proof from universal 
belief I 2, alleged by Epicurus I 43 Add., 
44, by Stoics Ir 5, 12; fact questioned I 
62, 64, and validity denied by Academics 
seat 11. 

Stoic proof from observation of the heuvens 
Il 4, 15—17, 89—44, 90—97, 102—119, 153 ; 
opposed by Academics III 11, 24. 

Stote proof from awfulness of nature II 
14; Academic criticism III 16. 

Stoic proof from beneficence of nature It 
13 (see Providence). 

From the rationality of man 11 17, 18, 22; 
Academic reply Ill 25—27. From the 
nature of heat 11 23—32; reply 111 35—37. 
From the Scale of Existence 11 33—38. 

b. (Attributes) Eternity, included with 
blessedness in the Epicurean mpdAnys 
I 44, 45, proved from experience and 
Srom the doctrine of icovoutia I 49, 50; 
Academic criticism 1109—114. Stoic ¢oov 
a@dvarov (II 21), demolished by Carne- 
ades III 29—34. Benevolence, negative 
view of Epicureans, ‘God is inactive’ 
I 51 Add., ‘neither causes nor receives 
harm’ 1 45 Add.; Academic comment 
I 110, 115, 116, 121. The perfection 
of active goodness is included in the 
Stoic idea of God 11 76—80, and is also 
shown by experience II 98—168. Acade- 
mic reply 111 66—93. Wisdom It 18, 82, 
86—88, 42—44, 79, 80, 87, 88, 97—104. 
Omnipotence II 59, III "92, I 22 n. 

ce. (ldentity of divine and human virtue) 
Ir 78, 79, denied by Academics Itt 38. 
God is the source of all human virtue 11 
164—167; denied III 86—88. 

d. (Shape) human ace. to Epicurus I 46— 
48, Academic objections 1 76—102. Sphe- 
rical ace. to Stoics I 18, 24, 11 45, 49. 

Gods. (Stoic) subordinate manifestations 
of the one supreme God II 71; heavenly 
bodies (1) 11 49—57; forces of nature (2) 
Il 63—71, III 62, 64; deified men (3) I 

38 Add., I1 62, III 41; abstract qualities: 

(4) I 61, 79, III 44, 47, 61, 88; utilities 
(5) 11 60, IIT 41. 

(of the vulgar) repudiated by Epicureans 
I 42, and Stoics 11 70; inferior preferred 
to superior III 45, 50; sometimes malefi- 
cent II 61, III 63. The taxgatherers dis- 
puted the divinity of deified men in order 
to extend the taxable area III 49. 

(of barbarous nations) I 43, 81, 82, 101, 111 

good and evil classified 111 79. 

Gracchus Ti. obtains the deposition of his 
colleague Octavius I 106. Anecdote of 
his father and the haruspices 11 10, 11; 
the latter was especially dear to the gods 
11165 Add. 

gradatim pervenire I 89, deducere universi- 
tatem ad singulos II 164. 

gradus. magnitudine et quasi gradibus, non 
genere differre (=7@ paddov Kai 7rTov Sta~ 
dépecv) 116, a beatis ad virtutem, a vir- 
tute ad rationem video te venisse gradi- 
bus I 89; quartus gradus est eorum qui 
natura boni gignuntur II 34, 

js Beet Ora & S 6 


Graeci II 108, 111; Graece loquens II 91. 

Graius IT 91, 105, 109, 114, III 53. 

Grajugena II ae (quotation). 

grando pl. 111 

gratia (personified) III 44, ea gratia ‘on that 
account’ III 67. 

gravidata seminibus terra II 83. 

graviditates luna affert 11 119. 

gravis cibus II 24; gravis )( acutus sonus IT 

gravitas et pondera II 116. 

Gravitation, attraction of, maintained by 
Stoics, controverted by Epicureans II 
115 ad medium rapit n. Add. 

greges epheborum I 79. 

grus IT 123, peculiarity of their flight 11 125. 

Sao (used of divine guidance) I 54,. 
II 78. 

gurgustium I 22. 

gustatus pomorum IT 158; 
II 141, 145. 

gusto primis labris I 20, gustandi judicia I1 

(organ of taste) 

guttae imbrium cruentae II 13. 

gymnasium II 15. 

Greek words. adeos, aowLaT OV, T'nentnp, An- 
puTnp, Avdoxoupor, "Eorepos (?), ciwappevn, 
‘Eortta, Py hones Geoyovia, igovouca, Ko- 
pudaios ( ?), Kopta, Kpovos, kvKdos, KUpLat 
Sdfar, Aewxdprov, pavtexy, Nouros, opuy, 
Ilepoepovn, TAovtwr, mourns, Ipoxvwr, 
mpoAnis, mpdvora, Tupoets. OTEPEMVLA, OTE- 
gdavn, aTiABwr, OTPATHYN LA, opaipa, paé- 
Owv, haivwv, dwoddpos, xpdovos. (See in 
their places.) 

habeo quod liqueat I 29, quid Cotta sentiat 
III 6, quid sentiam, quid tibi assentiar 
III 64; habeo dicere I 63 Add., III 98; 
habeo’ cognitum Ir 5, exploratum I 51; 
res habet venerationem I 45, explicatus 
Il 93; Laelium quem audiam III 5; 
Mercurius is qui sub terris habetur idem 
Trophonius Ir 56, praedo felix habeba- 
tur 111 83, habemus speciem nullam nisi 
humanam deorum I 46; (= adhibeo) 
virtutibus hominum honores habeantur 
III 46. 

habitat gustatus in ore II 141. 

habitatorem inesse in caelesti domo I1 90, 
incolae atque habitatores 11 140. 

habitus oris I 99. 

hactenus admirabor ‘I will only go so far as 
to express my surprise’ I 24 Add. 

Haedi (constellation) 11 110. 

haeret cum cornibus Aries=éo7yjpuxrae (of a 
fixed Star); in multis nominibus haere- 
bitis ‘to be at a dead lock’ 111 62. 

halucinor I 72. 

hamata corpuscula I 66. 

Hannibal III 80. 

amaé Aeyéueva (in Cicero’ssense). aequilibri- 
tas I 108, angulatus I 66, araneola IT 123, 
capeduncula III 43, capito I 80, consul- 
trix II 58, cory phaeus (?) 159, flaccus I 
80, fronto I 80, graviditas It 119, injucun- 
ditas II 137, insaturabiliter Ir 64, omni- 
vagus II 68, paetulus I 80, perdiuturnus 
II 85, perfremo II 89 (quotation), pericli- 
tatio II 161, platalea I1 124, py ramidatus 
(2) I 66, replicatio I 33, scutulum Taso: 
silus I 80, stabilimen (quotation) III 68, 
subitus (part. of swbeo) 11 108, vectio II 


(till after 200 A.D. ) aniliter 111 92, blandi- 
loquentia (quotation) Ir 65, cincinnata 
It 14, genealogus III 44, insulanus II 45, 



praenotio I 44, respiratus It 136, theolo- 
gus III 53. 

harioli 1 55, 

harmonia. ad harmoniam eanere III 27. 

Harmony of the spheres II 27, 11 19 conci- 
nentibus n. 

Harpalus (?) 111 83. 

haruspex I 55, mirabile videtur quod non 
rideat haruspex cum haruspicem viderit 
171, Tusci et barbari 11 10, 163. 

Hasdrubal Karthaginem evertit IT 91. 

haud scio an I 4, 111 69; haud sciam an 1I 

hebes. saepe visae formae deorum quemvis 
non hebetem confiteri coegerunt IL 6; 
hebetiora ingenia propter caeli pleniorem 
naturam ITI 17. 

Hecatam deam putare I 46. 

€lwapmevn I 55, nn. on 139. 

Hyemovixov (=principatus) II 29, 139 nervi n. 

Helenus It 7. 

Helice 11 105, 110. 

Heliopolis 111 54. 

Hendiadys. intellegentiae nostrae vim et no- 
tionem I 27, imagines earumque circumi- 
tus I 29, nervos eorumque implicationem 
11139, signis sideribusque135, rerum vicis- 
situdines ordinesque conservet I 52, can- 
tum et auditum refert (quotation) 11 89, 
contentio gravitatis et ponderum II 116, 
vi et gravitate II 93, montes vestiti atque 
silvestres It 132, ignis ad usum atque 
victum 11 40, febrium reversione et motu 
quid potest esse constantius III 24. 

Heraclides Ponticus I 34. 

Heraclitus (his obscurity) 1 74, 111 35; fol- 
lowed by Stoics III 35; see vol. I 19) 0 4840: 

herbula seselis I 127. 

Hercules 11 62, 111 39, 41, 42, 50, 70, Herculi 
decumam vovere III 88. 

Hermarchus I 93. 

heroicae personae III 71, temporibus III 54. 

Hesiodus explained by the Stoics 1 AleeCie LL 
159 n., III 44 n. 

Hesperides 111 44. 

Hesperus II 53. 

e&us )( Pats II 82 cohaerendi n. 

hiatus terrae Ir 13, oris I1 122. 

hic (to denote what is familiar) hic noster 
ignis II 40, hic ex Alemena Hercules III 
42, hujus collegae et familiaris nostri 
pater 1 79 Add., hoe Orphicum carmen 
1 107, Vatinius avts hujus adolescentis 
I1 6; (pointing to it) hoe sublime ecandens 
11 4, haec regantur 111 10; hoe esse illud 

Tr 40. 

hic adv. (logical) hic ego non mirer IT 93, hic 
quaeret (?) Ir 133. 

Hiero I 60. 

hilarata terra IT 102. 

tAews I 124 Add. 

Hippocentaurus 1 105 Add., 11 5. 

Hippocrates TI 91. 

Hippolytus 111 76. 

Hipponax 11 91. 

Hispanienses aestus TIT 24. 

historia. in h. dicit Timaeus II 69. 

historici antiqui 111 55. 

Homerus. allegorized by Stoics I 41, his date 
III 11; cited to prove divine aid It 165, to 
prove mortality of Tyndaridae 111 11, of 
Hercules 111 41; source of popular my- 
thology 11 70. 

homo hominem It 96; nemo I 78 Addenda, 
11 96 n.; homines homine natos IT 1B Ee 
homo ar free III 23; (in pregnant sense 

“worthy of the name *) 1197. See Man. 


homunculus I 123, 111 76. 

Honor (personified) Geol, Gnas 

horae * time of day’ II 87, ‘clock’ 11 97. 

opuy =appetitio I1 58. 

horreo X floreo (of the earth) 11 19. 

horriferis auris If 111. 

horti Scipionis II 11. 

hortulus Epicuri 1 120 Add. 

hue adde Ir 98, 139; hue et illue effluens 11 

humilitas ‘low stature’ 11 122. 

Hyades II 111. 

Hydra (constellation) 11 114. 

Hy perborei It 57. 

Hy perion III 54. 

hypallage. animi aegritudo magna commota 
injuria I 9 Add., (mysteria) silvestribus 
suepibus densa I 119, umbra terrae soli 
officiens 11 49, fontium gelidas perennita- 
tes II 98. 

hypothetical sentence, unusualforms. (Suhj. 
in prot. Ind. in apod.) si quis quaerat— 
apparet IT18, qui retractarent—sunt dicti 
II 72, qui concedant iis fatendum est II 
76, cum videamus—dubitamus II 97, quod 
ni ita sit quid veneramur deos (? ) I 122 

(Ind. in prot. Subj. in apod.) si verum est 
—praestaret III 77, cf. 111 78 siconvertunt 
melius fuit. 

(prot. omitted) quorum cultus (si di essent) 
esset futurus in luctu I 38, possetne flo- 
rere terra (nisi divino spiritu continere- 
tur) 1119. 

Talysus IIT 54. 

iambus L191. 

ibis I 82, 101, 11 126, III 47. 

ichneumon T 101. 

jctos undis turbines (quotation) It 89. 

Idaei Digiti 111 42. 

idem (=‘also’) 147, 121, (implying inconsis- 
tency) 1 30, III 93, idemque LOD Bale TKO: 

136; et idem 11 i 26; qui idem int 62, 128; 

(predicative) erit eadem adhibenda I 4; 
idem—idem III 93; (pleonastic) cum 
idem dies constitisset II 6. 

Idyia 111 48. 

igitur (resumptive) I 44, IT 92, 111 25; (intro- 
duces apodosis) 111 30, 33; (position) 
commencing I 80; after 3rd word II 

ignesco. mundus It 118. 

igneus motus II 24, celeritas IIT 24, genus II 
25, formae II 101. 

ignis artificiosus magister artium II 57, vim 
esse igneia (?) III 35; pl. I 22, 11 27. See 

illacrimor morti ITI 82. 

ille (of what follows) 1 90, 99, I1 125, 127, 137 
and passin; illud pugno I 75; ille in Eu- 
nucho ‘the speaker’ III 72. 

illexe (quotation) III 68. 

illucesco. cum sol illuxisset II 96. 

illuminata a sole luna II 119. 

illustris visus=évapyyjs davracia I 12, facies 
deorum II 80, signum II 110, domicilia 11 

imago (of Democritus) I 29, 107, 120, 11 76 n. ; 
(of Kpicurus) I 49, 73, 106—109, II 76. 

imbecillitas. in imbecillitate gratificationem 
et benevolentiam ponitis I 122, cf. 1 45. 

immanis joined with ferus IT 148, 161. 

immanitate efferatus I 62, IT 99. 

immensitates camporum II 98. 

immensus et infinitus I 26, Ir 15, et intermi- 
natus I 54. 

INDEX. ya ag § 

immoderate profusam vocem II 149. 

immoderatum aethera II 65, neimmoderatos 
cursus haberet II 64. 

immolo Musis bovem rit 88, hostiam flucti- 
bus 111 51; abs. 11 72. 

immortalitatibus honores habentur III 46. 

immutat se res If 19, nibil immutat quin 
eadem efficiat IT 52, immutata littera 11 
66, 67. 

impendentium montium altitudines II 98. 

oa oy elas consilium (=otparijynua) IIT 

jr (implying priority of ideal to fact) 
II 123, 141; (in reference to what imme- 
diately precedes) 1 96, 98, 100; (to express 
the attempt) reponebas III 23. 

imperitus \ doctus I 45. 

Impersonal use. See resono, nego, refello. 

impetus caeli movetur It 97. 

implicatio nervorum II 139. 

implicatus oceupationibus I 51, 52. 

impono in cervicibus I 54. 

importunissimus homo II 81, 

imprimo in animis I 43. 

impunitas garriendi I 108. 

in- (negative, prefixed to participles) inerrans 
II 54, invocatus I 108, incdgnitus II 73. 

in prep. with Abl. (‘in the case of’) idem 
facit in natura deorum I 71, hoc fieri in 
deo I 106, in Nausiphane tenetur I 73, in 
ceris diceretur (?) I 71, in consulibus res 
ipsa probavit (?) 1110, dicemus quod in 
Venere Coa I 75, factum est in supersti- 
tioso vitii nomen It 72, singulae conver- 
siones idem efficiunt in sole 11 88, ut in 
araneolis aliae texunt II 123, est ‘admi- 
ratio in bestiis 11 124. 

(periphrastic with stem) sunt in varietate 
I 2 Add., in erratis I 31, errore 137; (with 
wersor) in errore I 29, in constantia 
1 43, voluptatibus I 51. 

(superfluous) in omni puncto temporis 
If 94 n., in tanta diuturnitate II 28, in 
aeterno temporis spatio Ir 36, in omni 
aeternitate Ir 43, 51, 95, in singulis annis 
Ir 102, calor fusus in corpore II 18, in 
omni fusum natura IT 28. 

in ea dea precatio extrema est ‘prayer ends 
with that goddess’ 11 67. 

with Ace. in sublime ferri 11 44, 141; 
insultans in omnes II 74. 

inane II 82. inanis motus animi I 105, 106. 

inanimus I 36, II 76, 90, I1t 40. 

incensa (‘ illumined’) luna solis radiis 1 87. 

incestu, quaestiones de III 74. 

incisum angulis II 47. 

incito I 24 (?), motus incitantur 11 103, neces- 
sitas vi magna incitata I1 76. 

incitus (quotation) II 89. 

inclinatio atomorum I 73; ‘bending’ 1 94. 

faa physica ratio inclusa est in fabulas 
II 64. 

incognita causa II 73 Add. 

incohatus ‘rudimentary ’ Ir 33, 
I 56. 

incolumis (joined with salvus) 111 87. 

incolumitas mundi II 119, incolumitatis cus- 
todia II 145. 

incorporeus I 30 n. 

incredibile est, si attenderis, quanta II 149. 

inculco animis imagines I 108. 

incus I 54. 

inde ‘from him’ 111 73. 

India 188 (97). 

Indicative used for Suhj. (of auxiliary Mh 
and phrases) longum est I 19, 30, 11 159 
bellum erat I 84, opus erat I 89, satis erne 


dictum I 45, satius est I 68, longa est 
oratio If 25, melius est 111 69, debebant 
11179; possum 1 101, IT 10, 121. 126, 130, 131. 
(in direct interrogation) arbitramur I 80, 
facimus I 83, putamus 191, volumus I 102, 
dubitamus II 97. 
Fut. for Imperative. audies I 59, tu red- 
des IIT 41, dabis 111 94. 
(logical use) efficietur 11 21, feretur 11 110, 
contemnet III 93. 
(indefinite assumption) quaeret quispiam 
II 133. 
Fut. Perf. prius te quis dejecerit 166, vide- 
rit 117, tu videris III 9. 
indidem Ir 118. 
Indirect construction joined with Direct, see 
individuum I 49, 71, 110, 11 93. 
indocte (‘unscientific’) II 44, indoctius IT 

induco deos 11 2, imagines II 76, di perturba- 
tis animis inducuntur II 70. 
inductiones aquarum IT 152. 
Indus (the greatest of rivers) Ir 130 Add. 
indutus specie humana II 63 

inelegans. physica ratio non inelegans IT 

inerrans ‘a fixed star’ II 54, 55, 80, 104, 111 

inferias afferunt III 42. 

infernis e partibus IT 114. 

infero. cui illatae lampades fuerint (quota- 
tion) II 41. 

inferus. apud inferos 11 5; inferior orbis 11 

infima terra est 11 17, cf. 1103; medium in- 
fimum in sphaera est IT 116, cf. 11 84 

infinita series (species MSS) I 49; infinitum 
=70 ameipov I 26. 

infinitatis summa vis I 50. 

Infinitive. (exclamatory) hominum incidere 
imagines 1107. 

(omission of subject in Orat. Obl.) puderet 
dicere intellegere I 109, confiteri nescire 
I 84 Add. 

(instead of Gerund) molestiam suscepit 
reddere rationem III 63. 

(in subordinate clause of Or. Obl. to repre- 
sent parenthesis in Or. Rect.) 176; (with 
connective Rel.) intellegitur et iram et 
gratiam segregari, quibus remotis nullos 
impendere metus I 45, cf. I 12 n. and 
see Subjuncttive. 

(explanatory of pronoun) I 12. 

infirmo et tollo 11 147. 

infixa stirpibus Ir 26; intentainfixaque mens 
1 49; )( infusus I 28. 

informare deos conjectura I 39. 

informata notio II 13. 

informatio (=mpdAnwWes) I 43, 76, 100. 

infra lunam I 56. 

ingenium pl. ‘ingenuity’ 178 Add., I1 126. 

ingenuit animantibus sui natura custodiam 
II 124, 

ingressus ‘act of walking’ I 92, 94 

inhabitabiles regiones I 24 Add. 

inhaerens caelo cursus II 54, stirps terrae IT 
83, ad saxa belua Ir 100. 

inhaeresco. bestia in visco II 144. 

initio (Abl. of place) II 23, 75. 

injectus animi. (= émeBody) I 49. 

injiciens se animus I 54, 

innans belua Ir 100. 

innato. pisciculi in concham Ir 123. 

innatum estet in animo insculptum esse deos 
II 12, insitas vel potius innatas cognitio- 

nes I 44, 


innumerabilitas atomorum 1 109, mundorum 

Te (3: 
Ino 111 48. 
inquam ‘I repeat’ 111 91; inquit (for ¢quis) 
I 87, 109, 100 (?), III 90. 
insatiabilis ‘that never wearies’ varietas II 
98, insatiabilior species II 155. 
insaturabiliter expletur annis IT 64, 
inscientia (MSS sctentia) 11 Add. 
inscitia loquendi I 85, imperitorum III 39. 
inscitius II 36. ; 
insculpsit natura in mentibus I 45, insculp- 
tum in animo II 12. 
insequor (‘attack’ y III 44. : 
insignis (‘marked’) visus 112; insignia caeli 
T 100. 
insipiens II 36. 
insisto ‘find footing’ non vidéo ubi mens 
possit insistere I 24; ‘pause’ IT 51, 103. 
insitus calor in terris IT 25; cognitio I 44 
Add., informatio dei I 100. 
Inspiration of genius 11 167 Add. 
institutio rerum ‘organization’ Ir 35 Add.; 
institutionibus Graecis eruditus I 8. 
institutum ‘resolution’ I 8. 
instructio exercitus II 85. 
insula (of the inhabited earth) 11 165 Add. 
insulanus I1I 45. (Also in Beda H. #. 111, 
III 4.) 
insultans in omnes II 74. 
integer. rudis et III 8. 
intellegens (= intellegentiae particeps) I 23, 
Ir 36, 120; nihil intellegens ‘irrational’ 
II 133. 
intellegentia )( ratio 111 388; inest in mundo 
II 32, mens capit intellegentiam quae sit 
beata n